Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd
Plenary - Fifth Senedd
05/12/2017Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Galw'r Aelodau i drefn.
I call Members to order.
Rwyf wedi derbyn cwestiwn brys o dan Reol Sefydlog 12.67, a galwaf ar Mick Antoniw i ofyn y cwestiwn brys. Mick Antoniw.
I have accepted an emergency question under Standing Order 12.67, and I call on Mick Antoniw to ask the emergency question. Mick Antoniw.
A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am y goblygiadau i Gymru o gael trefniadau pwrpasol i Ogledd Iwerddon o ran ei ffin? (EAQ0001)
Will the First Minister make a statement on the implications for Wales of bespoke border arrangements for Northern Ireland? (EAQ0001)
Well, we can't allow different parts of the UK to be more favourably treated than others. If one part of the UK is granted continued participation in the single market and customs union, then we fully expect to be made the same offer. Things seem to have moved on though. Where the UK Government was clearly looking to do a deal with the EU yesterday, that deal was torpedoed by the DUP, which asks the question why it is that a small party in Northern Ireland has the ability to have a veto over what is good for the UK in terms of negotiations with the EU. My colleague from behind says, 'That is not strong and stable'. I agree entirely with him. But, really, the question is this: is the Prime Minister really in charge of the UK, or is the UK in the charge of 10 MPs from Northern Ireland?
Wel, ni allwn ni ganiatáu i wahanol rannau o'r DU gael eu trin yn fwy ffafriol na rhannau eraill. Os yw un rhan o'r DU yn cael caniatâd i barhau i gymryd rhan yn y farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau, yna rydym ni'n bendant yn disgwyl cael yr un cynnig. Fodd bynnag, ymddengys bod pethau wedi datblygu. Roedd yn amlwg bod Llywodraeth y DU yn bwriadu dod i gytundeb â'r UE ddoe, ond cafodd y cytundeb hynny ei chwalu gan y DUP, ac mae hynny'n peri i ni ofyn pam mae gan blaid fach o Ogledd Iwerddon y gallu i atal yr hyn sydd o fudd i'r DU o ran negodiadau â'r UE. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod o'r tu ôl yn dweud, 'Nid yw hynny'n gadarn a sefydlog'. Cytunaf yn llwyr ag ef. Ond, mewn gwirionedd, y cwestiwn yw hyn: a yw'r Prif Weinidog mewn gwirionedd yn rheoli'r DU, neu a yw'r DU yn cael ei rheoli gan 10 Aelod Seneddol o Ogledd Iwerddon?
Thank you for that answer, First Minister. You , like me, might have been under the misapprehension that we were living in a parliamentary democracy, that Parliament was there to represent all the interests of all the parts of the United Kingdom, and we now find, First Minister, that it is apparently being run and dictated to by just 10 people, who have strong right-wing and homophobic views, historic links to terrorism, and who are opposed even to the majority decision of the people of Northern Ireland in respect of the European Union. So, when the people of Wales were encouraged to leave the European Union because it would make Parliament sovereign again, do you think this is what they had in mind?
Diolch i chi am yr ateb yna, Brif Weinidog. Efallai eich bod chi, fel finnau, dan gamargraff ein bod yn byw mewn democratiaeth seneddol, bod y Senedd yno i gynrychioli holl fuddiannau pob rhan o'r Deyrnas Unedig, ac rydym ni'n gweld yn awr, Prif Weinidog, ei bod yn ymddangos ei bod yn cael ei rheoli a'i llywio gan 10 person yn unig, sydd â safbwyntiau adain dde a homoffobig cryf, cysylltiadau hanesyddol â therfysgaeth, ac sydd hyd yn oed yn gwrthwynebu penderfyniad y mwyafrif o bobl Gogledd Iwerddon o ran yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Felly, pan gafodd pobl Cymru eu hannog i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd oherwydd y byddai'r Senedd yn sofran unwaith eto, a ydych chi'n credu mai dyma oedd ganddyn nhw mewn golwg?
'No' is the answer. I don't think they had in mind a scenario where, first of all, the UK Government could be shaken down for £1.67 billion, and, secondly, the UK Government was not able to negotiate with the European Union because of a veto held by a small number of Members of Parliament. I don't think that's at all what people had in mind when they voted last year.
'Na' yw'r ateb. Nid wyf yn credu eu bod wedi rhagweld sefyllfa pryd, yn gyntaf oll, y gellid perswadio Llywodraeth y DU i dalu £1.67 biliwn am gefnogaeth, ac, yn ail, sefyllfa pan na fyddai Llywodraeth y DU yn gallu negodi gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd oherwydd feto gan nifer fach o Aelodau Seneddol. Dwi ddim yn credu mai dyna a oedd gan bobl mewn golwg o gwbl, pan wnaethon nhw bleidleisio y llynedd.
Clearly, as successive Welsh Governments know, working in coalitions, which you are a de facto head of, and we've had two previous Governments in coalition, that is the reality of coalition government. But, last night, the Taoiseach said, 'We don't want a border in the Irish sea.' At lunchtime today, David Davis stated in the House of Commons that they are now close to concluding the first phase of negotiations, bringing forward trade negotiations, and the Government does not want a hard border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The UK Government recognises the integrity of the EU single market but also of UK borders, and that they will not be treating any part of the UK differently. He also noted that Labour Shadow Chancellor, John McDonnell, has said that staying in the single market would be interpreted as not respecting the referendum.
Noting, therefore, that, last week, Bertie Ahern, the former Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland, stated that technology would be a partial solution to managing movements across the Irish border after Brexit, and the number of times you've raised this disparagingly, what research has your Government actually undertaken on the technologies being applied in many parts of the world that are managing goods and transporting across borders on precisely this basis?
Yn amlwg, fel y gŵyr Llywodraethau blaenorol Cymru, wrth weithio mewn clymbleidiau, yr ydych chi'n bennaeth de facto ohonynt, ac rydym ni wedi cael dwy Lywodraeth flaenorol mewn clymblaid, dyna yw realiti Llywodraeth glymblaid. Ond neithiwr, dywedodd y Taoiseach, 'Nid ydym ni eisiau ffin ym Môr Iwerddon.' Yn ystod amser cinio heddiw, dywedodd David Davis yn Nhŷ’r Cyffredin, eu bod nhw bellach yn agos at gwblhau cam cyntaf y negodiadau, gan symud ymlaen at drafodaethau masnach, ac nid yw'r Llywodraeth eisiau gweld ffin galed rhwng Iwerddon a Gogledd Iwerddon. Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn cydnabod uniondeb marchnad sengl yr UE, ond hefyd uniondeb ffiniau'r DU, ac na fyddan nhw yn trin unrhyw ran o'r DU mewn ffordd wahanol. Nododd hefyd fod Canghellor yr Wrthblaid Llafur, John McDonnell, wedi dweud y byddai aros yn y farchnad sengl yn cael ei ddehongli fel amharchu'r refferendwm.
Gan nodi, felly, yr wythnos diwethaf, bod Bertie Ahern, cyn Taoiseach Gweriniaeth Iwerddon, wedi datgan y byddai technoleg yn ateb rhannol i reoli symudiadau ar draws ffin Iwerddon ar ôl Brexit, a'r cynifer o weithiau yr ydych chi wedi codi'r pwynt hwn yn ddilornus, pa waith ymchwil mewn gwirionedd y mae eich Llywodraeth wedi ei gyflawni ar y technolegau sy'n cael eu defnyddio mewn nifer o rannau o'r byd, sy'n rheoli nwyddau ac yn eu cludo ar draws ffiniau ar yr union sail hon?
I'm not sure it's our responsibility to do that, quite frankly, and the UK Government has said consistently that it's exploring the technology. In other words, it has no idea what technology might be used. Can I say to the Member that there is one example of an entity that is outside the customs union having a border with an entity within the customs union, and that is Gibraltar, and that border is very, very hard. It's far from being a soft border. Really, he seemed to be reading out a statement they should have delivered yesterday afternoon, and that is that the UK Government is close to a deal with the EU. Well, that clearly isn't the case after we saw the collapse of the negotiations last night. I'm surprised to hear that the DUP are actually in a coalition with the Conservative Government. I wasn't aware that they were actually in a coalition and had Ministers in a coalition.
But isn't the point this: that the UK Government has a responsibility to secure a deal that is good for the whole of the UK? It was quite clear yesterday—quite clear yesterday—that they were looking to arrange a special deal or special status for Northern Ireland. That was where the UK Government was yesterday lunchtime. Arlene Foster picks up the phone and says 'Theresa, sorry, we're not going to allow you to do this' and Theresa May then capitulates. Is there not a danger here that the whole of the UK and its interests will be made subject to the views of the largest party in Northern Ireland—true—but not a party that represents the majority of people in Northern Ireland? Can the Member not see there are dangers in that?
Nid wyf yn siŵr os mai ein cyfrifoldeb ni yw gwneud hynny, a dweud y gwir, ac mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi dweud dro ar ôl tro ei bod yn archwilio'r dechnoleg. Mewn geiriau eraill, nid oes ganddi unrhyw syniad pa dechnoleg y gellid ei defnyddio. A gaf i ddweud wrth yr Aelod, bod un enghraifft lle y ceir endid sydd y tu allan i'r undeb tollau, sydd â ffin gydag endid sydd o fewn yr Undeb Tollau, a Gibraltar yw honno, ac mae'r ffin honno yn galed iawn, iawn. Mae'n bell o fod yn ffin feddal. Mewn gwirionedd, ymddengys ei fod yn darllen datganiad y dylen nhw fod wedi ei gyflwyno brynhawn ddoe, a hynny yw bod Llywodraeth y DU yn agos iawn at ddod i gytundeb gyda'r UE. Wel, yn amlwg, nid dyna yw'r achos ar ôl i ni weld y trafodaethau yn chwalu neithiwr. Rwy'n synnu clywed bod y DUP mewn gwirionedd mewn clymblaid gyda'r Llywodraeth Geidwadol. Nid oeddwn i'n ymwybodol eu bod nhw mewn gwirionedd mewn clymblaid a bod gannddyn nhw Weinidogion mewn clymblaid.
Ond, nid dyma yw'r pwynt: bod gan Lywodraeth y DU gyfrifoldeb i sicrhau cytundeb sydd yn dda i'r DU gyfan? Roedd yn eithaf clir ddoe—yn eithaf clir ddoe—eu bod nhw'n ceisio gwneud trefnu bargen arbennig neu statws arbennig ar gyfer Gogledd Iwerddon. Dyna oedd sefyllfa Llywodraeth y DU amser cinio ddoe. Mae Arlene Foster yn codi'r ffôn ac yn dweud 'Theresa, mae'n flin gen i, nid ydym ni yn mynd i ganiatáu i chi wneud hyn' ac yna mae Theresa May yn ildio. Onid oes perygl y bydd y DU gyfan a'i buddiannau yn ddarostyngedig i farn y blaid fwyaf yng Ngogledd Iwerddon—gwir—ond nid plaid sy'n cynrychioli'r mwyafrif o bobl yng Ngogledd Iwerddon? Onid yw'r Aelod yn gallu gweld bod peryglon yn hynny?
We've seen over the past 24 hours the prospect of one part of the UK getting a unique deal, and I reiterate that we in Plaid Cymru want Wales too to be able to benefit from any kind of distinct or special arrangements that would allow us also to be in the single market and the customs union. And nobody in their right minds would want to see a hard border on Ireland—I know the First Minister agrees with me on that. But shifting the hard border eastwards is not a solution that would work for Wales, and certainly not for my constituents and the port of Holyhead.
Yn ystod y 24 awr diwethaf, rydym wedi gweld y posibilrwydd o un rhan o'r DU yn cael bargen unigryw, a dywedaf eto ein bod ni ym Mhlaid Cymru eisiau i Gymru hefyd elwa ar unrhyw fath o drefniadau penodol neu arbennig a fyddai'n caniatáu i ninnau hefyd fod yn rhan o'r farchnad sengl a'r Undeb Tollau. Ac ni fyddai unrhyw un yn ei iawn bwyll yn dymuno gweld ffin galed ar Iwerddon—gwn fod y Prif Weinidog yn cytuno â mi ynglŷn â hynny. Ond nid yw symud y ffin galed tua'r dwyrain yn ateb a fyddai'n gweithio i Gymru, ac yn sicr nid i'm hetholwyr i a phorthladd Caergybi.
Mae yna oblygiadau difrifol iawn, iawn, iawn i fy etholaeth i, a'r 1,000 o bobl sy'n gweithio yn uniongyrchol, neu'n anuniongyrchol, ym mhorthladd Caergybi, o weld ffin galed yng Nghaergybi. Caergybi yw'r ail borthladd prysuraf ym Mhrydain o ran fferis yn cario nwyddau. Mae masnach yn gwbl ddibynnol ar lif rhwydd o nwyddau, ac mi fydd masnach yn chwilio am lwybrau haws. Mae yna dystiolaeth yn barod o chwilio am ffyrdd mwy uniongyrchol i fynd â llongau o gyfandir Ewrop i borthladd Caergybi.
Rŵan, mae'n rhaid ystyried pob opsiwn erbyn hyn. Aros yn y farchnad sengl rydym ni yn y fan hyn yn ei ffafrio. Pa ystyriaeth, er enghraifft, os methwn ni â chael y nod honno, sy'n cael ei rhoi i greu ardal masnach rydd yng Nghaergybi, neu yn Ynys Môn gyfan, neu mae yna ardaloedd porthladdoedd eraill yng Nghymru, fel ffordd ymlaen? Rydw i angen sicrwydd bod y Llywodraeth yma yn mynd i fod yn edrych ar bob opsiwn, yn cynnwys hynny. Ac a gaf i hefyd sicrwydd y bydd ffawd ein porthladdoedd ni yn gwbl ganolog rŵan i waith Llywodraeth Cymru o drio dwyn perswâd ar Lywodraeth Prydain i ddangos eu bod nhw'n rhoi unrhyw ystyriaeth i'n buddiannau ni fel cenedl, achos, ar hyn o bryd nid ydw i'n gweld tystiolaeth o hynny o gwbl?
There are very grave implications for my own constituency, and the 1,000 people working either directly or indirectly in the port of Holyhead, in seeing a hard border at Holyhead. Holyhead is the second most busy port in Britain, in terms of ferries transporting goods. Now, trade is entirely reliant on the free flow of goods, and trade will seek simpler and easier routes. There is already evidence of more direct routes being sought for ships travelling from the European continent to the port of Holyhead.
Now, we have to consider all options. We would favour remaining in the single market. What consideration is being given, if we can’t achieve that, to creating a free trade area in Holyhead, or in Anglesey as a whole, or in other port areas in Wales as a way forward? I want an assurance that this Government will be looking at all options, including that one, and can I also ask for an assurance that the fate of our ports will be now be central to the work of the Welsh Government in persuading the UK Government to demonstrate that they are giving any consideration at all to our interests as a nation, because, at the moment, I see no evidence of that at all?
Wel, mae llawer o beth ddywedodd yr Aelod yn iawn. Rydym ni wedi gweud sawl gwaith bod 70 y cant o'r masnach rhwng Prydain Fawr ac ynys Iwerddon yn mynd drwy borthladdoedd Cymru. Byddai unrhyw beth sydd yn stopio hynny, neu'n pwyso ar hynny, yn rhywbeth sy'n mynd i gostio i Gaergybi, Doc Penfro ac Abergwaun, ynglŷn â swyddi ac ynglŷn â masnach. Beth yw'r ateb? Mae'r ateb i fi yn gwbl glir, sef y dylai'r Deyrnas Unedig aros yn y farchnad sengl a hefyd wrth gwrs aros yn yr undeb tollau. Felly, wrth gwrs, ni fyddai eisiau cael unrhyw fath o ffin ynglŷn â thollau rhwng Prydain ac Iwerddon, neu rhwng Gogledd Iwerddon a Gweriniaeth Iwerddon. Dyna beth yw'r ateb, a dyna beth, wrth gwrs, rydym ni wedi bod yn ei ddweud wrth Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig—nad oes yn rhaid dehongli canlyniad y llynedd fel canlyniad sydd yn ganlyniad i gael y Brexit mwyaf caled sydd yn bosib. Mae'n bosib i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ond mewn ffordd sydd ddim yn peryglu swyddi yng Nghymru ac sy'n sicrhau ein bod ni'n gallu gwerthu yn y farchnad sengl, a bod yn rhan o'r undeb tollau.
Well, a great deal of what the Member has said is correct. We have said on several occasions that 70 per cent of the trade between Great Britain and the island of Ireland goes through Welsh ports, and anything that stops that, or is a barrier to that, is something that will cost Holyhead, Pembroke Dock and Fishguard a great deal in jobs and in trade. What is the answer? Well, it’s quite clear: the United Kingdom should remain within the single market and also in the customs union. So, we wouldn’t want any kind of border as regards tariffs between Britain and Ireland, or between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. That is the answer. And, of course, we’ve been telling the United Kingdom that they don’t have to interpret last year’s result as a result that has to lead to the hardest Brexit possible. It is quite possible to leave the European Union in a way that doesn’t endanger jobs in Wales and which keeps us in the single market and part of the customs union.
The only thing we've learned out of the fiasco of the weekend is that Theresa May isn't terribly good at politics, which we knew anyway from the last general election result. It would be inconceivable for the DUP ever to countenance the kind of deal that we read about, whereby there would be a special deal for Northern Ireland on trade, because that would compromise the integrity of the United Kingdom, which is the main purpose of the DUP's existence. So, that was never a runner. Eighty-five per cent of Northern Ireland's trade with the British Isles as a whole is done with the United Kingdom, not with the Irish republic, so it's not even in Ireland's economic interest to have the kind of deal that the EU would want. But I think the other lesson we draw from the events of the weekend is that a handful of Northern Irish MPs have far more influence with the British Government than the Welsh Government has, and I think that that's an indictment of the Welsh Government rather than the DUP.
Yr unig beth yr ydym ni wedi ei ddysgu o'r llanast a ddigwyddodd ar y penwythnos yw nad yw Theresa May yn dda iawn am wleidyddiaeth, ac roeddem ni'n gwybod hynny beth bynnag ar ôl canlyniad yr etholiad cyffredinol diwethaf. Byddai'n amhosibl i'r DUP fyth ystyried y math o fargen yr ydym yn darllen amdano, lle y byddai bargen arbennig o ran masnach, ar gyfer Gogledd Iwerddon, oherwydd byddai hynny yn peryglu uniondeb y Deyrnas Unedig, sef prif ddiben bodolaeth y DUP. Felly, ni fu hynny erioed yn bosibl. Mae 85 y cant o fasnach Gogledd Iwerddon gydag Ynysoedd Prydain yn eu cyfanrwydd, yn cael ei gwneud gyda'r Deyrnas Unedig, ac nid â Gweriniaeth Iwerddon, felly nid yw hyd yn oed o fudd economaidd i Iwerddon gael y math o gytundeb y byddai'r UE yn dymuno ei gael. Ond rwy'n credu mai'r wers arall yr ydym yn ei dysgu o ganlyniad i ddigwyddiadau'r penwythnos, yw bod gan lond dwrn o Aelodau Seneddol Gogledd Iwerddon lawer mwy o ddylanwad ar Lywodraeth Prydain nag sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, a chredaf fod hynny'n adlewyrchiad gwael ar Lywodraeth Cymru yn hytrach nag ar y DUP.
[Inaudible.]—the Conservative Party, and the weakness of the Prime Minister. It is worrying to hear the leader of UKIP say, 'Well, the Prime Minister isn't terribly good at politics'—that perhaps is not the strongest attribute that somebody might have when they are in fact the Prime Minister.
There are two options here. Either, first of all, the DUP weren't asked their views, and then made their views very, very clear, or they were asked their views and went back on some kind of agreement with the UK Government. There are no other options available here. Either way, it's a sign of mismanagement by the UK Government of the situation. I thought what was being proposed yesterday was something that was interesting, in terms of a solution. Nobody wants to have a hard border—it's impossible to have a hard border, actually, on that island. I know that area well. It's impossible; it can't be done, and I thought there were ways of looking for a solution. But what we now seem to have is there is a veto on the part of one party, which represents roughly 37, 38 per cent of the population in Northern Ireland, in terms of what the future might hold, and that, surely, is not a situation that is sustainable as far as the future is concerned. And I would expect the UK Government to have dealt with this with the DUP beforehand in order to gain the DUP's support. It seems to me that either that didn't happen or it did happen and the DUP changed their minds. What other option could there be?
[Anghlywadwy.]—y Blaid Geidwadol, a gwendid y Prif Weinidog. Mae'n destun pryder mawr clywed arweinydd UKIP yn dweud, 'Wel, nid yw'r Prif Weinidog yn arbennig o dda am wleidyddiaeth'—efallai nad hynny fyddai'r nodwedd orau i berson feddu arni pan ei fod, mewn gwirionedd, yn Brif Weinidog.
Ceir dau ddewis yma. Naill ai, yn gyntaf oll, ni ofynnwyd am farn y DUP, ac wedyn fe wnaethon nhw fynegi eu barn yn glir iawn, iawn, neu gofynnwyd am eu barn ac yna fe wnaethon nhw gefnu ar ryw fath o gytundeb gyda Llywodraeth y DU. Nid oes unrhyw ddewisiadau eraill posibl yn y sefyllfa hon. Boed hynny y naill ffordd neu'r llall, mae'n arwydd o gamreolaeth gan Lywodraeth y DU o'r sefyllfa. Roeddwn i'n credu bod yr hyn a gafodd ei gynnig ddoe yn rhywbeth diddorol, o ran datrysiad. Nid oes neb eisiau gweld ffin gadarn—mae'n amhosibl cael ffin gadarn, mewn gwirionedd, ar yr ynys honno. Rwy'n adnabod yr ardal honno yn dda. Mae'n amhosibl; ni ellir ei wneud, ac roeddwn i'n credu bod ffyrdd o chwilio am ddatrysiad. Ond yr hyn y mae'n ymddangos ein bod ni'n ei wynebu erbyn hyn yw bod gan un blaid feto, plaid sy'n cynrychioli tua 37, 38 y cant o'r boblogaeth yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, o ran beth fydd yn digwydd yn y dyfodol, a does bosib bod honno'n sefyllfa gynaliadwy cyn belled ag y mae'r dyfodol yn y cwestiwn. A byddwn i'n disgwyl y byddai Llywodraeth y DU wedi ymdrin â'r mater hwn gyda'r DUP ymlaen llaw er mwyn cael cefnogaeth y DUP. Mae'n ymddangos i mi, naill ai na ddigwyddodd hynny neu, fod hynny wedi digwydd a bod y DUP wedi newid eu meddwl. Pa ddewis arall allai fod?
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
Y cwestiynau nawr i'r Prif Weinidog sydd ar yr agenda ac, felly, cwestiwn 1, Darren Millar.
Questions to the First Minister now as listed on the agenda, and the first question is from Darren Millar.
1. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog gadarnhau'r broses ar gyfer ymdrin â chwynion nad yw'r Prif Weinidog wedi cadw at god y gweinidogion? OAQ51393
1. Will the First Minister confirm the process for addressing complaints regarding the First Minister's adherence to the ministerial code? OAQ51393
Yes. Any complaints regarding adherence to the ministerial code should be submitted to me as First Minister.
Gwnaf. Dylid cyflwyno unrhyw gwynion ynghylch cadw at god y gweinidogion i mi fel Prif Weinidog.
As you will be aware from our exchange, First Minister, last week, I hope to provide evidence to the independent investigator looking at the allegations of bullying in the Welsh Government. What assurances can you provide to this Assembly, Carl Sargeant's family and others that any AM with information will be able to contribute without fear of reprisals and that the collective responsibility, which usually binds members of the Welsh Government, will be waived for the purposes of all the investigations that you have announced?
Fel y byddwch yn gwybod o'n trafodaeth yr wythnos diwethaf, Prif Weinidog, rwy'n gobeithio darparu tystiolaeth i'r ymchwilydd annibynnol sy'n ystyried yr honiadau o fwlio yn Llywodraeth Cymru. Pa sicrwydd allwch chi ei roi i'r Cynulliad hwn, i deulu Carl Sargeant ac i eraill y bydd unrhyw AC sydd â gwybodaeth yn cael cyfrannu heb fod ofn dial ac y bydd y cyd-gyfrifoldeb, sy'n rhwymo aelodau Llywodraeth Cymru fel rheol, yn cael ei hepgor at ddibenion yr holl ymchwiliadau yr ydych chi wedi eu cyhoeddi?
Well, all Members can provide such evidence as they think they have. It's a matter ultimately, of course, for the adviser to decide how the process is then taken forward.
Wel, gall pob Aelod ddarparu'r dystiolaeth y credant sydd ganddynt. Mater i'r cynghorydd yn y pen draw, wrth gwrs, yw penderfynu sut i fwrw ymlaen â'r broses wedyn.
Section 2.9 of the ministerial code states that responsibility for special advisers rests with the First Minister and the First Minister alone, and that's been reflected in the First Minister's entry in the list of ministerial responsibilities, where there's an explicit reference to special advisers. That has been the case up until the amended version of ministerial responsibilities, which now under the First Minister's entry omits that reference to special advisers. Why is that, First Minister? Are you trying to conceal or evade your responsibilities?
Mae adran 2.9 cod y gweinidogion yn nodi mai'r Prif Weinidog a'r Prif Weinidog yn unig sydd â chyfrifoldeb am gynghorwyr arbennig, ac adlewyrchwyd hynny yng nghofnod y Prif Weinidog yn y rhestr o gyfrifoldebau'r gweinidogion, lle ceir cyfeiriad penodol at gynghorwyr arbennig. Dyma fu'n wir hyd at y fersiwn ddiwygiedig o gyfrifoldebau'r gweinidogion, sydd o dan gofnod y Prif Weinidog erbyn hyn yn hepgor y cyfeiriad hwnnw at gynghorwyr arbennig. Pam mae hynny, Prif Weinidog? A ydych chi'n ceisio cuddio neu osgoi eich cyfrifoldebau?
No, of course not. That's nonsense. It's to do with the situation of senior civil servants. I'm not responsible for senior civil servants or any other part of—. Sorry, it's not senior civil servants; it's those who are not senior civil servants. I'm not responsible for the civil service. I appoint special advisers. The line manager of special advisers is somebody different in terms of their pay and conditions, but I appoint them and that will remain the case in the future.
Nac ydw, wrth gwrs nad ydw i. Lol yw hynny. Mae'n ymwneud â sefyllfa uwch weision sifil. Nid wyf i'n gyfrifol am uwch weision sifil nac unrhyw ran arall o—. Mae'n ddrwg gen i, nid uwch weision sifil; y rheini nad ydynt yn uwch weision sifil. Nid wyf yn gyfrifol am y gwasanaeth sifil. Rwy'n penodi cynghorwyr arbennig. Mae rheolwr llinell cynghorwyr arbennig yn rhywun gwahanol o ran ei dâl a'i amodau, ond fi sy'n eu penodi a bydd hynny'n parhau i fod yn wir yn y dyfodol.
First Minister, you've finally referred yourself for investigation under the ministerial code. I've been asking you to do so for months, on three separate occasions when I believe you've misled this Senedd. You've either ignored the calls or just smeared me instead. Now, the ministerial code is clear: if you knowingly mislead the Assembly, you will be expected to tender your resignation. If you are found to have misled this Assembly, will you resign? And will you now refer yourself for investigation under the ministerial code on the other matters that I've raised previously?
Prif Weinidog, rydych chi wedi atgyfeirio eich hun ar gyfer ymchwiliad o dan god y gweinidogion o'r diwedd. Rwyf i wedi bod yn gofyn i chi wneud hynny ers misoedd, ar dri gwahanol achlysur pan fy mod yn credu eich bod chi wedi camarwain y Senedd hon. Rydych chi naill ai wedi anwybyddu'r galwadau neu, yn hytrach, wedi taflu baw ataf i. Nawr, mae cod y gweinidogion yn eglur: os ydych chi'n camarwain y Cynulliad yn fwriadol, bydd disgwyl i chi ymddiswyddo. Os canfyddir eich bod chi wedi camarwain y Cynulliad hwn, a wnewch chi ymddiswyddo? Ac a wnewch chi atgyfeirio eich hun nawr ar gyfer ymchwiliad o dan god y gweinidogion ar y materion eraill yr wyf i wedi eu codi yn y gorffennol?
No, because all the Member raises is frivolous nonsense, as well he knows, and without any basis in fact at all. The adviser is there. I have said that I will refer myself to the adviser in terms of a suggested breach of the ministerial code and that's exactly what will happen.
Na wnaf, oherwydd y cwbl y mae'r Aelod yn ei godi yw lol wamal, fel y mae'n gwybod yn iawn, ac heb unrhyw sail mewn gwirionedd o gwbl. Mae'r cynghorydd yno. Rwyf i wedi dweud y gwnaf atgyfeirio fy hun at y cynghorydd o ran achos arfaethedig o fethu â chadw at god y gweinidogion, a dyna'n union fydd yn digwydd.
2. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am recriwtio athrawon yng Nghanol De Cymru? OAQ51417
2. Will the First Minister make a statement on teacher recruitment in South Wales Central? OAQ51417
Yes. We want teaching in Wales to be a first choice profession so that we can attract the very best. In addition to our incentives, we are working with the sector, including the regional consortia, to actively promote the profession, to recruit the very best and brightest individuals into teaching.
Gwnaf. Rydym ni eisiau i addysgu yng Nghymru fod yn broffesiwn dewis cyntaf fel y gallwn ni ddenu'r goreuon. Yn ogystal â'n cymhellion, rydym ni'n gweithio gyda'r sector, gan gynnwys y consortia rhanbarthol, i hyrwyddo'r proffesiwn yn ymarferol, i recriwtio'r unigolion gorau a mwyaf disglair i faes addysgu.
First Minister, I'm pleased to say that, in the South Wales Central region, there were two gold award winners and a silver award winner in the Pearson teaching awards that were announced in October. These are very prestigious awards, as you know. However, despite these outstanding examples of best practice, recent Welsh Government figures have shown that, since 2007, the number of job adverts across Wales for teachers has risen by 9.4 per cent, while the number of applications has dropped by nearly 19 per cent. Do you believe the Welsh Government has got a role to play in highlighting what a rewarding profession teaching is and how much best practice there is in some of our schools?
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n falch o ddweud, yn rhanbarth Canol De Cymru, bod dau enillydd gwobr aur ac enillydd gwobr arian yng ngwobrau addysgu Pearson a gyhoeddwyd ym mis Hydref. Mae'r rhain yn wobrau uchel iawn eu parch, fel y gwyddoch. Fodd bynnag, er gwaethaf yr enghreifftiau rhagorol hyn o arfer gorau, mae ffigurau diweddar Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dangos, ers 2007, bod nifer yr hysbysebion swyddi ledled Cymru ar gyfer athrawon wedi cynyddu 9.4 y cant, tra bod nifer y ceisiadau wedi gostwng gan bron i 19 y cant. A ydych chi'n credu bod gan Lywodraeth Cymru ran i'w chwarae o ran tynnu sylw at faint o foddhad y mae addysgu yn ei gynnig fel proffesiwn a faint o arfer gorau sydd i'w gael yn rhai o'n hysgolion?
Yes, I do, and, just to give the Member some idea of what we've been doing: we've been working with regional consortia to actively promote a recruitment and retention offer to support recruitment to initial teacher education in Wales; there's £20,000 available to graduates with a first or postgraduate degree undertaking secondary postgraduate ITE programmes in maths, Welsh, computer science, physics and chemistry; there's £15,000 available for those who are modern language students who fit the same criteria. In Wales, we have seen a 3.9 per cent increase in UCAS applications for Wales ITE providers in 2016 compared to 2015. So, that is encouraging news and shows that the incentives that I've mentioned, along with the other things that we are doing, are proving to be attractive to potential teachers.
Ydw, mi ydwyf, a, dim ond i roi rhyw syniad i'r Aelod o'r hyn yr ydym ni wedi bod yn ei wneud: rydym ni wedi bod yn gweithio gyda chonsortia rhanbarthol i hyrwyddo cynnig recriwtio a chadw i gynorthwyo gwaith recriwtio i addysg gychwynnol athrawon yng Nghymru; mae £20,000 ar gael i raddedigion â gradd gyntaf neu ôl-raddedig sy'n ymgymryd â rhaglenni ITE ôl-raddedig eilaidd ym mhynciau mathemateg, y Gymraeg, gwyddoniaeth gyfrifiadurol, ffiseg a chemeg; mae £15,000 ar gael ar gyfer y rheini sy'n fyfyrwyr ieithoedd modern sy'n bodloni'r un meini prawf. Yng Nghymru, rydym ni wedi gweld cynnydd o 3.9 y cant i geisiadau UCAS ar gyfer darparwyr ITE Cymru yn 2016 o'i chymharu â 2015. Felly, mae hynny'n newyddion calonogol ac yn dangos bod y cymhellion yr wyf i wedi eu crybwyll, ynghyd â'r pethau eraill yr ydym ni'n eu gwneud, yn ddeniadol i ddarpar athrawon.
You'll be aware of the debate about supply teachers, and some of our most experienced teachers are earning poor wages because of the situation whereby agencies take a large chunk of the pay available to them from schools. In Denmark, it's against the law to make a profit out of education, First Minister. Legislation like that here would solve the problem with regard to supply teachers. As a matter of principle, would you be open to such legislation here in Wales?
Byddwch yn ymwybodol o'r ddadl am athrawon cyflenwi, ac mae rhai o'n hathrawon mwyaf profiadol yn ennill cyflogau gwael oherwydd y sefyllfa lle mae asiantaethau yn cymryd cyfran fawr o'r cyflog sydd ar gael iddyn nhw gan ysgolion. Yn Nenmarc, mae yn erbyn y gyfraith i wneud elw o addysg, Prif Weinidog. Byddai deddfwriaeth o'r fath yma yn datrys y broblem o ran athrawon cyflenwi. Fel mater o egwyddor, a fyddech chi'n agored i ddeddfwriaeth o'r fath yma yng Nghymru?
I think that goes a step, perhaps, too far. What I am interested in is what we can do when pay and conditions are devolved, which has been the problem for us, how we can then improve the conditions of supply teachers as well. In the meantime, I know the Cabinet Secretary, on 5 October, announced in Plenary £2.7 million to support a school-based supply cluster arrangement. That'll see recently qualified teachers, who might otherwise find themselves in supply roles, employed in maintained schools on a supernumerary basis and paid at national pay rates. But, yes, it is right to say that, when we see pay and conditions devolved, there will be then the opportunity to look again at whether the current arrangements for supply teaching are adequate.
Rwy'n meddwl bod hynny mynd gam yn rhy bell, efallai. Yr hyn y mae gen i ddiddordeb ynddo yw'r hyn y gallwn ni ei wneud pan fydd cyflog ac amodau wedi eu datganoli, sydd wedi bod yn broblem i ni, sut gallwn ni wella amodau athrawon cyflenwi hefyd wedyn. Yn y cyfamser, gwn fod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ar 5 Hydref, wedi cyhoeddi £2.7 miliwn yn y cyfarfod llawn i gefnogi trefniant clwstwr cyflenwi wedi ei leoli mewn ysgolion. Bydd hynny'n arwain at athrawon sydd newydd gymhwyso, a allai ganfod eu hunain mewn swyddi cyflenwi fel arall, yn cael eu cyflogi mewn ysgolion a gynhelir ar sail ychwanegol ac yn cael eu talu ar sail cyfraddau cyflog cenedlaethol. Ond, ydy, mae'n iawn i ddweud, pan fyddwn ni'n gweld cyflog ac amodau yn cael eu datganoli, y bydd cyfle wedyn i ystyried eto pa un a yw'r trefniadau presennol ar gyfer athrawon cyflenwi yn ddigonol.
There have been problems with the retention of teaching assistants, or TAs. Often, TAs qualify as higher level TAs, but find that they aren't given the salary or responsibilities appropriate to the new level. This has contributed to many leaving the profession. What steps can the Welsh Government take to address this problem?
Bu problemau o ran cadw cynorthwywyr addysgu. Yn aml, mae cynorthwywyr addysgu yn gymwys fel cynorthwywyr addysgu lefel uwch, ond yn canfod nad ydynt yn cael y cyflog na'r cyfrifoldebau sy'n briodol i'r lefel newydd. Mae hyn wedi cyfrannu at lawer yn gadael y proffesiwn. Pa gamau all Llywodraeth Cymru eu cymryd i ddatrys y broblem hon?
It's a matter, of course, for schools in terms of what they do. The local management of schools means that schools have a certain degree of autonomy in terms of how they employ people, but it is clearly in the interests of schools to ensure that they provide the right terms and conditions in order to retain the teaching assistants that they need.
Mae'n fater i ysgolion, wrth gwrs, o ran yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud. Mae rheoli ysgolion yn lleol yn golygu bod gan ysgolion lefel benodol o ymreolaeth o ran sut y maen nhw'n cyflogi pobl, ond mae'n amlwg er budd ysgolion i sicrhau eu bod yn darparu'r telerau ac amodau priodol er mwyn cadw'r cynorthwywyr addysgu sydd eu hangen arnynt.
First Minister, the education Cabinet Secretary recommitted in the Chamber on 24 October the Welsh Government's mission to promote teaching in Wales as a high-status, valued and flexible profession. I know personally, as a former teacher and visiting lecturer, how demanding and challenging, as well as exciting and satisfying, the teaching profession can be.
First Minister, the Welsh Labour Government has announced, as you said, support of £2.7 million across the current and next academic years to fund 15 local authorities in supporting the school-based supply cluster arrangements across 86 schools and in times of austerity. That will enable the appointment of approximately 50 recently qualified teachers on a supernumerary basis to work across school clusters, covering for teacher absence and ensuring a high level of localised teaching.
In addition, savings will be realised from school supply budgets. First Minister, how then will the Welsh Government measure the success of this highly innovative approach and what possibility will there be for its roll-out to cover my constituency in Islwyn, so the benefits are felt by all schools in the Gwent valleys?
Prif Weinidog, ailymrwymodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros addysg yn y Siambr ar 24 Hydref genhadaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i hyrwyddo addysgu yng Nghymru fel proffesiwn statws uchel, hyblyg, a werthfawrogir. Gwn yn bersonol, fel cyn-athrawes a darlithydd gwadd, pa mor anodd a heriol, yn ogystal â chyffrous a llawn boddhad, y gall y proffesiwn addysgu fod.
Prif Weinidog, mae Llywodraeth Llafur Cymru wedi cyhoeddi, fel y dywedasoch, cymorth o £2.7 miliwn ar draws y blynyddoedd academaidd presennol a nesaf i ariannu 15 o awdurdodau lleol i gefnogi trefniadau clwstwr cyflenwi wedi eu lleoli mewn ysgolion ar draws 86 o ysgolion a hynny mewn cyfnod o gyni cyllidol. Bydd hynny'n galluogi penodi tua 50 o athrawon newydd gymhwyso ar sail ychwanegol i weithio ar draws clystyrau ysgolion, fel cymorth wrth gefn pan fydd athrawon yn absennol a chan sicrhau lefel uchel o addysgu lleol.
Hefyd, bydd arbedion yn cael eu cyflawni o gyllidebau cyflenwi ysgolion. Prif Weinidog, sut felly y gwnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru fesur llwyddiant y dull hynod arloesol hwn a pha bosibilrwydd fydd yna i'w gyflwyniad gynnwys fy etholaeth i yn Islwyn, fel bod y manteision yn cael eu teimlo gan bob ysgol yng nghymoedd Gwent?
Can I thank the Member for her question and the passionate way in which she represents her constituency and the people who live in it? I can say to her the response from schools and local authorities involved in the £2.7 million supply cluster project, or pilot, rather, has been extremely positive. Arrangements are in place to closely monitor and evaluate the initiative, including commissioning a formal research project to evidence the benefits of the pilot as a catalyst and to look at viable future alternative supply models.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei chwestiwn a'r ffordd angerddol y mae hi'n cynrychioli ei hetholaeth a'r bobl sy'n byw ynddi? Gallaf ddweud wrthi bod yr ymateb gan ysgolion ac awdurdodau lleol sy'n cymryd rhan yn y prosiect clwstwr cyflenwi gwerth £2.7 miliwn, neu'r treial, yn hytrach, wedi bod yn hynod gadarnhaol. Mae trefniadau ar waith i fonitro'r fenter yn agos a'i gwerthuso, gan gynnwys comisiynu prosiect ymchwil ffurfiol i ddangos manteision y treial fel catalydd ac i ystyried modelau cyflenwi amgen eraill ar gyfer y dyfodol.
Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau. Arweinydd grŵp UKIP, Neil Hamilton.
Questions now from the party leaders. Leader of the UKIP group, Neil Hamilton.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. On 13 November, Adam Price tabled a written question, which asked the First Minister if
'he continues to be responsible for "staffing including the terms and conditions of Special Advisers'.
The answer came 10 days later:
'I retain a close interest in staffing but responsibility rests with the Permanent Secretary.'
But the code of conduct for special advisers says something that is diametrically the opposite of that:
'The responsibility for the management and conduct of special advisers, including discipline, rests with the First Minister who made the appointment.'
So, how does the First Minister reconcile what that said on paper with what he's just told Adam Price?
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Ar 13 Tachwedd, cyflwynodd Adam Price gwestiwn ysgrifenedig, a ofynnodd i'r Prif Weinidog a
yw'n dal i fod yn gyfrifol am staffio gan gynnwys telerau ac amodau Cynghorwyr Arbennig.
Daeth yr ateb 10 diwrnod yn ddiweddarach:
Rwy'n cadw diddordeb agos mewn staffio ond yr Ysgrifennydd Parhaol sy'n gyfrifol.
Ond mae'r cod ymddygiad ar gyfer cynghorwyr arbennig yn dweud rhywbeth sy'n gwbl groes i hynny:
'Cyfrifoldeb y Prif Weinidog a wnaeth y penodiad yw rheoli cynghorwyr arbennig a'u hymddygiad, gan gynnwys disgyblaeth.'
Felly, sut mae'r Prif Weinidog yn cysoni'r hyn a ddywedodd hynny ar bapur gyda'r hyn y mae newydd ei ddweud wrth Adam Price?
I'm not responsible for the civil service in any way shape or form; I am responsible for special advisers and for their appointment. In terms of their pay and conditions as a line manager, that's the responsibility of somebody else.
Nid wyf i'n gyfrifol am y gwasanaeth sifil mewn unrhyw ffordd o gwbl; rwy'n gyfrifol am gynghorwyr arbennig ac am eu penodi. O ran eu cyflog a'u hamodau fel rheolwr llinell, cyfrifoldeb rhywun arall yw hynny.
Conduct.
Ymddygiad.
Conduct, yes, I am responsible for the conduct of special advisers.
Ymddygiad, ie, fi sy'n gyfrifol am ymddygiad cynghorwyr arbennig.
Good. In which case, can the First Minister then confirm that the inquiry that is being undertaken, one of many—another day, another inquiry today—by James Hamilton will involve, also, an inquiry into the conduct of special advisers, because they are specifically responsible to him, the First Minister, ultimately, for their political conduct?
Da iawn. Felly, a all y Prif Weinidog gadarnhau felly bod yr ymchwiliad sy'n cael ei gynnal, un o blith llawer—diwrnod arall, ymchwiliad arall heddiw—gan James Hamilton yn cynnwys, hefyd, ymchwiliad i ymddygiad cynghorwyr arbennig, gan eu bod nhw'n atebol yn benodol iddo fe, y Prif Weinidog, yn y pen draw, am eu hymddygiad gwleidyddol?
No. The inquiry will look at whether I have breached the ministerial code in relation to the answers I gave in November 2014 and November 2017.
Na. Bydd yr ymchwiliad yn ystyried pa un a wyf i wedi torri cod y gweinidogion o ran yr atebion a roddais ym mis Tachwedd 2014 ac ym mis Tachwedd 2017.
So, is the First Minister saying that the conduct of special advisers will not be part of the terms of the inquiry of James Hamilton?
Felly, a yw'r Prif Weinidog yn dweud na fydd ymddygiad cynghorwyr arbennig yn rhan o delerau ymchwiliad James Hamilton?
Well, I've referred myself, under the ministerial code, to the adviser. It will be a matter for the independent adviser to decide how, then, to take the inquiry forward.
Wel, rwyf i wedi atgyfeirio fy hun, o dan god y gweinidogion, i'r cynghorydd. Bydd yn fater i'r cynghorydd annibynnol benderfynu sut, wedyn, i fwrw ymlaen â'r ymchwiliad.
Arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
Plaid Cymru leader, Leanne Wood.
First Minister, as you said earlier, the Democratic Unionist Party torpedoed the UK's attempt to move on to the next stage in the Brexit talks, and the border in Ireland is the sticking point. None of us want a return to a hard border, but neither do we want to see barriers between Wales and our nearest neighbours. Barriers will be bad news for the port of Holyhead, as we heard earlier, for Stena Line, for Irish Ferries, for jobs, and bad news for other Welsh ports as well. There will be delays to business, and gridlock for passengers is the risk. We all know how much influence the DUP has. What influence can you use to protect the port of Holyhead from a new hard border?
Prif Weinidog, fel y dywedasoch yn gynharach, chwalwyd ymgais y DU i symud ymlaen i'r cam nesaf yn y trafodaethau Brexit gan y Blaid Unoliaethol Ddemocrataidd, a'r ffin yn Iwerddon yw'r maen tramgwydd. Nid oes yr un ohonom ni eisiau dychwelyd i ffin galed, ond nid ydym ychwaith eisiau gweld rhwystrau rhwng Cymru a'n cymdogion agosaf. Bydd rhwystrau yn newyddion drwg i borthladd Caergybi, fel y clywsom yn gynharach, i Stena Line, i Irish Ferries, i swyddi, ac yn newyddion drwg i borthladdoedd eraill yng Nghymru hefyd. Bydd oediadau i fusnes, a thagfeydd i deithwyr yw'r risg. Rydym ni i gyd yn gwybod faint o ddylanwad sydd gan y DUP. Pa ddylanwad allwch chi ei ddefnyddio i ddiogelu porthladd Caergybi rhag ffin galed newydd?
Well, we have spoken to the Irish Government about this and informed them, of course, of our concerns and they share our concerns. The last thing they want to see is a hard border between Wales and Ireland as a maritime border, and we are working with them in order to ensure that doesn't happen.
Wel, rydym ni wedi siarad gyda Llywodraeth Iwerddon am hyn ac wedi eu hysbysu nhw, wrth gwrs, am ein pryderon ac maen nhw'n rhannu ein pryderon. Y peth olaf y maen nhw eisiau ei weld yw ffin galed rhwng Cymru ac Iwerddon fel ffin arforol, ac rydym ni'n gweithio gyda nhw er mwyn sicrhau na fydd hynny'n digwydd.
First Minister, I used the word 'influence' on purpose. The Welsh national interest can only be protected if our MPs vote the right way on crucial Brexit divisions. Plaid Cymru's solution to the border problem, as you'll be aware, is for the UK to stay in the customs union. The UK Labour Party is supposed to be the official opposition in Westminster. You've just said, earlier on, that you want Wales to remain in the single market and that membership of the customs union is the solution to this problem. We heard earlier, also, about the importance of parliamentary democracy. Can you tell us, therefore, why Labour MPs voted against the UK membership of the customs union as recently as 20 November?
Prif Weinidog, defnyddiais y gair 'dylanwad' ar bwrpas. Gellir gwarchod ein budd cenedlaethol Cymru dim ond os bydd ein ASau yn pleidleisio y ffordd iawn ar raniadau Brexit hollbwysig. Ateb Plaid Cymru i broblem y ffin, fel y byddwch yn ymwybodol, yw i'r DU aros yn yr undeb tollau. Plaid Lafur y DU yw'r wrthblaid swyddogol yn San Steffan i fod. Rydych chi newydd ddweud, yn gynharach, eich bod chi eisiau i Gymru aros yn y farchnad sengl ac mai aelodaeth o'r undeb tollau yw'r ateb i'r broblem hon. Clywsom yn gynharach, hefyd, am bwysigrwydd democratiaeth seneddol. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni, felly, pam y gwnaeth ASau Llafur bleidleisio yn erbyn aelodaeth y DU o'r undeb tollau mor ddiweddar â'r ugeinfed o Dachwedd?
First of all, it is gratifying to see that Labour and Plaid Cymru MPs have worked together in order to make sure that we look to try and get our amendments through the Commons and the Lords, which I very much welcome. She will know my view, and that is that I believe we should have full, unfettered access to the single market. We've agreed the same position. I also believe that the UK is best served by staying within the customs union. There will be different views in my party in London, and those views are well known, as some Members have put them. But my view is, as First Minister, that we are best served by staying in the customs union and having that access to the single market.
Yn gyntaf oll, mae'n braf gweld bod ASau Llafur a Phlaid Cymru wedi cydweithio er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n ceisio cael ein gwelliannau trwy Dŷ'r Cyffredin a Thŷ’r Arglwyddi, ac rwyf i'n croesawu hynny yn fawr iawn. Bydd hi'n gwybod fy marn i, sef fy mod i'n credu y dylai fod gennym ni fynediad llawn a dilyffethair at y farchnad sengl. Rydym ni wedi cytuno ar yr un safbwynt. Credaf hefyd mai'r dewis gorau i'r DU yw aros yn yr undeb tollau. Bydd gwahanol safbwyntiau yn fy mhlaid i yn Llundain, ac mae'r safbwyntiau hynny yn hysbys, gan fod rhai Aelodau wedi eu mynegi. Ond fy marn i, fel Prif Weinidog, yw mai'r dewis gorau i ni yw aros yn yr undeb tollau a chael y mynediad hwnnw at y farchnad sengl.
The problem here is that we have a number of Labour views. We don't have clarity as to what the Labour position is, and there has been a failure by Labour MPs to protect our interests here in Wales, by the way that they vote. We're facing a weak and divided Tory Government, but a consensus has been allowed to be built over leaving the single market and the customs union. You've said that if a distinct deal is offered to another UK country, you expect that to be offered to Wales. Perhaps I trust Westminster a lot less than you do, First Minister, but as things stand, I expect Westminster not to offer us such a deal. But we can change that situation if we want to. In the absence of any action or initiative from the UK Labour Party, this Assembly can speak out. You have the power to ensure that Wales doesn't settle for second best here. As First Minister of this country, will you ensure that, when the time comes, Labour MPs in Westminster will back a distinct deal for Wales?
Y broblem yma yw bod gennym ni nifer o safbwyntiau Llafur. Nid oes gennym ni eglurder ynghylch beth yw safbwynt y Blaid Lafur, a bu methiant gan ASau Llafur i ddiogelu ein buddiannau yma yng Nghymru, drwy'r ffordd y maen nhw'n pleidleisio. Rydym ni'n wynebu Llywodraeth Dorïaidd wan a rhanedig, ond caniatawyd i gonsensws gael ei ddatblygu ynghylch gadael y farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau. Rydych chi wedi dweud os caiff cytundeb ar wahân ei gynnig i wlad arall yn y DU, eich bod yn disgwyl i hwnnw gael ei gynnig i Gymru. Efallai fy mod i'n ymddiried llawer llai yn San Steffan nag yr ydych chi, Prif Weinidog, ond fel mae pethau'n sefyll, rwy'n disgwyl i San Steffan beidio â chynnig cytundeb o'r fath i ni. Ond gallwn newid y sefyllfa honno os ydym ni eisiau. Yn absenoldeb unrhyw weithredu neu flaengarwch gan Blaid Lafur y DU, gall y Cynulliad hwn leisio ei farn. Mae'r grym gennych chi i sicrhau nad yw Cymru'n setlo am ail orau yn y fan yma. Fel Prif Weinidog y wlad hon, a wnewch chi sicrhau, pan ddaw'r amser, y bydd ASau Llafur yn San Steffan yn cefnogi cytundeb ar wahân i Gymru?
Well, I think they've shown that through their actions last night, in fairness.
Wel, rwy'n meddwl eu bod nhw wedi dangos hynny trwy eu gweithredoedd neithiwr, er tegwch.
No, they haven't.
Nac ydyn, dydyn nhw ddim.
It's not as if they haven't been supportive of the amendments that we have put down. But the perspective I have is this: I want to see a good deal for the whole UK. I think that's by far the easiest solution. Having a deal specifically for Wales is more difficult; there's no question about that. It's more difficult. It's not impossible; it's certainly more difficult. I would like to see the UK as a whole remain in the customs union, have full and unfettered access to the single market, and that means, of course, that Welsh businesses will be able to access the UK market, which is hugely important for them, and the EU market at the same time. I don't see that there needs to be any kind of competition between those two aims.
Nid yw fel pe nad ydynt wedi bod yn gefnogol o'r gwelliannau yr ydym ni wedi eu cyflwyno. Ond dyma'r safbwynt sydd gen i: rwyf i eisiau gweld cytundeb da i'r DU gyfan. Rwy'n credu mai dyna'r ateb hawddaf o bell ffordd. Mae cael cytundeb penodol i Gymru yn fwy anodd; nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth am hynny. Mae'n fwy anodd. Nid yw'n amhosibl; mae'n yn sicr yn fwy anodd. Hoffwn weld y DU yn ei chyfanrwydd yn aros yn yr undeb tollau, yn cael mynediad llawn a dilyffethair at y farchnad sengl, ac mae hynny'n golygu, wrth gwrs, y bydd busnesau Cymru yn gallu cael mynediad at farchnad y DU, sy'n bwysig dros ben iddyn nhw, a marchnad yr UE ar yr un pryd. Nid wyf i'n gweld bod angen unrhyw fath o gystadleuaeth rhwng y ddau nod hynny.
Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Andrew R.T. Davies.
Leader of the opposition, Andrew R.T. Davies.
Thank you, Presiding Officer. First Minister, did Leighton Andrews make a complaint of any nature in 2014 about the conduct or behaviour of members of staff in the Welsh Government or your office?
Diolch i chi, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, a wnaeth Leighton Andrews gŵyn o unrhyw fath yn 2014 ynghylch ymddygiad aelodau o staff yn Llywodraeth Cymru neu yn eich Swyddfa chi?
No.
Naddo.
First Minister, why have you subsequently, then, when we've been questioning you in this Chamber, indicated that you had issues brought to your attention by the individual I named and others, and that you dealt with those issues at that time? Because there are quite clearly two stories running here, and it is difficult for the impartial observer to try and get to the truth of what people want to hear, which is what was actually going on in 2014 and what action was taken by you. So, can you clear up who is telling the truth: Leighton Andrews or yourself?
Prif Weinidog, pam ydych chi felly, wedi hynny, pan yr ydym ni wedi wedi bod yn eich holi chi yn y Siambr hon, wedi dweud y tynnwyd eich sylw at faterion gan yr unigolyn a enwais ac eraill, a'ch bod chi wedi ymdrin â'r materion hynny ar yr adeg honno? Oherwydd mae'n gwbl eglur bod dwy stori ar y gweill yn y fan yma, ac mae'n anodd i'r sylwedydd diduedd geisio cael at wirionedd yr hyn y mae pobl eisiau ei glywed, sef beth oedd yn digwydd mewn gwirionedd yn 2014 a pha gamau a gymerwyd gennych chi. Felly, a allwch chi egluro pwy sy'n dweud y gwir: Leighton Andrews neu chi?
I just answered your question. There were no allegations of bullying.
Rwyf i newydd ateb eich cwestiwn. Ni fu unrhyw honiadau o fwlio.
So, you're saying that, in the answers you gave this Chamber over the last several weeks, where you identified—and these were your words—issues were addressed and actions were taken, that those issues were not related to behaviour of the nature that has been described by Leighton Andrews, by the special adviser or by other individuals who've gone to the press indicating such an atmosphere existed on the fifth floor, and they were brought to your attention. And you did say, in this Chamber, that you did take action. So, what action did you take, and what were the issues you were referring to in your previous answers?
Felly, rydych chi'n dweud, yn yr atebion a roesoch chi i'r Siambr hon dros yr wythnosau diwethaf, pan wnaethoch chi nodi—a'ch geiriau chi oedd y rhain—y rhoddwyd sylw i faterion ac y cymerwyd camau, nad oedd y materion hynny yn ymwneud ag ymddygiad o'r natur a ddisgrifiwyd gan Leighton Andrews, gan y cynghorydd arbennig neu gan unigolion eraill sydd wedi mynd at y wasg i ddweud bod awyrgylch o'r fath yn bodoli ar y pumed llawr, ac y tynnwyd eich sylw atynt. A dywedasoch, yn y Siambr hon, y cymerwyd camau gennych chi. Felly, pa gamau wnaethoch chi eu cymryd, a beth oedd y materion yr oeddech chi'n cyfeirio atynt yn eich atebion blaenorol?
Issues that did not involve bullying. I've said no allegation was made by Leighton Andrews to me in regard to bullying. Were there issues that arose? Yes, there would be conflicts now and again between people—disputes about the titles of Bills, for example. When you have a talented team of people, sometimes they will rub up against each other.
Let me just make one thing clear: the narrative, the political narrative he's trying to create is that somehow the Government—[Interruption.] Oh, he's not, is he? That somehow, in 2014, the Government was in chaos and has been ever since. We delivered on all our manifesto promises between 2011 and 2016. We got back into power in 2016. The people of Wales trusted us to do that. Far from being ineffective, far from being a Government where people constantly spent their time arguing with each other, we were a Government that delivered for the people of Wales and delivered our manifesto as we promised.
Materion nad oeddent yn ymwneud â bwlio. Rwyf i wedi dweud na wnaed unrhyw honiad gan Leighton Andrews i mi o ran bwlio. A oedd materion a gododd? Oedd, byddai achosion o wrthdaro rhwng pobl nawr ac yn y man—anghydfodau ynghylch teitlau Biliau, er enghraifft. Pan fo gennych chi dîm o bobl ddawnus, byddant yn gwrthdaro weithiau.
Gadewch i mi wneud un peth yn eglur: y naratif, y naratif gwleidyddol y mae'n ceisio ei lunio yw bod y Llywodraeth rywsut—[Torri ar draws.] O, nid yw'n gwneud hynny, nag yw? Bod y Llywodraeth, yn 2014, mewn anhrefn rywsut a bod hynny'n wir byth ers hynny. Rydym ni wedi cyflawni pob un o'n haddewidion maniffesto rhwng 2011 a 2016. Llwyddasom i fynd yn ôl i mewn i rym yn 2016. Ymddiriedodd pobl Cymru ynom i wneud hynny. Ymhell o fod yn aneffeithiol, ymhell o fod yn Llywodraeth lle'r oedd pobl yn treulio eu hamser yn dadlau gyda'i gilydd drwy'r amser, rydym ni'n Llywodraeth a gyflawnodd dros bobl Cymru ac a gyflawnodd ein maniffesto fel yr addawyd gennym.
3. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am drafodaethau ford gron Llywodraeth Cymru ynghylch gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd? OAQ51414
3. Will the First Minister provide an update on Welsh Government round-table discussions on leaving the European Union? OAQ51414
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig sy'n cadeirio bord gron Brexit ar gyfer ei phortffolio. Mae'r bwrdd wedi bod yn cwrdd yn rheolaidd ers Gorffennaf 2016, ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd yn trafod y trefniadau pontio Ewropeaidd gan randdeiliaid ym mhob maes polisi.
The Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs chairs the Brexit round table for her portfolio. It has met on a regular basis since July 2016, and the Welsh Government also engages with stakeholders across all policy areas on EU transition through established forums.
Diolch. Mae'n bwysig, wrth gwrs, yng nghyd-destun beth rydym ni wedi bod yn ei drafod y prynhawn yma yn barod fod y Llywodraeth ar bob lefel yn ymwneud ym mhob ffordd bosibl â gwarchod buddiannau Cymru. Rydw i'n gwybod, ym Mhwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol y Cynulliad ar 20 Tachwedd, mi wnaeth yr Ysgrifennydd cyllid sôn am drefniadau bord gron yr Ysgrifennydd dros amaeth. Mi gyfeiriodd at grŵp gweithio yr Ysgrifennydd addysg ar Brexit. Mi gyfeiriodd at y grŵp y mae Ysgrifennydd yr economi yn ei gadeirio ar Brexit. Maes arall fydd yn sensitif iawn i'n hymadawiad ni o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ydy maes iechyd a gwasanaethau a gofal cymdeithasol. Mewn staffio, mi fydd angen gwthio am visas ar gyfer gallu denu staff i weithio yng Nghymru yn benodol. Mae yna bryderon yn sgil colli'r Asiantaeth Feddyginiaethau Ewropeaidd, am sut y gallai Cymru greu cytundebau bilateral efo'r asiantaeth newydd yn Ewrop er mwyn parhau i wneud profion ar feddyginiaethau yng Nghymru, ac ati. Mae yna ystod eang o feysydd a fydd angen edrych arnyn nhw.
Pa waith, allech chi ddweud wrthym ni, y mae'r Ysgrifennydd iechyd yn ei wneud o ran arwain tîm gweithredol ar Brexit? Oherwydd mae yna bryder o fewn y maes iechyd yng Nghymru fod hwn yn un maes sy'n cael ei esgeuluso rhywfaint ar hyn o bryd, ac ni allwn ni, yn syml iawn, fforddio hynny.
Thank you. It's important, of course, in the context of what we’ve been discussing this afternoon, that the Government at every level is involved in all ways possible in terms of defending Wales’s interest. I know that in the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee of the Assembly on 20 November, the Cabinet Secretary for Finance mentioned the round-table arrangements for the Minister for agriculture. He talked about the working party of the Cabinet Secretary for Education. He talked about a group chaired by the Cabinet Secretary for the economy. And another area that will be very sensitive to our departure from the European Union will be health and social care. In staffing, we’ll have to push for visas in order to attract staff to work in Wales specifically. There are concerns, as a result of losing the European Medicines Agency, in terms of how Wales can make bilateral agreements with the new agency in Europe in order to continue to test medicines in Wales, and so on. So, there’s a broad range of areas that will need to be addressed.
So, can you tell us what work the health Secretary is doing in leading a team on Brexit? Because there is concern within the health sector in Wales that this is one area that is being neglected somewhat at the moment, and we simply can’t afford that to happen.
Rydym yn gweithio yn agos iawn ar hyn o bryd gyda chyrff iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol er mwyn inni ddeall beth yw impact gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac fel eu bod nhw hefyd yn deall beth yw'r impact arnyn nhw, a'u bod nhw'n deall ym mha ffordd y gallwn ni drafod hynny. Ers y refferendwm ei hun, mae'r Llywodraeth wedi gweithio gyda chyrff iechyd a gofal er mwyn ystyried pa rannau sy'n mynd i gael eu heffeithio gan Brexit. Mae yna weithdai hefyd wedi cymryd lle rhwng Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig a Llywodraeth Cymru i ystyried yr impact cyfreithiol a hefyd gweithredol o adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ynglŷn â sawl peth. So, mae yna sawl peth wedi digwydd er mwyn sicrhau bod y gwasanaeth iechyd yn ystyried pa broblemau a allith godi o achos Brexit, yn enwedig Brexit caled.
We are working extremely closely at the moment with health and social care organisations in order to understand the impact of Brexit, and so they can also understand the impact on themselves and how we can discuss that. Since the referendum itself, the Government has been working with health and care organisations in order to consider which parts will be impacted by Brexit. Also, workshops have been held between the UK Government and Welsh Government to consider the legal and executive impact of Brexit as regards a number of issues. So, a number of things have taken place in order to ensure that the health service can consider what problems can arise because of Brexit, especially a hard Brexit.
In his letter yesterday to the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee, the UK Parliament's Under-Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union said
‘The Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union has held numerous discussions with the Welsh Government—including a number of bilateral discussions with the Cabinet Secretary for Finance and Local Government’
but
‘There is agreement between the Scottish, Welsh and UK Governments that common frameworks will be necessary in some areas and we have together agreed a set of principles that will underpin our work’.
And that
‘We have agreed a programme of intense discussions with the Welsh Government, led by the First Secretary of State, to take this forward.’
Could you tell us a little bit more about what that programme of discussions is and how you'll be informing this Assembly about the developments that arise from them?
Yn ei lythyr ddoe at y Pwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol, dywedodd Is-Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Senedd y DU dros Adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd
Mae'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd wedi cynnal nifer o drafodaethau gyda Llywodraeth Cymru—gan gynnwys nifer o drafodaethau dwyochrog gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid a Llywodraeth Leol
ond
Ceir cytundeb rhwng Llywodraethau'r Alban, Cymru a'r DU y bydd fframweithiau cyffredin yn angenrheidiol mewn rhai meysydd ac rydym wedi cytuno gyda'n gilydd ar gyfres o egwyddorion a fydd yn sail i'n gwaith.
Ac
Rydym ni wedi cytuno ar raglen o drafodaethau dwys gyda Llywodraeth Cymru, dan arweiniad y Prif Ysgrifennydd Gwladol, i fwrw ymlaen â hyn.
A allech chi ddweud ychydig mwy wrthym ni o ran beth yw'r rhaglen honno o drafodaethau a sut y byddwch chi'n hysbysu'r Cynulliad hwn am y datblygiadau sy'n deillio ohonynt?
The discussions are not with the Secretary of State, particularly, for Wales, but the different Secretaries of State who have portfolio responsibilities in Whitehall. They are called 'deep dives', for reasons that escape me, actually, but what they are looking to do is to see where there is a need—first of all, is there a need for a common framework, secondly, what should that common framework look like. But key to this all, of course, is that any common framework in any area must be agreed and not imposed by the UK Government.
Nid yw'r trafodaethau gydag Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru yn benodol, ond y gwahanol Ysgrifenyddion Gwladol sydd â chyfrifoldebau portffolio yn Whitehall. Fe'u gelwir yn 'deep dives', am resymau nad wyf i'n eu cofio ar hyn o bryd, a dweud y gwir, ond yr hyn y maen nhw'n ceisio ei wneud yw gweld lle mae angen—yn gyntaf oll, a oes angen fframwaith cyffredin, yn ail, sut dylai'r fframwaith cyffredin hwnnw edrych. Ond yn allweddol i hyn oll, wrth gwrs, yw bod yn rhaid i unrhyw fframwaith cyffredin mewn unrhyw faes gael ei gytuno ac nid ei orfodi gan Lywodraeth y DU.
4. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gynlluniau i hyrwyddo bod yn agored a thryloyw o fewn Llywodraeth Cymru? OAQ51403
4. Will the First Minister make a statement on plans to promote openness and transparency within the Welsh Government? OAQ51403
We are committed to maximising transparency and openness through our publication scheme.
Rydym ni wedi ymrwymo i sicrhau cymaint â phosibl o dryloywder a natur agored drwy ein cynllun cyhoeddi.
Thank you, First Minister. As you will be aware, the last few months have seen some pretty torrid times in politics, and I think the esteem in which we are held is suffering. I think the Welsh public will expect us to be far more open and transparent going forward. I have recently received an answer to a written question from the Cabinet Secretary for health and well-being that contradicts an almost identical question tabled by my colleague David Melding less than two months earlier. What can you do to ensure that your Government is providing consistent information to questions tabled by Assembly Members? It is merely our attempt to conduct proper scrutiny, which is our duty on behalf of the public, for whom we are the elected representatives.
Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Fel y byddwch chi'n ymwybodol, bu'n gyfnod ofnadwy ym myd gwleidyddiaeth yn y misoedd diwethaf, a chredaf fod y parch yr ydym ni'n ei fwynhau yn dioddef. Rwy'n credu y bydd y cyhoedd yng Nghymru yn disgwyl i ni fod yn llawer mwy agored a thryloyw yn y dyfodol. Cefais ateb yn ddiweddar i gwestiwn ysgrifenedig gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd a llesiant sy'n gwrthddweud cwestiwn a oedd bron yn union yr un fath a gyflwynwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod David Melding lai na dau fis yn gynharach. Beth allwch chi ei wneud i sicrhau bod eich Llywodraeth yn darparu gwybodaeth gyson i gwestiynau a gyflwynir gan Aelodau'r Cynulliad? Y cwbl yw hyn yw ein hymdrech ni i wneud gwaith craffu priodol, sef ein dyletswydd ar ran y cyhoedd, yr ydym ni'n gynrychiolwyr etholedig iddynt.
The Member has me at a disadvantage. I don't know what the questions were or what the answers were, but if she provides me with those questions I will, of course, investigate.
Mae'r Aelod yn fy rhoi dan anfantais. Nid wyf yn gwybod beth oedd y cwestiynau na beth oedd yr atebion, ond os gwnaiff hi ddarparu'r cwestiynau hynny i mi byddaf, wrth gwrs, yn ymchwilio.
Wrth chwilio am yr ateb mwyaf tryloyw posibl i rai o'r materion sydd fwyaf pwysig i'r Cynulliad heddiw, rydw i'n mynd yn ôl at yr hyn a ofynnwyd gan Andrew R.T. Davies, achos pan wnaethoch chi ateb Andrew Davies fe wnaethoch chi ddweud yn glir iawn nad ydych chi'n delio ag unrhyw gyhuddiadau o fwlian, ond fe ofynnwyd cwestiwn llawer mwy eang i chi. Felly, a gaf i ofyn y cwestiwn eto? A dderbynioch chi unrhyw gwyn neu sylw gan Leighton Andrews o gwmpas Hydref 2014 a oedd yn ymwneud ag ymddygiad—nid jest bwlian, ond ymddygiad yn gyffredinol—unrhyw aelod o'ch staff neu o'r Llywodraeth? Ac a wnaethoch chi, wrth ddelio â cwyn neu sylw gan Leighton Andrews, addo iddo fe y byddai rhywun yn edrych i mewn i'r sylwadau hynny?
As we seek the most transparent answer possible on some of the issues that are most important to the Assembly today, I return to the question asked by Andrew R.T. Davies, because, when you responded to Andrew R.T. Davies, you said very clearly that you weren’t dealing with any accusations of bullying, but a far broader question was asked of you. So, may I ask that question again? Did you receive any complaint or comment by Leighton Andrews around October 2014 that related to behaviour—not just bullying, but behaviour in general—of any member of your staff or Government? And, in dealing with such a comment or complaint from Leighton Andrews, did you promise him that someone would look into those comments?
Wel, mae pethau'n symud nawr, achos roedd yna gwynion yn cael eu gwneud gan bawb, weithiau. Roedd pobl yn dweud, 'Fi'n moyn cael fy ngwrando arno; nid ydw i'n hapus â hyn'. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth hollol naturiol. Mae e'n gyfarwydd â hyn—mae ef yn gyfarwydd ag e, fel rhywun a oedd yn ymgynghorydd yn y Llywodraeth cyn hynny. Wedyn, wrth gwrs, roedd yna lot fawr o drafod tu fewn i'r Llywodraeth honno ynglŷn â rhai o'r problemau a oedd yn codi, ynglŷn â pobl yn dweud, 'Wel, dylai hwn ddigwydd', 'Dylai hyn ddigwydd yn lle hynny.' Mae hynny'n rhywbeth hollol naturiol ynglŷn â'r ffordd mae Llywodraeth yn cael ei rhedeg. A fel bydd pobl yn mesur Llywodraeth? Wel, yn ôl sut mae'r Llywodraeth yn gweithredu, ac ar hynny mae record da gyda ni. Ynglŷn ag a oedd yna unrhyw fath o gyhuddiad—achos hwn oedd y cwestiwn ar y dechrau, mae'n rhaid inni gofio—o fwlio gan Leighton Andrews, yr ateb yw 'na'.
Well, things are shifting now, because there were complaints made by everybody on occasion. Some people said, 'I want to be listened to; I’m not happy with this'. That’s quite natural. He is familiar with this, as one who was a special adviser in the previous Government. And there was a great deal of discussion within the Government then about some of the problems that were arising, and people were saying, 'Well, this should happen', 'That should happen instead.' That’s quite a natural process in the way a Government is run. And how do you judge a Government? Well, by their actions, and we have a good record. In terms of was there any kind of allegation—because that was the original question, remember—of bullying from Leighton Andrews, the answer is 'no'.
First Minister, you're now investigating a potential leak after it was alleged that many people knew about your Cabinet reshuffle before it happened. It also seems that there are many people here who know who the complainants are against Carl Sargeant and the nature of the complaints. It can't be raised here because of data protection laws. By Friday there were—. On the Monday of the week in question, you said you had no complaints over the last months against your AMs. By Friday, you said that you had three. So, I'd like you to state on the record whether or not you're aware of those complaints being co-ordinated in any way.
Prif Weinidog, rydych chi'n ymchwilio nawr i ddatgeliad cyfrinachau posibl ar ôl yr honiad bod llawer o bobl yn gwybod am ad-drefniant eich Cabinet cyn iddo ddigwydd. Ymddengys hefyd bod llawer o bobl yma sy'n gwybod pwy yw'r achwynwyr yn erbyn Carl Sargeant a natur y cwynion. Ni ellir ei godi yma oherwydd cyfreithiau diogelu data. Erbyn dydd Gwener roedd—. Ar ddydd Llun yr wythnos dan sylw, dywedasoch nad oeddech chi wedi cael unrhyw gwynion dros y misoedd diwethaf yn erbyn eich ACau. Erbyn dydd Gwener, dywedasoch eich bod wedi cael tri. Felly, hoffwn i chi ddatgan ar y cofnod pa un a ydych chi'n ymwybodol ai peidio o'r cwynion hynny'n cael eu cydgysylltu mewn unrhyw ffordd.
That's a remarkable suggestion, I have to say. I hope he has evidence for that. First of all, I'm not sure what he's talking about on the Monday—he's not clear about that. If he is saying that, if it wasn't for data protection, he would out complainants, then he needs to take a long serious hard look at his own character.
Mae hwnna'n awgrym rhyfeddol, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud. Rwy'n gobeithio bod ganddo dystiolaeth o hynny. Yn gyntaf oll, nid wyf yn siŵr am beth y mae'n sôn ar y dydd Llun—nid yw'n eglur ynghylch hynny. Os yw'n dweud, pe na byddai wedi bod am ddiogelu data, y byddai'n enwi achwynwyr, yna mae angen iddo edrych yn ofalus iawn ar ei gymeriad ei hun.
5. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am ddyfodol gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol yng Nghymru? OAQ51401
5. Will the First Minister make a statement on the future of perinatal mental health services in Wales? OAQ51401
Yes. The Welsh Government is committed to supporting mental well-being before, during and after pregnancy. As well as developing community perinatal mental health teams across Wales since 2015, we have committed to providing in-patient care in Wales as part of the draft budget agreement.
Gwnaf. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i gefnogi llesiant meddyliol cyn, yn ystod ac ar ôl beichiogrwydd. Yn ogystal â datblygu timau iechyd meddwl amenedigol cymunedol ledled Cymru ers 2015, rydym ni wedi ymrwymo i ddarparu gofal i gleifion mewnol yng Nghymru yn rhan o gytundeb y gyllideb ddrafft.
I thank the First Minister for that answer. As he mentioned, because of the agreement between Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Government, there will be a return of in-patient perinatal mental health services in this country. It was expected, though, that by now the Welsh Health Specialised Services Committee would have come back with a report on how in-patient perinatal mental health services could be delivered. I wonder if he could outline the reasons for this delay, and perhaps could elaborate on what timeline he expects to be followed in the new year.
Diolchaf i'r Prif Weinidog am yr ateb yna. Fel y soniodd, oherwydd y cytundeb rhwng Plaid Cymru a Llywodraeth Cymru, bydd gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol i gleifion mewnol yn dychwelyd yn y wlad hon. Disgwyliwyd, fodd bynnag, y byddai Pwyllgor Gwasanaethau Iechyd Arbenigol Cymru wedi dod yn ôl gydag adroddiad erbyn hyn ar sut y gellid darparu gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol i gleifion mewnol. Tybed a allai amlinellu'r rhesymau am yr oedi hwn, ac ymhelaethu efallai ar ba amserlen y mae'n disgwyl iddi gael ei dilyn yn y flwyddyn newydd.
We have invested since 2015-16 an additional £1.5 million each year to provide a community mental health service within every health board in Wales. Each health board now has a community service in place, with more than 2,300 women being seen across Wales since the start of last year. Those new teams do help to improve perinatal mental health outcomes for new mothers, as well as their babies and families. We have also committed to providing specialist in-patient care in Wales within the draft budget for 2018-19 and 2019-20, and the all-Wales steering group on perinatal mental health has been asked to draw up options for in-patient care in Wales by the end of January.
Rydym ni wedi buddsoddi £1.5 miliwn ychwanegol bob blwyddyn ers 2015-16 i ddarparu gwasanaeth iechyd meddwl cymunedol ym mhob bwrdd iechyd yng Nghymru. Mae gan bob bwrdd iechyd wasanaeth cymunedol ar waith erbyn hyn, gyda mwy na 2,300 o fenywod yn cael eu gweld ledled Cymru ers dechrau'r flwyddyn diwethaf. Mae'r timau newydd hynny'n helpu i wella canlyniadau iechyd meddwl amenedigol i famau newydd, yn ogystal â'u babanod a'u teuluoedd. Rydym ni hefyd wedi ymrwymo i ddarparu gofal cleifion mewnol arbenigol yng Nghymru yn y gyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer 2018-19 a 2019-20, a gofynnwyd i grŵp llywio Cymru gyfan ar iechyd meddwl amenedigol lunio dewisiadau ar gyfer gofal cleifion mewnol yng Nghymru erbyn diwedd mis Ionawr.
Given that up to one in five women are affected by perinatal mental illness, the view of—the Royal College of Psychiatrists have stated that there has always been a shortfall of perinatal mental health services in Wales and that is a worry. The recent report of the Children, Young People and Education Committee, published in October, noted that the Betsi board had still not filled the majority of posts within their new perinatal mental health service teams, despite funding having been provided to them for that, and that was the same month that you actually took them into special measures. Can you now confirm, First Minister, whether, after 30 months of your Government's intervention, this board has now completed recruitment to this service and that it is now fully operational?
O gofio bod hyd at un o bob pump o fenywod yn dioddef salwch meddwl amenedigol, safbwynt—mae Coleg Brenhinol y Seiciatryddion wedi dweud y bu diffyg gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol yng Nghymru erioed, ac mae hynny'n peri pryder. Nododd adroddiad diweddar y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg, a gyhoeddwyd ym mis Hydref, nad oedd bwrdd Betsi wedi llenwi'r rhan fwyaf o swyddi yn ei dimau gwasanaeth iechyd meddwl amenedigol newydd o hyd, er gwaethaf y ffaith fod cyllid wedi ei ddarparu iddyn nhw ar gyfer hynny, ac roedd hynny yn ystod yr un mis, mewn gwirionedd, ag y gwnaethoch chi ei wneud yn destun mesurau arbennig. A allwch chi gadarnhau nawr, Prif Weinidog, a yw'r bwrdd hwn, ar ôl 30 mis o ymyrraeth eich Llywodraeth, wedi cwblhau'r gwaith o recriwtio i'r gwasanaeth hwn erbyn hyn, a'i fod bellach yn gwbl weithredol?
The evidence base suggested that there wouldn't be sufficient demand to provide a unit in north Wales alone. WHSSC, it's right to say, was asked to work with Betsi Cadwaladr University Local Health Board to consider options in the north of Wales, and the Cabinet Secretary has committed to establish a clinician-led managed clinical network to help drive forward improvements to perinatal mental health services in Wales.
Roedd y sail dystiolaeth yn awgrymu na fyddai digon o alw i ddarparu uned yn y gogledd yn unig. Gofynnwyd i WHSSC, mae'n iawn i ddweud, weithio gyda Bwrdd Iechyd Lleol Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr i ystyried dewisiadau yn y gogledd, ac mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi ymrwymo i sefydlu rhwydwaith clinigol a reolir o dan arweiniad clinigwyr er mwyn helpu i fwrw ymlaen â gwelliannau i wasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol yng Nghymru.
First Minister, like all mental health services, perinatal mental health services in Wales are facing the twofold pressure of increased demand and staff shortages. In evidence to the Children, Young People and Education Committee, nearly all local health boards highlighted the fact that a lack of sufficient clinical psychologists is impacting their ability to provide a comprehensive service to new mothers. First Minister, can you outline the steps your Government is taking to increase the numbers of clinical psychologists in Wales? Thank you.
Prif Weinidog, fel pob gwasanaeth iechyd meddwl, mae gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl amenedigol yng Nghymru yn wynebu'r pwysau deublyg o alw cynyddol a phrinder staff. Mewn tystiolaeth i'r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg, tynnodd bron i bob bwrdd iechyd lleol sylw at y ffaith fod diffyg seicolegwyr clinigol digonol yn effeithio ar eu gallu i ddarparu gwasanaeth cynhwysfawr i famau newydd. Prif Weinidog, a allwch chi amlinellu'r camau y mae eich Llywodraeth yn eu cymryd i gynyddu nifer y seicolegwyr clinigol yng Nghymru? Diolch.
I think I've answered the question in terms of the money that we have put forward. I can say that, with the establishment of community teams across Wales, we're well placed to recognise severe postpartum mental ill health. The consensus is that there's now sufficient demand to re-establish specialist in-patient care in the south of Wales, and I know that last week the Cabinet Secretary wrote to the Children, Young People and Education Committee in response to its recent inquiry into perinatal mental health in Wales.
Rwy'n credu fy mod i wedi ateb y cwestiwn o ran yr arian a gyflwynwyd gennym. Gallaf ddweud, yn dilyn sefydliad timau cymunedol ledled Cymru, ein bod ni mewn sefyllfa dda i nodi salwch meddwl ôl-enedigol difrifol. Y consensws yw bod digon o alw erbyn hyn i ailsefydlu gofal arbenigol cleifion mewnol yn y de, a gwn fod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi ysgrifennu at y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg yr wythnos diwethaf mewn ymateb i'w ymchwiliad diweddar i iechyd meddwl amenedigol yng Nghymru.
6. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad mewn ymateb i'r cyhoeddiad bod y cyfanwerthwr Palmer a Harvey wedi mynd i ddwylo'r gweinyddwyr? OAQ51438
6. Will the First Minister make a statement in response to the announcement that wholesaler Palmer and Harvey has gone into administration? OAQ51438
I have been made aware that wholesaler Palmer and Harvey has gone into administration. For any business in Wales impacted by the announcement, guidance and support are available through the Business Wales service.
Fe'm hysbyswyd bod y cyfanwerthwr Palmer and Harvey wedi mynd i ddwylo'r gweinyddwyr. Mae cyfarwyddyd a chymorth ar gael i unrhyw fusnes yng Nghymru sy'n cael ei effeithio gan y cyhoeddiad trwy wasanaeth Busnes Cymru.
Thank you. I was contacted last week by a constituent who was extremely concerned about the impact that this will have on their small family-owned business. Palmer and Harvey is the main supplier, and that is the case for hundreds of convenience stores in rural areas. I was informed by the constituent that Palmer and Harvey customers do have accounts with agreed terms that allow shops to pay either monthly or fortnightly. So, even if an alternative supplier does have the stock to supply affected businesses, they're concerned that it could take time to put in place necessary financial and licence checks to allow new accounts to be opened, certainly this side of Christmas. So, it is the case that the only option available to businesses would be cash purchases, and many of those won't be in that position. So, my constituents do fear that the cash-and-carrys local to them will simply not, in the short term, be able to set up delivery schedules for services to meet their needs and, in turn, the needs of those local constituents. So, First Minister, is it possible in any way for the Welsh Government to make enquiries and give what assurances they can to affected businesses and individuals in mid and west Wales and elsewhere at this time?
Diolch. Cysylltwyd â mi yr wythnos diwethaf gan etholwr a oedd yn hynod bryderus am yr effaith y bydd hyn yn ei chael ar ei fusnes teuluol bach. Palmer and Harvey yw'r prif gyflenwr, ac mae hynny'n wir i gannoedd o siopau mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Fe'm hysbyswyd gan yr etholwr bod gan gwsmeriaid Palmer and Harvey gyfrifon â thelerau a gytunwyd sy'n galluogi siopau i dalu naill ai bob mis neu bob pythefnos. Felly, hyd yn oed os oes gan gyflenwr arall y stoc i gyflenwi busnesau a effeithiwyd, maen nhw'n pryderu y gallai gymryd amser i roi archwiliadau ariannol a thrwydded angenrheidiol ar waith i ganiatáu i gyfrifon newydd gael eu hagor, yn sicr cyn y Nadolig. Felly, mae'n wir mai'r unig ddewis fyddai ar gael i fusnesau fyddai prynu gydag arian parod, ac ni fydd llawer ohonynt yn gallu gwneud hynny. Felly, mae fy etholwyr yn ofni na fydd siopau talu a chario lleol iddyn nhw yn gallu trefnu amserlenni dosbarthu ar gyfer gwasanaethau i ddiwallu eu hanghenion yn y byrdymor ac, yn sgil hynny, anghenion yr etholwyr lleol hynny. Felly, Prif Weinidog, a yw'n bosibl mewn unrhyw ffordd i Lywodraeth Cymru wneud ymholiadau a rhoi pob sicrwydd posibl i fusnesau ac unigolion sy'n cael eu heffeithio yn y canolbarth a'r gorllewin ac mewn mannau eraill ar hyn o bryd?
I can say that Business Wales is available to provide information, guidance and support to any business impacted by the announcement, and I would encourage them to make contact. Business Wales advises and supports businesses on all aspects of their operation, including evaluating their supply chains to identify alternative suppliers, which includes Welsh companies. And supporting the development of local supply chains and clusters so that more economic value and employment is retained locally will be part of the new regionally-focused model of economic development, which we will set out in the economic action plan.
Gallaf ddweud bod Busnes Cymru ar gael i ddarparu gwybodaeth, cyfarwyddyd a chymorth i unrhyw fusnes sy'n cael ei effeithio gan y cyhoeddiad, a byddwn yn eu hannog i gysylltu. Mae Busnes Cymru yn cynghori ac yn cynorthwyo busnesau ar bob agwedd ar eu gweithrediad, gan gynnwys gwerthuso eu cadwyni cyflenwi i nodi cyflenwyr amgen, sy'n cynnwys cwmnïau o Gymru. A bydd cefnogi datblygiad cadwyni cyflenwi a chlystyrau lleol fel bod mwy o werth economaidd a chyflogaeth yn cael eu cadw'n lleol yn rhan o'r model datblygu economaidd newydd â phwyslais rhanbarthol, y byddwn yn ei gyflwyno yn y cynllun gweithredu economaidd.
First Minister, 10,000 firms went out of business last year in Wales. The number of firms still in business after five years is just 43 per cent, which is below the UK average. Now, understandably, some firms will go out of business due to changes in the market and for other reasons, but can I ask what your explanation is to why businesses are more likely to go out of business in Wales, and can I also ask how the Government is addressing this trend?
Prif Weinidog, aeth 10,000 o gwmnïau i'r wal yng Nghymru y llynedd. Dim ond 43 y cant yw nifer y cwmnïau sydd dal mewn busnes ar ôl pum mlynedd, sy'n is na chyfartaledd y DU. Nawr, yn ddealladwy, bydd rhai cwmnïau yn mynd i'r wal oherwydd newidiadau yn y farchnad ac am resymau eraill, ond a gaf i ofyn beth yw eich esboniad chi o pam mae busnesau yn fwy tebygol o fynd i'r wal yng Nghymru, ac a gaf i ofyn hefyd sut mae'r Llywodraeth yn mynd i'r afael â'r duedd hon?
In terms of why businesses in Wales, some businesses, fail, we know that that will happen from time to time, unfortunately. The latest phase of Business Wales aims to create 10,000 new businesses, 28,300 new jobs and provide support to help inspire the next generation, and that service provides support right across Wales for aspiring entrepreneurs, start-ups and existing microbusinesses and small and medium-sized enterprises, including social enterprises.
O ran pam mae busnesau yng Nghymru, rhai busnesau, yn methu, rydym ni'n gwybod y bydd hynny'n digwydd o bryd i'w gilydd, yn anffodus. Nod cam diweddaraf Busnes Cymru yw creu 10,000 o fusnesau newydd, 28,300 o swyddi newydd a darparu cymorth er mwyn helpu i ysbrydoli'r genhedlaeth nesaf, ac mae'r gwasanaeth hwnnw'n darparu cymorth ar draws Cymru gyfan i ddarpar entrepreneuriaid, busnesau newydd a microfusnesau a busnesau bach a chanolig sy'n bodoli eisoes, gan gynnwys mentrau cymdeithasol.
7. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am effaith credyd cynhwysol yn Nhorfaen? OAQ51439
7. Will the First Minister provide an update on the impact of universal credit in Torfaen? OAQ51439
I'm extremely concerned about the time claimants are waiting for their first payment, and the fact that many of our most vulnerable people in Torfaen and elsewhere are struggling to deal with the complexities of universal credit, and we have called on the UK Government to halt the roll-out.
Rwy'n bryderus iawn am yr amser y mae hawlwyr yn gorfod aros am eu taliad cyntaf, a'r ffaith fod llawer o'n pobl fwyaf agored i niwed yn Nhorfaen ac mewn mannau eraill yn cael trafferth i ymdopi â chymhlethdodau credyd cynhwysol, ac rydym ni wedi galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i roi terfyn ar y cyflwyniad.
Thank you, First Minister. As you've highlighted, in July Torfaen became the second part of Wales to go live with the full service operation of universal credit, and after just two months our main housing provider, Bron Afon Community Housing Limited, had recorded £27,000-worth of arrears, with 300 tenants in arrears. Citizens Advice Torfaen is monitoring closely the impact locally, which has, as you've alluded to, included delays and difficulties accessing payments, and particular problems for young people. Now, in Torfaen we are fortunate in that the local authority, CAB and housing providers are all working together in partnership to support people through these difficulties, but, with the UK Government intent on continuing with this ill-conceived roll-out of universal credit, it's going to be essential that similar arrangements are put in place throughout Wales. What more can the Welsh Government do to ensure that there is that planning in place across Wales to ensure that all communities are supported through this process?
Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Fel yr ydych chi wedi ei ddweud, ym mis Gorffennaf, Torfaen oedd yr ail ran o Gymru lle'r rhoddwyd credyd cynhwysol ar waith yn llawn, ac ar ôl dim ond dau fis roedd ein prif ddarparwr tai, Tai Cymunedol Bron Afon Cyfyngedig, wedi cofnodi gwerth £27,000 o ôl-ddyledion, gyda 300 o denantiaid mewn ôl-ddyledion. Mae Cyngor ar Bopeth Torfaen yn monitro'r effaith leol yn ofalus, sydd, fel yr ydych chi wedi ei nodi, wedi cynnwys oedi ac anawsterau o ran cael mynediad at daliadau, a phroblemau arbennig i bobl ifanc. Nawr, rydym ni'n ffodus yn Nhorfaen gan fod yr awdurdod lleol, Cyngor ar Bopeth a darparwyr tai i gyd yn cydweithio mewn partneriaeth i gynorthwyo pobl drwy'r anawsterau hyn, ond, gan fod Llywodraeth y DU yn benderfynol i barhau â'r cyflwyniad byrbwyll hwn o gredyd cynhwysol, mae'n mynd i fod yn hanfodol bod trefniadau tebyg yn cael eu rhoi ar waith ledled Cymru. Beth arall all Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud i sicrhau bod y gwaith cynllunio hwnnw ar waith ledled Cymru i sicrhau bod pob cymuned yn cael eu cynorthwyo drwy'r broses hon?
The Minister has written to the Minister of State for Employment requesting more details in relation to the UK autumn budget changes, particularly where universal claimants are in receipt of housing costs, to understand how the new support arrangements will work for claimants in relation to the universal credit. The Minister is also seeking reassurance that the Department for Work and Pensions will be able to offer financial support to universal credit claimants over the Christmas period. As far as we're concerned, there is £5.97 million of grant funding in place this year to provide advice on social welfare issues, delivered through three projects.
Mae'r Gweinidog wedi ysgrifennu at y Gweinidog Gwladol dros Gyflogaeth yn gofyn am fwy o fanylion o ran newidiadau cyllideb yr hydref y DU, yn enwedig pan fo hawlwyr cynhwysol yn derbyn costau tai, i ddeall sut y bydd y trefniadau cymorth newydd yn gweithio i hawlwyr o ran y credyd cynhwysol. Mae'r Gweinidog hefyd yn ceisio sicrwydd y bydd yr Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau yn gallu cynnig cymorth ariannol i hawlwyr credyd cynhwysol dros gyfnod y Nadolig. Cyn belled ag yr ydym ni yn y cwestiwn, mae £5.97 miliwn o gyllid grant ar gael eleni i ddarparu cyngor ar faterion lles cymdeithasol, sydd wedi ei ddarparu trwy dri phrosiect.
First Minister, you say you support the principle of universal credit, and the aim of universal credit and the UK Government's wider welfare reforms is to help people get in and stay in work. Given that unemployment in Torfaen is historically low and has fallen further in the past year, isn't that something you should be supporting constructively and trying to work with the UK Government?
Prif Weinidog, rydych chi'n dweud eich bod chi'n cefnogi egwyddor credyd cynhwysol, a nod credyd cynhwysol a diwygiadau lles ehangach Llywodraeth y DU yw helpu pobl i gael cyflogaeth ac aros mewn cyflogaeth. O gofio bod diweithdra yn Nhorfaen yn hanesyddol o isel ac wedi gostwng ymhellach yn ystod y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, onid yw hynny'n rhywbeth y dylech chi fod yn ei gefnogi'n adeiladol ac yn ceisio gweithio arno gyda Llywodraeth y DU?
Well, it doesn't work; that's the problem. Regardless of what the principle is, it clearly doesn't work. There'll be people left high and dry without any money. We know that it's a mess. We know that there are members of his own party—well, I don't know if he is a member of the Conservative party or not—there are members who sit in the same party on that side in Westminster who have made the same points to the UK Government. The point is that this is a mess of the UK Government's making, and ordinary people are suffering.
Wel, nid yw'n gweithio; dyna'r broblem. Ni waeth beth yw'r egwyddor, mae'n amlwg nad yw'n gweithio. Bydd pobl yn cael eu gadael yn ddiamddiffyn heb unrhyw arian. Rydym ni'n gwybod ei fod yn llanast. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod Aelodau ei blaid ei hun—wel, nid wyf yn gwybod a yw e'n aelod o'r Blaid Geidwadol ai peidio—bod aelodau sy'n eistedd yn yr un blaid ar yr ochr honno yn San Steffan sydd wedi gwneud yr un pwyntiau i Lywodraeth y DU. Y pwynt yw bod hwn yn llanast a grëwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU ei hun, ac mae pobl gyffredin yn dioddef.
8. A yw'r Prif Weinidog wedi ceisio cyngor cyfreithiol ar y cyfamod sy'n bodoli ar y tir ym mharc diwydiannol Baglan y mae'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder yn dymuno adeiladu carchar newydd arno? OAQ51428
8. Has the First Minister sought legal advice on the covenant that exists on land in Baglan industrial park on which the Ministry of Justice wishes to build a new prison? OAQ51428
As the Member will be aware, this question relates to legal information that's privileged, so I can't respond to him on that point.
Fel y bydd yr Aelod yn ymwybodol, mae'r cwestiwn hwn yn ymwneud â gwybodaeth gyfreithiol sy'n freintiedig, felly ni allaf ymateb iddo ar y pwynt yna.
First Minister, I asked your Counsel General the same type of question about a fortnight ago and I got a typical lawyer's answer, or perhaps a typical Counsel General's answer. My constituents want clarity. There's a debate tomorrow afternoon in this Chamber about that prison, and they're seeking that clarity, particularly on the Welsh Government's views on its responsibilities under the covenant. Can the First Minister reassure my constituents that the Welsh Government has no plans to change the covenant and will seek to abide by its principles of keeping the use of the land for industrial purposes, and to avoid nuisance for neighbours, which would mean telling the MOJ 'no' when they wish to purchase or lease the land for the development of a prison, which, in my book, does not come under an industrial development?
Prif Weinidog, gofynnais yr un math o gwestiwn i'ch Cwnsler Cyffredinol tua pythefnos yn ôl, a chefais ateb cyfreithiwr nodweddiadol, neu ateb Cwnsler Cyffredinol nodweddiadol efallai. Mae fy etholwyr eisiau eglurder. Ceir dadl brynhawn yfory yn y Siambr hon am y carchar hwnnw, ac maen nhw'n gofyn am yr eglurder hwnnw, yn enwedig ynghylch safbwyntiau Llywodraeth Cymru ar ei chyfrifoldebau o dan y cyfamod. A all y Prif Weinidog sicrhau fy etholwyr i nad oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru unrhyw gynlluniau i newid y cyfamod ac y bydd yn ceisio glynu wrth ei egwyddorion o gadw'r defnydd o dir at ddibenion diwydiannol, ac i osgoi niwsans i gymdogion, a fyddai'n golygu dweud 'na' wrth y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder pan fyddant yn dymuno prynu neu brydlesu'r tir ar gyfer datblygu carchar, nad yw, yn fy nhyb i, yn cynrychioli datblygiad diwydiannol?
What I can say to the Member is this: the Ministry of Justice have not asked the Welsh Government to sell them the land at the Baglan site, and no decision on the future of the site has been made. I can say that a letter was written by Carl Sargeant to David Lidington, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, on 26 October 2017. That letter sought confirmation whether it's still the intention that the proposed prison at Baglan would be a category C establishment or whether there are plans to house other prisoners in the proposed prison. In addition, the letter requested confirmation of the effect that a new prison in south Wales would have on the prisons of Cardiff and Swansea. We have not received a response to that letter. And there will be no further action from the Welsh Government until that response is forthcoming.
Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud wrth yr Aelod yw hyn: nid yw'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder wedi gofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru werthu'r tir ar y safle ym Maglan iddyn nhw, ac nid oes unrhyw benderfyniad ar ddyfodol y safle wedi ei wneud. Gallaf ddweud bod llythyr wedi ei ysgrifennu gan Carl Sargeant i David Lidington, yr Arglwydd Ganghellor a'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Gyfiawnder, ar 26 Hydref 2017. Roedd y llythyr yn gofyn am gadarnhad o ba un ai'r bwriad o hyd yw y byddai'r carchar arfaethedig ym Maglan yn sefydliad categori C neu a oes cynlluniau i roi carcharorion eraill yn y carchar arfaethedig. Hefyd, gofynnodd y llythyr am gadarnhad o'r effaith y byddai carchar newydd yn ne Cymru yn ei chael ar garchardai Caerdydd ac Abertawe. Nid ydym wedi derbyn ymateb i'r llythyr hwnnw. Ac ni fydd unrhyw weithredu pellach gan Lywodraeth Cymru tan i'r ymateb hwnnw gael ei dderbyn.
That's a very interesting answer, First Minister. I think, however, you are possibly able to tell us—as it's a matter of public record—which parties would be entitled to enforce the covenant that's in the documentation at the moment. Are you able to tell us, as well, how many expressions of interest have been made in that land during the period of Welsh Government ownership, and which have been put off by the existence of the covenant?
Mae hwnna'n ateb diddorol iawn, Prif Weinidog. Credaf, fodd bynnag, ei bod yn bosibl y gallwch chi ddweud wrthym—gan ei fod yn fater o gofnod cyhoeddus—pa bartïon fyddai â hawl i orfodi'r cyfamod sydd yn y dogfennau ar hyn o bryd. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym, hefyd, sawl datganiad o ddiddordeb sydd wedi ei wneud ar gyfer y tir hwnnw yn ystod cyfnod perchnogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru, ac sydd cael eu hatal gan fodolaeth y cyfamod?
It's very difficult to give a view on whether an expression of interest has been put off, because, of course, you wouldn't know of the expression of interest in the first place. What I can say is that it's the Ministry of Justice—that her party, of course, are responsible for—who want to build on this land. From our perspective, we are quite clear that until and unless we get the clarification that we wish to have, we will take no further steps in relation to this land. We will examine very carefully whether this land is, in fact, the right place for a prison to go.
Mae'n anodd iawn cynnig safbwynt ar ba un a yw datganiad o ddiddordeb wedi cael ei atal, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, ni fyddech chi'n gwybod am y datganiad o ddiddordeb yn y lle cyntaf. Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw mai'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder—y mai ei phlaid hi, wrth gwrs, yn gyfrifol amdani—sydd eisiau adeiladu ar y tir hwn. O'n safbwynt ni, rydym ni'n gwbl eglur na fyddwn yn cymryd unrhyw gamau pellach o ran y tir hwn tan i ni dderbyn yr eglurhad yr ydym ni'n dymuno ei gael. Byddwn yn ystyried yn ofalus ai'r tir hwn, mewn gwirionedd, yw'r lle cywir i garchar gael ei leoli.
Legal advice I've received, and I quote, says: 'Assuming this is correct, there is a covenant and that covenant is legally valid. It means that the site is affected by an obligation in favour of a third party limiting its use to an industrial park only. In those circumstances, building a prison on the site could be a breach of the covenant. In the event of a breach, the party with the benefit of the covenant could take steps to enforce it, e.g. by seeking an injunction restraining the development and/or claiming compensation.'
So, from this legal advice, which clearly shows there are many tools within the Welsh Government's box to block the proposed prison and force the MOJ into compulsory purchase, the only reason not to do this, as far as I could understand, would be that the Welsh Government wants to have this prison in Baglan. Will you seek a commitment here today that the Welsh Government will oppose releasing this land to the MOJ, so that, therefore, posing the question to the UK Government is no longer necessary in future?
Mae cyngor cyfreithiol yr wyf i wedi ei dderbyn, ac rwy'n dyfynnu, yn dweud: O dybio bod hyn yn gywir, mae cyfamod yn bodoli ac mae'r cyfamod hwnnw yn ddilys yn gyfreithiol. Mae'n golygu bod y safle yn cael ei effeithio gan rwymedigaeth o blaid trydydd parti yn cyfyngu ei ddefnydd i barc diwydiannol yn unig. O dan yr amgylchiadau hynny, gallai adeiladu carchar ar y safle fod yn ddiffyg cydymffurfiad â'r cyfamod. Mewn achos o ddiffyg cydymffurfiad, gallai'r parti â'r fantais o gyfamod gymryd camau i'w orfodi, e.e. trwy geisio gwaharddeb yn atal y datblygiad a/neu'n hawlio iawndal.
Felly, o'r cyngor cyfreithiol hwn, sy'n dangos yn eglur bod llawer o ddulliau ar gael i Lywodraeth Cymru atal y carchar arfaethedig a gorfodi'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder i brynu gorfodol, a'r unig reswm i beidio â gwneud hyn, cyn belled ag y gallwn i ddeall, fyddai bod Llywodraeth Cymru eisiau'r carchar hwn ym Maglan. A wnewch chi geisio ymrwymiad yma heddiw y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwrthwynebu rhyddhau'r tir hwn i'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder, fel na fydd gofyn y cwestiwn i Lywodraeth y DU, felly, yn angenrheidiol mwyach yn y dyfodol?
We await the response from the UK Government. I'd say quite clearly to the Member that there will be no action on this point unless there is a satisfactory response to that letter, and even then, we will consider whether, in fact, this land is the right place for a prison.
Rydym ni'n aros am yr ymateb gan Lywodraeth y DU. Byddwn yn dweud yn gwbl eglur wrth yr Aelod na fydd unrhyw weithredu ar y pwynt hwn os na cheir ymateb boddhaol i'r llythyr hwnnw, a hyd yn oed wedyn, byddwn yn ystyried ai'r tir hwn, mewn gwirionedd, yw'r lle cywir ar gyfer carchar.
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
A point of order arising out of questions. Simon Thomas.
Pwynt o drefn yn deillio o'r cwestiynau. Simon Thomas.
Thank you, Presiding Officer. I seek your advice as much as anyone's as to whether Standing Orders can help us actually get the correct answers to questions in this Chamber. You will have heard my question was very specific to the First Minister about whether he'd received any comments about the behaviour of his staff from Leighton Andrews, to which he gave no reply—[Interruption.]
Diolch, Llywydd. Gofynnaf am eich cyngor chi cymaint ag unrhyw un arall ynghylch pa un a all Rheolau Sefydlog ein helpu ni i gael yr atebion cywir i gwestiynau yn y Siambr hon mewn gwirionedd. Byddwch wedi clywed bod fy nghwestiwn yn benodol iawn i'r Prif Weinidog ynghylch pa un a oedd wedi cael unrhyw sylwadau am ymddygiad ei staff gan Leighton Andrews, ac ni wnaeth roi unrhyw ateb—[Torri ar draws.]
I'm listening to this point of order in order to decide whether it is a point of order or not.
Rwy'n gwrando ar y pwynt o drefn hwn er mwyn penderfynu a yw'n bwynt o drefn ai peidio.
Thank you. I think we'll listen to the current Presiding Officer in these regards, if we may. In the last 15 minutes, Leighton Andrews has issued his own statement saying as follows:
'In November 2014, I told the First Minister face to face that I believed that the Code for Special Advisers had been broken. I asked him to carry out a formal investigation. He said he would.'
He said he would. Can we reconcile these two questions by giving the First Minister an opportunity to add to what he told myself, Angela Burns and Andrew Davies?
Diolch. Rwy'n credu y gwnawn ni wrando ar y Llywydd presennol yn hyn o beth, os cawn ni. Yn y 15 munud diwethaf, mae Leighton Andrews wedi cyhoeddi ei ddatganiad ei hun yn dweud fel a ganlyn:
Ym mis Tachwedd 2014, dywedais wrth y Prif Weinidog wyneb yn wyneb fy mod i o'r farn y bu diffyg cydymffurfiad â Chod y Cynghorwyr Arbennig. Gofynnais iddo gynnal ymchwiliad ffurfiol. Dywedodd y byddai'n gwneud hynny.
Dywedodd y byddai'n gwneud hynny. A allwn ni gysoni'r ddau gwestiwn trwy roi cyfle i'r Prif Weinidog ychwanegu at yr hyn a ddywedodd wrthyf i, Angela Burns ac Andrew Davies?
The Member knows that we can't use points of order just in order to extend First Minister's questions. Your comments, or the comments of former AMs, are now on the record this afternoon.
Mae'r Aelod yn gwybod na chawn ni ddefnyddio pwyntiau o drefn, dim ond er mwyn ymestyn y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog. Mae eich sylwadau, neu sylwadau cyn-Aelodau'r Cynulliad, yn awr ar y Cofnod y prynhawn yma.
We now move on to business questions. The leader of the house—Julie James.
Symudwn ymlaen yn awr at y cwestiynau busnes. Arweinydd y Tŷ — Julie James.
Diolch, Llywydd. The only change to this week's business is the timings for oral Assembly questions tomorrow. Business for the next three weeks is shown on the business statement and announcement, found amongst the meeting papers that are available to Members electronically.
Diolch, Llywydd. Yr unig newid i fusnes yr wythnos hon, yw'r amseroedd ar gyfer cwestiynau llafar y Cynulliad yfory. Dangosir busnes y tair wythnos nesaf ar y datganiad a'r cyhoeddiad busnes, y gellir ei weld ymhlith papurau'r cyfarfod sydd ar gael i'r Aelodau yn electronig.
May I ask for a statement from the Welsh Government on the UK Government's industrial strategy, published last month? The strategy commits the UK Government to work in partnership across all four nations to create the conditions where successful businesses can emerge and grow to help young people develop the skills they need to do the highly paid and highly skilled jobs of the future. Can I ask for a statement from the Welsh Government confirming their willingness to engage in a constructive manner with Westminster to meet the aims of the industrial strategy in Wales, please?
A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar strategaeth ddiwydiannol Llywodraeth y DU, a gyhoeddwyd y mis diwethaf? Mae'r strategaeth yn ymrwymo Llywodraeth y DU i weithio mewn partneriaeth ledled y pedair gwlad i greu'r amodau sy'n golygu y gall busnesau llwyddiannus ddatblygu a thyfu i helpu pobl ifanc i ddatblygu'r sgiliau sydd eu hangen arnynt i gyflawni swyddi â chyflog uchel a medrus iawn y dyfodol. A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn cadarnhau ei bod yn fodlon ymgysylltu mewn modd adeiladol â San Steffan i fodloni nodau'r strategaeth ddiwydiannol yng Nghymru, os gwelwch yn dda?
I was very glad to see the industrial strategy published. It had a number of things of great interest to the Welsh Government in it, not least the emphasis on digital and data, which is very welcome indeed. The Cabinet Secretary for economy and infrastructure, who isn't here today to hear your question, will be bringing forward his own economic action plan, which will of course detail how it dovetails with the UK industrial strategy, amongst a number of other things.
Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o weld y strategaeth ddiwydiannol a gyhoeddwyd. Roedd yn cynnwys nifer o bethau sydd o ddiddordeb mawr i Lywodraeth Cymru, yn enwedig y pwyslais ar y maes digidol a data, a chroesewir hynny'n fawr. Bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi a'r seilwaith, nad yw'n bresennol heddiw i glywed eich cwestiwn, yn cyflwyno ei gynllun gweithredu economaidd ei hun, a fydd wrth gwrs yn cynnwys y manylion ynghylch sut y mae'n cydweddu â strategaeth ddiwydiannol y DU, ymhlith nifer o bethau eraill.
I've received many, many representations from parents in the Port Talbot area whereby they're claiming that specialist provision of a playgroup for children with additional learning needs at Action for Children at Neath Port Talbot Hospital is under threat and that it may lead to closure. Also they've told me that the autism family support worker is under threat of losing their position. This scheme is obviously funded by the Welsh Government through Families First, and this has raised its head previously a few years ago. One parent has told me, and I quote: 'Action for Children's services were a lifeline that was most important to us when we were thrust into an unfamiliar world, facing the uncertainty of the diagnosis process and the task of learning a whole new set of skills. The difference that this provision made to us was marked and indispensable.'
Would it be possible for the Minister with responsibility for this area to give a statement to AMs as a matter of urgency, for us to understand whether it's closing full stop or whether there will be another provider coming instead of it? What I understand is that the criteria for the application process has changed, so it may not be that it's going altogether, but it may be that somebody else is coming in to provide it. Whatever the issue is, we need to know, because people are becoming anxious in the area about what provision is going to be provided for their children in the hospital. Any advice or any support that the Welsh Government can give would be very useful indeed.
Rwyf wedi clywed llawer iawn o sylwadau gan rieni yn ardal Port Talbot, lle y maen nhw'n datgan bod darpariaeth arbenigol o gylch chwarae ar gyfer plant ag anghenion dysgu ychwanegol yn Gweithredu dros Blant yn Ysbyty Castell-nedd Port Talbot, o dan fygythiad, ac efallai y bydd yn cael ei gau. Maen nhw hefyd wedi dweud wrthyf fod y gweithiwr cymorth i deuluoedd awtistiaeth o dan fygythiad o golli ei swydd. Mae'r cynllun hwn yn amlwg yn cael ei ariannu gan Lywodraeth Cymru drwy Teuluoedd yn Gyntaf, ac fe ddaeth hyn i'r amlwg o'r blaen ychydig flynyddoedd yn ôl. Mae un rhiant wedi dweud wrthyf, a dyfynnaf: ' Roedd gwasanaethau Gweithredu dros Blant yn elfen bwysig iawn i ni ar adeg pan gawsom ni ein taflu i fyd anghyfarwydd, gan wynebu ansicrwydd o ran y broses diagnosis a'r dasg o ddysgu cyfres newydd o sgiliau. Roedd y gwahaniaeth a wnaeth y darpariaeth hon i ni yn sylweddol ac yn angenrheidiol i ni.'
A fyddai modd i'r Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol am y maes hwn roi datganiad i Aelodau'r Cynulliad fel mater o frys, i ni ddeall pa un a yw'n cau, a dyna ben arni, neu a fydd darparwr arall yn dod yn ei le? Yr hyn yr wyf i'n ei ddeall, yw bod y meini prawf ar gyfer y broses ymgeisio wedi newid, felly mae'n bosibl na fydd yn diflannu yn gyfan gwbl, ond yn hytrach bod rhywun arall yn dod yn ei le i'w ddarparu. Beth bynnag sy'n digwydd, mae angen inni wybod, oherwydd mae pobl yn yr ardal yn pryderu ynghylch pa ddarpariaeth a gaiff ei darparu ar gyfer eu plant yn yr ysbyty. Byddai unrhyw gyngor neu unrhyw gymorth y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei roi yn ddefnyddiol iawn.
I'm familiar with the scheme, as it happens, and it's a very good scheme indeed. I know that there are a large number of parents who have relied very heavily on the scheme in the past and I've had similar representations to the Member made to me about the benefit that the scheme has brought to families. The Minister responsible is here and has listened very carefully to your comments. I'm sure he'll be able to bring something forward in due course that will allay people's fears.
Rwyf yn gyfarwydd iawn â'r cynllun, fel y mae'n digwydd, ac mae'n gynllun da iawn yn wir. Gwn fod nifer fawr o rieni sydd wedi dibynnu'n helaeth iawn ar y cynllun yn y gorffennol, ac rwyf innau wedi cael sylwadau tebyg i'r Aelod gan bobl am fudd y cynllun i deuluoedd. Mae'r Gweinidog â chyfrifoldeb yn bresennol ac mae wedi gwrando'n ofalus iawn ar eich sylwadau. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd ef yn gallu cyflwyno rhywbeth maes o law a bydd yn tawelu ofnau pobl.
Leader of the house, the Cabinet Secretary for rural affairs is aware of concerns raised about the complexity of the application process for rural development grants via the WEFO website for third sector organisations who've been allocated funding in the current round. Can the Welsh Government assure me that these concerns are being addressed in order to facilitate the draw-down of rural development grants for local projects such as the Ogmore village hall association?
Arweinydd y Tŷ, mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros faterion gwledig yn ymwybodol o'r pryderon a godwyd ynghylch cymhlethdod y broses ymgeisio ar gyfer grantiau datblygu gwledig drwy gyfrwng gwefan WEFO ar gyfer sefydliadau'r trydydd sector y mae cyllid wedi ei neilltuo iddynt yn y rownd bresennol. A all Llywodraeth Cymru roi sicrwydd imi bod y pryderon hyn yn cael sylw er mwyn hwyluso cael gafael ar grantiau datblygu gwledig ar gyfer prosiectau lleol megis Cymdeithas Neuadd Bentref Aberogwr?
Thank you very much for that question. The current system is not new; WEFO Online has been used for the successful management of EU-funded projects since 2008. The majority of applicants have successfully completed the online claims process with the existing guidance and support. However, we are aware that some applicants do have issues submitting their claims and officials work closely with them on a case-by-case basis. The guidance explains that the claims process is being reviewed by officials in response to feedback from applicants to that effect. We're not aware that any applicants have actually dropped out because of that process, but with regard to Ogmore, I can confirm that officials met with the trustees last Thursday to support them in submitting their claim.
Diolch yn fawr iawn ichi am y cwestiwn yna. Nid yw'r system bresennol yn newydd; defnyddiwyd WEFO Ar-lein i reoli prosiectau a ariennir gan yr UE yn llwyddiannus, ers 2008. Mae'r rhan fwyaf o ymgeiswyr wedi cwblhau'r broses hawliadau ar-lein yn llwyddiannus gyda'r arweiniad a'r cymorth presennol. Fodd bynnag, rydym ni'n ymwybodol bod rhai ymgeiswyr yn cael trafferth wrth gyflwyno eu hawliadau ac mae swyddogion yn gweithio'n agos gyda hwy fesul achos. Mae'r canllawiau yn esbonio bod y broses hawliadau yn cael ei hadolygu gan swyddogion mewn ymateb i adborth gan ymgeiswyr i'r perwyl hwnnw. Nid ydym yn ymwybodol bod unrhyw ymgeiswyr mewn gwirionedd wedi rhoi'r ffidil yn y to oherwydd y broses honno, ond o ran Aberogwr, gallaf gadarnhau bod swyddogion wedi cyfarfod â'r ymddiriedolwyr ddydd Iau diwethaf i'w cynorthwyo i gyflwyno eu cais.
Dramatic pause. Suzy Davies.
Saib dramatig. Suzy Davies.
Dramatic questions. Diolch, Llywydd. I wonder if we could have an update from the Cabinet Secretary for health, please, on the draft dementia strategy, now that he's had time to hear concerns raised at the cross-party group from dementia representatives. It's not published yet, of course, but some concerns were raised that perhaps it wasn't as innovative as they were expecting or that it was still too clinical in its model. I'm wondering whether—I see that you're here—you might agree to do that fairly soon.
Secondly, in September, following some pressure from my party, the Government undertook to review how potential conflicts of interest were managed in the case of a former civil servant with links to a film production company that subsequently received a Welsh Government loan. On 1 November, which is two months later, I was told that the review was being finalised, and, as of today, I'm still not sure what the outcome of that was and whether it has been finalised. I think this was probably a very straightforward review, but there's still a—. I think you'd have to agree that it's unacceptable not just in terms of transparency but in terms of uncertainty for the individual who was the subject of that review, and I'm wondering if you could arrange for an urgent update to the Assembly on that, please.
Finally, I wonder if I could ask for your assistance as business manager, actually. On 29 September and 4 October, I submitted a total of 16 written questions about film policy and its delivery process to the Cabinet Secretary for the economy, of which two have been answered. I've been told more than once that I will get a full set of answers to remaining questions, and I haven't. An attempt to resubmit some of those questions via a freedom of information request were rebuffed on the basis that they required explanations that were not held in a recorded form, and that is completely unacceptable when they relate, amongst other things, to conflicts of interests managing that, which, of course, should be minuted. I wonder if you could investigate, please, why I haven't had an answer to those questions.
Cwestiynau dramatig. Diolch, Llywydd. Tybed a allwn ni gael diweddariad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd, os gwelwch yn dda, ar y strategaeth dementia drafft, gan ei fod bellach wedi cael amser i glywed pryderon a godwyd yn y grŵp trawsbleidiol gan gynrychiolwyr dementia. Nid yw wedi'i chyhoeddi eto, wrth gwrs, ond codwyd rhai pryderon nad oedd efallai mor arloesol ag yr oedden nhw'n ei ddisgwyl neu ei bod yn rhy glinigol o ran ei model. Roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed—rwy'n gweld eich bod yn bresennol—a allech chi gytuno i wneud hynny yn weddol fuan.
Yn ail, ym mis Medi, yn dilyn rhywfaint o bwysau gan fy mhlaid, ymrwymodd y Llywodraeth i adolygu'r ffordd y cafodd gwrthdaro buddiannau posibl ei reoli yn achos cyn was sifil gyda chysylltiadau â chwmni cynhyrchu ffilmiau, a gafodd wedyn fenthyciadau gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Ar 1 Tachwedd, sef dau fis yn ddiweddarach, dywedwyd wrthyf fod yr adolygiad yn cael ei gwblhau, ac, hyd yn oed heddiw, nid wyf yn siŵr o hyd beth oedd canlyniad hynny ac os yw wedi ei gwblhau. Credaf mai adolygiad syml iawn oedd hwn fwy na thebyg, ond mae o hyd—. Rwy'n credu y byddai'n rhaid ichi gytuno ei bod yn annerbyniol, nid yn unig o ran tryloywder, ond o ran ansicrwydd ar gyfer yr unigolyn a oedd yn destun yr adolygiad hwnnw, ac roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed a allwch chi drefnu diweddariad brys i'r Cynulliad ynghylch hynny, os gwelwch yn dda.
Yn olaf, tybed a gaf i ofyn am eich cymorth fel rheolwr busnes, mewn gwirionedd. Ar 29 Medi a 4 Hydref , fe wnes i gyflwyno cyfanswm o 16 o gwestiynau ysgrifenedig i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi ynghylch polisi ffilm a'r broses o'i gyflawni, ac o'r cwestiynau hynny, atebwyd dau ohonynt. Rwyf wedi clywed mwy nag unwaith y byddaf yn cael cyfres gyfan o atebion i'r cwestiynau eraill, ond nid wyf wedi cael hynny. Gwrthodwyd yr ymgais i ailgyflwyno rhai o'r cwestiynau hynny drwy gais rhyddid gwybodaeth, ar y sail bod arnynt angen esboniadau nad ydynt ar gael ar ffurf cofnod, ac mae hynny'n gwbl annerbyniol pan eu bod yn ymwneud, ymhlith pethau eraill, â gwrthdaro buddiannau a rheoli hynny, y dylid, wrth gwrs, ei gofnodi. Tybed a allech chi ymchwilio, os gwelwch yn dda, pam nad wyf i wedi cael ateb i'r cwestiynau hynny.
In terms of the dementia strategy, I've had myself several meetings with the health Secretary about the dementia strategy, and I'm very aware that he's taken on board a large number of the issues that were raised with him by the various groups, including groups of people who have dementia themselves, and that he's on course to publish the new strategy, taking into account all of those views, in the new year. I see he's nodding at me, so that remains the case.
In terms of the conflicts of interest, I don't know whether that's related to the second one or not, but it's obviously the same topic—[Interrupion.] Different subjects, same topic. I think the best thing for us to do there is to actually discuss it outside and I will undertake to broker with the Member meetings with the various people she's mentioned to see if we can reach a satisfactory solution.
O ran y strategaeth dementia, rwyf i fy hun wedi cael sawl cyfarfod gyda'r Ysgrifennydd Iechyd ynghylch y strategaeth dementia, ac rwy'n ymwybodol iawn ei fod ef wedi rhoi sylw i nifer fawr o'r materion a godwyd gydag ef gan y gwahanol grwpiau, gan gynnwys grwpiau o bobl sydd â dementia eu hunain, a'i fod ar y trywydd iawn i gyhoeddi strategaeth newydd, gan gymryd i ystyriaeth yr holl sylwadau hynny, yn y flwyddyn newydd. Gwelaf ei fod yn siglo'i ben i gytuno â mi, felly dyna'r sefyllfa o hyd.
O ran gwrthdaro buddiannau, nid wyf yn gwybod pa un a yw hynny'n gysylltiedig â'r ail un ai peidio, ond mae'n amlwg mai'r un pwnc ydyw—[Torri ar draws.] Pynciau gwahanol, yr un testun. Rwy'n credu mai'r peth gorau i ni ei wneud yw ei drafod y tu allan mewn gwirionedd ac rwy'n addo y byddaf yn trefnu i'r aelod i gael cyfarfodydd gyda'r gwahanol bobl y mae hi wedi sôn amdanynt, i weld os gallwn ni gael ateb boddhaol.
Could I ask for a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services following the news yesterday that the Care and Social Services Inspectorate Wales, CSSIW, has classed 14 care homes in Wales as services of concern, meaning there's a possibility of suspending the service or, indeed, of cancelling their registration? I'm particularly concerned about the disproportionate nature or spread of those homes, with 10 of the 14 being located in north Wales, which, of course, is an area that I represent. I previously called for the expansion of the remit of CHCs, community health councils, to include social care, rather than abolishing them, which is the proposal of the Government at this moment in time. The intention of the Government is, of course, to create what could be a remote national body, no doubt based in Cardiff. My question is: why not use the boots on the ground that the CHCs already have, and that they are, certainly in north Wales, using very, very effectively, to scrutinise the service? Let's extend that to scrutinising care homes so that we can ultimately raise their standards.
North Wales Newspapers was one of the largest independent newspaper companies remaining before it was recently taken over by Newsquest, employing around 250 workers, publishing 13 newspapers, including the daily Leader in north-east Wales. Newsquest has announced now 20 job losses, and the entire production department is being outsourced to Oxford. There are fears, of course, that other departments will follow, as we've seen when other newspapers have been taken over by Newsquest. Newsquest and Trinity Mirror together have complete control now over all six daily papers that we have here in Wales and around 60 per cent of our local newspapers. We've argued here for greater media coverage in Wales to better reflect our lives in a devolved context, so how can that happen when jobs are being outsourced by Newsquest to Oxford and the largest newspaper chain in the north could now be left with what could be effectively a skeleton staff? So, I'd like to hear from the relevant Minister what the Government is doing to protect these jobs that are clearly now at risk, to ensure that we protect what local news coverage we have across Wales, and also to ensure that what limited plurality we still have within Welsh media isn't eroded further.
A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol yn dilyn y newyddion ddoe bod Arolygiaeth Gofal a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol Cymru, AGGCC, wedi disgrifio 14 o gartrefi gofal yng Nghymru fel gwasanaethau sy'n peri pryder, sy'n golygu ei bod yn bosibl y bydd gwasanaeth yn cael ei atal dros dro neu, yn wir, gellid dileu'r cofrestriad? Rwyf yn arbennig o bryderus ynghylch natur anghymesur neu wasgariad y cartrefi hynny, gan fod 10 o'r 14 o'r cartrefi hynny wedi eu lleoli yn y gogledd, sef, wrth gwrs, ardal yr wyf i yn ei chynrychioli. Fe wnes i alw yn flaenorol am ehangu cylch gwaith Cynghorau Iechyd Cymuned, i gynnwys gofal cymdeithasol, yn hytrach na chael gwared arnynt, sef cynnig y Llywodraeth ar hyn o bryd. Bwriad y Llywodraeth yw, wrth gwrs, creu yr hyn a allai fod yn gorff cenedlaethol o bell, a fydd wedi ei leoli yng Nghaerdydd yn ôl pob tebyg. Fy nghwestiwn i yw: pam na allan nhw ddefnyddio y bobl hynny y mae Cynghorau Iechyd Cymuned eisoes yn eu defnyddio ar lawr gwlad, ac yn eu defnyddio, yn sicr yn y gogledd, yn effeithiol iawn, iawn i graffu ar y gwasanaeth? Beth am i ni ymestyn hynny i gynnwys craffu ar gartrefi gofal, fel y gallwn godi eu safonau yn y pen draw.
Papurau Newydd Gogledd Cymru oedd un o'r cwmnïau papur newydd annibynnol mwyaf a oedd yn dal yn bodoli, cyn i Newsquest, sy'n cyflogi tua 250 o weithwyr, ac yn cyhoeddi 13 o bapurau newydd, gan gynnwys y Leader dyddiol yn y gogledd-ddwyrain, gymryd drosodd yn ddiweddar. Mae Newsquest wedi cyhoeddi erbyn hyn y bydd 20 o swyddi yn cael eu colli, a bod yr adran gynhyrchu gyfan yn cael ei lleoli'n allanol yn Rhydychen. Mae nifer yn ofni, wrth gwrs, y bydd adrannau eraill yn dilyn, yn debyg i'r hyn yr ydym eisoes wedi'i weld pan fo Newsquest wedi cymryd papurau newydd eraill drosodd. Mae Newsquest a Trinity Mirror gyda'i gilydd, bellach â rheolaeth lwyr o bob un o'r chwe phapur newydd dyddiol sydd gennym ni yma yng Nghymru ac oddeutu 60 y cant o'n papurau newydd lleol. Rydym wedi bod yn dadlau yma i gael mwy o sylw yn y cyfryngau yng Nghymru i adlewyrchu ein bywydau yn well mewn cyd-destun datganoledig, felly sut y gall hynny ddigwydd, pan fo swyddi yn cael eu rhoi ar gontract yn allanol i Rydychen gan Newsquest, a gallai'r gadwyn papurau newydd fwyaf yn y gogledd gael ei gadael â nifer fach iawn o staff mewn gwirionedd? Felly, hoffwn glywed gan y Gweinidog perthnasol, beth y mae'r Llywodraeth yn ei wneud i ddiogelu'r swyddi hyn sydd yn amlwg mewn perygl erbyn hyn, i sicrhau ein bod yn amddiffyn y sylw newyddion lleol sydd gennym ledled Cymru, a hefyd i sicrhau nad yw'r luosogrwydd cyfyngedig sydd gennym o hyd yng Nghymru, yn dirywio ymhellach.
Thank you for those two very important questions. In terms of the community health councils and their role in social care, the Minister was listening carefully all the way through. The Member characterised the consultation in not quite the way I understand it to be, and I think we do need to let the consultation take its course and see where we go with that. It is a consultation about the future of the CHCs, and I'm sure the Member, like me, has met with the CHC in his area and has had a number of representations. We need to let that consultation take its course.
In terms of the specifics about the care homes, I'm afraid I don't know very much about that at all, but the health Secretary was here listening to you, as was the Minister, and I'm sure, between them, they'll be able to address some of the concerns you raise.
In terms of the news issue, I share the Member's concern about the lack of diversity in local news, and a similar fate has befallen my own local newspaper and radio station, as it happens. I think that it would be very appropriate for the Minister in question to take a view and report back to the Assembly in due course when she has something that she can say usefully to us on that subject.
Diolch i chi am y ddau gwestiwn pwysig iawn yna. O ran y cynghorau iechyd cymuned a'u swyddogaeth mewn gofal cymdeithasol, roedd y Gweinidog yn gwrando'n astud drwy gydol yr amser. Fe wnaeth yr Aelod nodweddu'r ymgynghoriad nid yn union yn yr un modd ag yr wyf i yn ei ddeall, a chredaf bod angen i ni adael i'r ymgynghoriad fynd rhagddo a gweld beth fydd ein cam nesaf ar ôl hynny. Mae'n ymgynghoriad sy'n ymwneud â dyfodol cynghorau iechyd cymuned, ac rwyf yn siŵr bod yr Aelod, fel finnau, wedi cwrdd â'r cyngor iechyd cymuned yn ei ardal, ac wedi cael nifer o sylwadau. Mae angen inni adael yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw fynd rhagddo.
O ran y manylion am gartrefi gofal, mae arnaf ofn nad wyf i'n gwybod llawer iawn am hynny o gwbl, ond roedd yr Ysgrifennydd iechyd yma yn gwrando arnoch, fel yr oedd y Gweinidog, ac rwyf yn siŵr, rhyngddynt, y byddan nhw'n gallu mynd i'r afael â rhai o'r pryderon yr ydych chi'n eu codi.
O ran problem y newyddion, rwy'n rhannu pryder yr Aelod ynghylch y diffyg amrywiaeth o ran newyddion lleol, ac mae rhywbeth tebyg wedi digwydd gyda fy mhapur newydd lleol i, a'r orsaf radio, fel mae'n digwydd. Credaf y byddai'n briodol iawn i'r Gweinidog dan sylw ystyried hyn ac adrodd yn ôl i'r Cynulliad maes o law, pan fydd ganddi rywbeth defnyddiol i'w ddweud wrthym ni ar y pwnc hwnnw.
I have two items I wanted to raise with the leader of the house. Over the weekend, we all heard the news from the Royal Bank of Scotland that so many more bank closures would be taking place, and I think it's 20 in Wales. Two of them are in my constituency of Cardiff North, in Whitchurch and in the Heath hospital, and already I've been contacted, and I'm sure other Members have been, about what a loss this is to the community. I know that RBS are saying that fewer people are using the bank branches, and I'm sure that is true, but, for elderly and disabled people, it's very important that they do have a bank to go to. And of course, there's the issue of the contribution to the high street and the importance for local businesses. So, I wondered if we could have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for the economy about this further detrimental step, because we have debated this in the Assembly many times before, but the value of these banks to the community just does not seem to be recognised. So, that was the one statement I wanted.
And, then, the other issue was, on Saturday, I visited Organicafé, as part of Small Business Saturday. It is a very innovative, organic cafe in Birchgrove in my constituency, which has just won Best Cafe in the Welsh Italian Awards. The owners only actually came from Italy two years ago, and they've made a fantastic success there, so I was really pleased to visit it and highlight their achievements. But it made me think that there has been a big growth in cafe culture, and I just wondered whether it would be worth looking at the value of the cafe culture to our economy as well.
Mae gennyf i ddwy eitem yr wyf eisiau eu codi gydag arweinydd y tŷ. Yn ystod y penwythnos, fe wnaethom ni i gyd glywed y newyddion gan y Royal Bank of Scotland y bydd llawer mwy o fanciau yn cael eu cau, ac rwy'n credi mai 20 fydd yn cau yng Nghymru. Mae dau ohonyn nhw yn fy etholaeth i, sef Gogledd Caerdydd, yn yr Eglwys Newydd ac yn Ysbyty Mynydd Bychan, ac mae pobl eisoes wedi cysylltu â mi, ac rwyf yn siŵr bod pobl wedi cysylltu ag aelodau eraill hefyd, ynghylch cymaint o golled yw hyn i'r gymuned. Gwn fod RBS yn dweud bod llai o bobl yn defnyddio canghennau banc, ac rwy'n siŵr bod hynny'n wir, ond, ar gyfer yr henoed a phobl anabl, mae'n bwysig iawn bod ganddyn nhw fanc i fynd iddo. Ac wrth gwrs, mae'r hyn y mae'n ei gyfrannu at y stryd fawr yn fater i'w ystyried, a pha mor bwysig yr ydyw i fusnesau lleol. Felly, tybed allwn ni gael datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi ynghylch y cam niweidiol arall hwn, gan ein bod wedi trafod hyn yn y Cynulliad sawl gwaith o'r blaen, ond mae'n ymddangos nad yw gwerth y banciau hyn i'r gymuned yn cael ei gydnabod o gwbl. Felly, dyna oedd un datganiad yr oeddwn i ei eisiau.
Ac yna, y mater arall yw, ddydd Sadwrn, ymwelais ag Organicafé, yn rhan o Ddydd Sadwrn y Busnesau Bach. Mae'n gaffi arloesol, organig iawn yn Llwyn Bedw yn fy etholaeth i, sydd newydd ennill gwobr y Caffi Gorau yng Ngwobrau Eidalaidd Cymru. Yn wir, dim ond dwy flynedd yn ôl y daeth y perchnogion o'r Eidal, ac maen nhw wedi bod yn llwyddiannus iawn yno, felly roeddwn i'n falch iawn o ymweld â'r caffi ac i dynnu sylw at eu cyflawniadau. Ond gwnaeth imi feddwl ein bod wedi gweld twf mawr mewn diwylliant caffi, a tybed a fyddai'n werth ystyried gwerth diwylliant caffi i'n heconomi hefyd.
I can't resist answering that one first because I'm familiar with the cafe, and I would like to congratulate them on their award—it's well deserved. My son put me in the knowledge on the cafe, and it is indeed a fantastic little place, for those people who haven't visited it yet. Italian cafes have played an enormous role in the growth of cafe culture in Wales for a very long time, in fact, and certainly in the village I grew up in, in north Swansea, the Moruzzis were very instrumental in both kindling my love of ice cream, which possibly wasn't as good for me as it might have been, which I continue to have, and also, actually, just in promoting cafe culture in general as a place to meet and often discuss really quite progressive politics. So, I'm grateful to them for that as well. And I think that they do make a big contribution to our economy, and I'm sure that the Cabinet Secretary for the economy will be taking that into account when he produces his action plan in the future.
In terms of banking, I share the Member's concern about the closure of bank branches. I've had a number of meetings myself with a number of the big banks around their closure policy. They do produce statistics about the use of branch banking and so on, and a number of them do have good policies in terms of contacting older people and people with particular problems in mobility and so on about their banking. There is an arrangement in place with Post Office Counters, in actual fact, to do some banking, and we've made representations to them, I know, in my previous role, about ensuring that the Post Office Counters staff have the right training and that there are appropriate premises in which to conduct what might be a quite personal transaction in some cases for people who want to conduct banking transfers there. But I don't see any reason at all why we couldn't ask the Cabinet Secretary for the economy to make this Assembly's concerns known again.
Ni allaf beidio ag ateb y cwestiwn yna yn gyntaf, gan fy mod i'n gyfarwydd â'r caffi, a hoffwn eu llongyfarch ar eu gwobr—mae'n gwbl haeddiannol. Fy mab ddywedodd wrthyf am y caffi, ac yn wir mae'n lle bach gwych, i'r rhai hynny nad ydynt wedi ymweld ag ef hyd yma. Mae caffis Eidalaidd wedi chwarae rhan enfawr yn nhwf diwylliant caffi yng Nghymru am gyfnod hir iawn, mewn gwirionedd, ac yn sicr yn y pentref lle cefais i fy magu, yng ngogledd Abertawe, roedd y Moruzzis yn rhan allweddol o feithrin fy hoffter o hufen iâ, nad yw o bosibl mor dda i mi ag y gallai fod wedi bod, ac rwyf yn parhau i'w gael, a hefyd, mewn gwirionedd, yn rhan o hyrwyddo diwylliant caffi yn gyffredinol fel lle i gyfarfod ac yn aml i drafod gwleidyddiaeth flaengar iawn. Felly, rwyf yn ddiolchgar iddyn nhw am hynny hefyd. A chredaf eu bod nhw'n gwneud cyfraniad mawr i'n heconomi, ac rwyf yn siŵr y bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi yn ystyried hynny pan fydd yn llunio ei gynllun gweithredu yn y dyfodol.
O ran bancio, rwy'n rhannu pryder yr Aelod ynghylch cau canghennau banc. Rwyf i wedi cael nifer o gyfarfodydd gyda nifer o'r banciau mawr ynghylch eu polisi cau. Maen nhw yn cynhyrchu ystadegau am y defnydd o fancio cangen ac ati, ac mae gan nifer ohonynt bolisïau da o ran cysylltu â phobl hŷn a phobl sydd â phroblemau penodol gyda symudedd ac ati, am eu bancio. Mae trefniant ar waith gyda gwasanaeth cownteri Swyddfa'r Post, mewn gwirionedd, i wneud peth bancio, ac rydym wedi gwneud sylwadau iddyn nhw, mi wn, yn fy swydd flaenorol, ynghylch sicrhau bod staff cownteri Swyddfa'r Post yn cael yr hyfforddiant cywir a bod yna safle priodol ar gyfer cynnal yr hyn a allai fod yn drafodiad eithaf personol mewn rhai achosion ar gyfer pobl sydd eisiau gwneud trosglwyddiadau banc yn y fan honno. Ond nid wyf yn gweld unrhyw reswm o gwbl pam na allwn ni ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi fynegi pryderon y Cynulliad hwn unwaith eto.
Can I ask for a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for health on the situation faced by emergency departments in north Wales? The leader of the house will be aware that there were reports in the media over the weekend about tweets from the emergency department at Ysbyty Gwynedd, which claimed that some people were spending up to two days or more in the emergency department whilst waiting for medical beds. Now, we know that there is a problem at other north Wales hospitals. The poorest-performing hospital as far as the four-hour emergency department target is concerned in the whole of Wales is Glan Clwyd Hospital, in Bodelwyddan. This appears to be a significant problem in north Wales, which, clearly, people will want to have addressed prior to the very cold weather that may come over the winter period. Now, we heard a statement a few weeks ago, which was issued by the Cabinet Secretary for health, on winter preparedness, and he gave the impression that everything was fine. Well, things clearly aren't fine in north Wales. We need to know precisely what additional support is going to be put into place to make sure that patients, in an emergency, can get the services that they need.
A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd ar y sefyllfa a wynebir gan adrannau achosion brys yn y gogledd? Bydd arweinydd y tŷ yn ymwybodol y bu adroddiadau yn y cyfryngau yn ystod y penwythnos am negeseuon trydar gan yr adran achosion brys yn Ysbyty Gwynedd, a oedd yn honni bod rhai pobl yn treulio hyd at ddau ddiwrnod neu fwy yn yr adran achosion brys, wrth aros am welyau meddygol. Nawr, gwyddom fod problem mewn ysbytai eraill yn y gogledd. Yr ysbyty sy'n perfformio waethaf o ran y targed pedair awr yn yr adrannau achosion brys yng Nghymru gyfan, yw Ysbyty Glan Clwyd ym Modelwyddan. Ymddengys bod hyn yn broblem sylweddol yn y gogledd, sydd, yn amlwg, yn broblem y bydd pobl eisiau iddi gael ei ddatrys, cyn i'r tywydd oer iawn y gallwn ni ei gael yn ystod y gaeaf gyrraedd. Nawr, clywsom ddatganiad ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, a gyhoeddwyd gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd, ar barodrwydd ar gyfer y gaeaf, a rhoddodd yr argraff fod popeth yn iawn. Wel, yn amlwg nid yw popeth yn iawn yn y gogledd. Mae angen inni wybod yn union pa gymorth ychwanegol sydd am gael ei roi ar waith i sicrhau bod cleifion, mewn argyfwng, yn gallu cael y gwasanaethau sydd eu hangen arnynt.
That's a very important point that the Member raises, obviously. The Cabinet Secretary for health has made a number of contributions in this place to winter preparedness, and indeed to delayed transfers of care, and a number of other issues affecting waiting lists, and so on, in north Wales. He was here listening to your point and I'm sure he'll take it to account the next time he addresses us on the subject.
Mae hwnna'n bwynt pwysig iawn y mae'r Aelod yn ei godi, yn amlwg. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd wedi gwneud nifer o gyfraniadau yn y lle hwn o ran parodrwydd ar gyfer y gaeaf, ac yn wir o ran oedi wrth drosglwyddo gofal, a nifer o broblemau eraill sy'n effeithio ar restrau aros, ac ati, yn y gogledd. Roedd ef yma yn gwrando ar eich pwynt ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd ef yn ystyried hynny y tro nesaf y bydd ef yn ein hannerch ar y pwnc.
I'm looking at two statements from the leader of the Chamber. The Government has rightly issued statements about terrorist atrocities over the past 18 months. We have a Yemenese community in Cardiff, and in Wales, and civilians in the Yemen are being bombed and starved to death every single day. I'm wondering what the Welsh Government position is on this, and the daily terror—Saudi Arabian-backed terror—that the civilian population of the Yemen have to face every single day.
The second one is about mesh implants. I'm looking for a Government statement on the number of people who have received these mesh implants in Wales over the last seven years, and also the number of people who have had those implants without actually giving their consent and are in a lot of pain now. I'm wondering also what recourse is available to those people and what treatment they can be offered to help with their chronic symptoms.
Rwyf yn edrych ar ddau ddatganiad gan arweinydd y Siambr. Mae'r Llywodraeth yn ddigon teg wedi cyhoeddi datganiadau am erchyllterau terfysgol yn ystod y 18 mis diwethaf. Mae gennym ni gymuned o bobl o'r Yemen yng Nghaerdydd, ac yng Nghymru, ac mae dinasyddion yn yr Yemen yn cael eu bomio ac yn cael eu llwgu i farwolaeth bob un dydd. Roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed beth yw safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar hyn, a'r terfysg dyddiol—terfysg a gefnogir gan Saudi Arabia—y mae poblogaeth sifil yr Yemen yn gorfod ei wynebu bob dydd.
Mae'r ail un yn ymwneud â mewnblaniadau rhwyll. Rwyf yn gofyn am ddatganiad gan y Llywodraeth ar nifer y bobl sydd wedi cael y mewnblaniadau rhwyll hyn yng Nghymru yn ystod y saith mlynedd diwethaf, a hefyd nifer y bobl sydd wedi cael y mewnblaniadau hynny heb roi eu cydsyniad mewn gwirionedd, ac sydd yn dioddef llawer o boen erbyn hyn. Ys gwn i hefyd pa gymorth sydd ar gael i'r bobl hynny a pha driniaeth y gellir ei gynnig iddynt i'w helpu â'u symptomau cronig.
Well, on that second one, the Cabinet Secretary has already made a commitment to bring forward a statement on mesh implants, which—he's nodding at me—I'm sure he will be doing very soon.
In terms of various war situations and other atrocities, around the world, obviously the Welsh Government shares your concern that people have to live in such appalling situations. We don't have, obviously, foreign policy powers here. What we do have though is a policy that welcomes refugees and asylum seekers from all over the globe, where we can provide them with sanctuary. And I'm very proud that we're a nation that can do so.
Wel, o ran y ail un, mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet eisoes wedi ymrwymo i gyflwyno datganiad ar fewnblaniadau rhwyll, y bydd —mae'n siglo'i ben i gytuno â mi—rwy'n siŵr, yn ei wneud yn fuan iawn.
O ran gwahanol sefyllfaoedd rhyfel ac erchyllterau eraill, ledled y byd, yn amlwg mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhannu eich pryder bod pobl yn gorfod byw mewn sefyllfaoedd mor ofnadwy. Nid oes gennym, yn amlwg, bwerau polisi tramor yn y fan yma. Yr hyn sydd gennym, er hynny, yw polisi sy'n croesawu ffoaduriaid a cheiswyr lloches o bedwar ban byd, lle gallwn ddarparu lloches iddyn nhw. Ac rwyf yn falch iawn ein bod ni'n genedl sy'n gallu gwneud hynny.
Diolch i arweinydd y tŷ.
I thank the leader of the house.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar fudd y cyhoedd a Chymru ffynnianus—yr ymateb i'r ymgynghoriad. Rwy'n galw ar yr Ysgrifennydd i wneud y datganiad—Kirsty Williams.
The next item is the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on public good and a prosperous Wales—consultation response. I call on the Secretary to make the statement—Kirsty Williams.
Llywydd, in the summer, I published a White Paper on the reform of the post-compulsory education and training system. The consultation closed in late October, and I'd like to take this opportunity to update Members on progress and to announce that we are moving forward to a technical consultation.
In the White Paper, I set out the Government’s proposals for reform, covering further and higher education, research and innovation, work-based learning and adult community learning, and we sought views on the way forward. At the heart of the proposal for a reformed system is a new body: the tertiary education and research commission for Wales. Not only would this replace the Higher Education Funding Council for Wales, but it would also take on a wider set of functions, many of which are currently undertaken by the Government. In doing so, the new commission would provide oversight, strategic direction and leadership for the whole sector.
Over recent months, officials held a number of stakeholder events across the nation. This provided a dedicated opportunity for detailed discussions on the proposals. In addition, a separate learner consultation series of events was held in both north and south Wales, and a young persons consultation was also undertaken, because it is this group that will be most affected by the proposed changes.
I would like to thank all those who attended for sharing their views with us and helping to shape the next stage of our proposals. Although I cannot hope to do justice to the rich detail of the responses here today, I’m pleased to say that the proposals have received broad support. A summary of the responses will be published on the Government’s website.
Llywydd, yn ystod yr haf, fe wnes i gyhoeddi Papur Gwyn ar ddiwygio system hyfforddiant addysg ôl-orfodol. Daeth yr ymgynghoriad i ben ddiwedd mis Hydref, a hoffwn achub ar y cyfle hwn i roi'r newyddion diweddaraf i Aelodau ar y cynnydd a chyhoeddi ein bod yn symud ymlaen i ymgynghoriad technegol.
Yn y Papur Gwyn, rwy'n nodi cynigion y Llywodraeth ar gyfer diwygio, sy'n cwmpasu addysg uwch ac addysg bellach, ymchwil ac arloesi, dysgu seiliedig ar waith a dysgu oedolion yn y gymuned, ac fe wnaethom geisio barn ynghylch y ffordd ymlaen. Wrth wraidd y cynnig ar gyfer system ddiwygiedig mae corff newydd: y comisiwn ymchwil ac addysg drydyddol ar gyfer Cymru. Byddai hwn nid yn unig yn disodli Cyngor Cyllido Addysg Uwch Cymru, ond byddai hefyd yn cymryd cyfrifoldeb dros gyfres ehangach o swyddogaethau, y mae llawer ohonynt yn cael eu gwneud gan y Llywodraeth ar hyn o bryd. Wrth wneud hynny, byddai'r Comisiwn newydd yn darparu goruchwyliaeth, cyfeiriad strategol ac arweinyddiaeth ar gyfer y sector cyfan.
Yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf, cynhaliodd swyddogion nifer o ddigwyddiadau ar gyfer rhanddeiliaid ledled y wlad. Rhoddodd hyn gyfle pwrpasol ar gyfer trafodaethau manwl ar y cynigion. Hefyd, cynhaliwyd cyfres o ddigwyddiadau ymgynghoriad ar wahân yn y gogledd a'r de, a chynhaliwyd ymgynghoriad ar gyfer pobl ifanc hefyd, gan mai'r grŵp hwn fydd yn cael ei effeithio fwyaf gan y newidiadau arfaethedig.
Hoffwn ddiolch i bawb a oedd yn bresennol am rannu eu safbwyntiau â ni, a'n helpu i lunio cam nesaf ein cynigion. Er nad oes gobaith i mi allu gwneud cyfiawnder â manylder cyfoethog yr ymatebion yma heddiw, rwyf yn falch o ddweud bod y cynigion wedi cael cefnogaeth eang. Cyhoeddir crynodeb o'r ymatebion ar wefan y Llywodraeth.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.
The strategic planning role of the proposed commission was welcomed. There was agreement that funding from the commission to learning and training providers should be made dependent in some way on Welsh Ministers’ agreement to its strategic plan. The majority of respondents outside the higher education sector in principle supported the introduction of outcome agreements but wanted more detail on their operation. We will develop further detail on this approach for stakeholders’ consideration. Respondents saw a role for the proposed commission in supporting students to change courses and providers, and to protect students in the case of provider failure. A majority also agreed that widening access for underrepresented groups remains an issue, as does the lack of opportunities for part-time study. Members will know that these are driving principles for our student support reforms.
Turning to the quality of provision, the vast majority of stakeholders supported a role for the commission in enhancing quality. Opinion was, however, divided on whether one common quality assurance framework for the whole of the PCET system would be the right way forward. Clearly, more work is needed here, and the complementary review that is being undertaken by Professor Harvey Weingarten will contribute much to the development of these proposals as we go forward.
Whether or not the proposed commission should have responsibility for sixth forms was a specific question asked in the consultation. Again, this is an area where we will look to do further work, but it should be said that a majority of respondents were of the opinion that sixth forms should be treated as part of the PCET system. Some respondents felt that sixth forms should be phased in at a later date rather than being part of the commission’s remit at the outset. I thank respondents for raising these and other matters that we will now consider further in developing our proposals for the next stage of consultation.
As well as what stakeholders have told us in response to the White Paper, we also need to consider other developments and their impact on our proposals for PCET reform. The recent review of the activities of the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol recommended that it broadens its remit from higher education to cover the whole of the PCET sector. I am delighted that this is very much in tune with our proposals for PCET reform, and the relationship between the proposed commission and the Coleg will be a key consideration as we move forward.
The proposals for Research and Innovation Wales to be a statutory committee of the commission is clearly going to be influenced by stakeholder responses but also by the outcomes of the Reid review. This will report early in the new year and we will of course take Professor Reid’s views on board as we move forward. In the light of the responses to our initial White Paper proposals, I propose to issue a further technical consultation document early in the new year, setting out in more detail how we envisage the new commission might work. We are a Government that is committed to listening and I recognise that issues may yet emerge that are not covered by the technical consultation. I am, therefore, committed to continuing close engagement with stakeholders and across the Chamber as we move forward with our reforms.
I am heartened that, in the light of our proposals to reform the PCET system, stakeholders from the different sectors are already seeking out ways to work more effectively together in partnership, and that augurs really well for the future. Within Government we are also laying the foundations for a smooth transition to a transformed PCET system. We are taking an important first step towards that transition by making a series of new appointments to the current HEFCW council. The first of the new members joined the council on 1 December and the other new appointees will take up their roles early in 2018 as current members stand down.
These appointments will be for three years in the first instance and will help broaden the council’s reach and perspective. I am delighted that we have been able to attract such high-calibre individuals to these roles, which will be critical to helping us realise our ambitions for tertiary education, research and training. I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the members of the HEFCW council who will be stepping down as a result of these changes. They have made a significant contribution to Welsh higher education over many years.
Deputy Presiding Officer, there is no doubting the scale of our ambitions and the scale of these reforms. I welcome the broad consensus that exists and the agreement that simply maintaining the status quo is not a viable option. It's not a viable option for learners, for providers or the nation as a whole. We are committed to working in partnership to get this right and to ensuring a PCET system that will meet the needs of all and help build a more prosperous and successful Wales.
Roedd croeso i swyddogaeth y comisiwn arfaethedig o ran cynllunio strategol. Cafwyd cytundeb y dylai cyllid gan y comisiwn i ddarparwyr addysg a hyfforddiant fod yn ddibynnol mewn rhyw ffordd ar gytundeb Gweinidogion Cymru i'w gynllun strategol. Roedd mwyafrif yr ymatebwyr y tu allan i'r sector addysg uwch yn cefnogi mewn egwyddor gyflwyniad cytundebau canlyniadau ond yn eiddgar i gael mwy o fanylion am eu gweithrediad. Byddwn yn datblygu rhagor o fanylion am y dull hwn i'w hystyried gan y rhanddeiliaid. Roedd ymatebwyr yn gweld swyddogaeth i'r comisiwn arfaethedig o ran cefnogi myfyrwyr i newid cyrsiau a darparwyr, ac amddiffyn myfyrwyr yn achos methiant y darparwr. Cytunodd mwyafrif hefyd fod ehangu'r hygyrchedd i grwpiau nad oes ganddyn nhw gynrychiolaeth ddigonol yn broblem o hyd, fel y mae'r diffyg cyfleoedd i astudio'n rhan-amser. Bydd yr Aelodau yn gwybod fod y rhain yn egwyddorion ysgogol i'n diwygiadau ni o ran cymorth i fyfyrwyr.
Gan droi at ansawdd y ddarpariaeth, roedd mwyafrif llethol y rhanddeiliaid yn gefnogol i swyddogaeth i'r comisiwn o ran gwella ansawdd. Roedd gwahaniaeth barn, er hynny, ynghylch a fyddai un fframwaith cyffredin i sicrhau ansawdd y system Addysg a Hyfforddiant Ôl-orfodol (PCET) yn ei chyfanrwydd yn ffordd gywir o fwrw ymlaen. Mae'n amlwg fod angen gwaith eto yn hyn o beth, a bydd yr adolygiad ategol gan yr Athro Harvey Weingarten yn cyfrannu llawer i ddatblygiad y cynigion hyn wrth inni symud ymlaen.
Cwestiwn penodol a gafodd ei ofyn yn yr ymgynghoriad oedd a ddylai fod gan y comisiwn arfaethedig gyfrifoldeb dros y chweched dosbarth neu beidio . Eto, mae hwn yn faes y byddwn yn gwneud rhagor o waith arno, ond dylid dweud bod mwyafrif yr ymatebwyr o'r farn y dylai'r chweched dosbarth gael ei drin fel pe bai'n rhan o'r system PCET. Teimlai rhai ymatebwyr y dylid cyflwyno'r chweched dosbarth yn raddol yn ddiweddarach yn hytrach na bod yn rhan o gylch gwaith y comisiwn o'r dechrau. Rwy'n diolch i'r ymatebwyr am godi hynny a materion eraill y byddwn yn eu hystyried ymhellach wrth inni ddatblygu ein cynigion ar gyfer cam nesaf yr ymgynghoriad.
Yn ogystal â'r hyn y mae rhanddeiliaid wedi ei dweud wrthym ni yn eu hymateb i'r Papur Gwyn, mae angen hefyd inni ystyried yr adolygiad diweddar o ddatblygiadau eraill a'u heffaith ar ein cynigion ar gyfer diwygio PCET. Argymhellodd yr adolygiad diweddar o weithgareddau'r Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol ei fod yn ehangu ei gylch gwaith o fod yn cwmpasu addysg uwch i gwmpasu'r sector PCET yn ei gyfanrwydd. Rwyf wrth fy modd am fod hyn yn cyd-fynd â'n cynigion i ddiwygio PCET, a bydd y berthynas rhwng y comisiwn arfaethedig a'r Coleg yn ystyriaeth allweddol wrth i ni fwrw ymlaen.
Bydd y cynigion i wneud Ymchwil ac Arloesi Cymru yn bwyllgor statudol y comisiwn yn amlwg yn cael eu dylanwadu gan ymatebion y rhanddeiliaid ond hefyd ganlyniadau adolygiad Reid. Bydd hwn yn adrodd yn fuan yn y flwyddyn newydd a byddwn wrth gwrs yn cymryd barn yr Athro Reid i ystyriaeth wrth inni symud ymlaen. Yng ngoleuni'r ymatebion i'r cynigion cychwynnol yn ein Papur Gwyn, rwy'n bwriadu cyhoeddi dogfen ymgynghoriad technegol pellach yn gynnar yn y flwyddyn newydd, yn nodi'n fwy manwl sut yr ydym yn rhagweld y gallasai'r comisiwn newydd weithio. Rydym yn Llywodraeth sydd wedi ymrwymo i wrando ac rwy'n cydnabod efallai y bydd materion yn dod i'r amlwg eto na fydd yr ymgynghoriad technegol yn ymdrin â nhw. Rwyf i, felly, wedi fy ymrwymo i barhau i ymgysylltu yn agos â rhanddeiliaid ac ar draws y Siambr wrth inni symud ymlaen gyda'n diwygiadau.
Yng ngoleuni ein cynigion i ddiwygio'r system PCET, mae'n codi fy nghalon i fod rhanddeiliaid o'r gwahanol sectorau eisoes yn chwilio am ffyrdd o weithio'n fwy effeithiol gyda'i gilydd mewn partneriaeth, ac mae hynny'n argoeli'n dda iawn i'r dyfodol. Yn ein Llywodraeth rydym yn gosod y sylfeini ar gyfer trosglwyddo yn llyfn i system PCET sydd wedi ei gweddnewid. Rydym yn cymryd cam cyntaf pwysig tuag at y cyfnod pontio hwnnw drwy wneud cyfres o benodiadau newydd i gyngor cyfredol CCAUC. Ymunodd aelodau newydd cyntaf y Cyngor ar 1 Rhagfyr, a bydd aelodau newydd eraill yn dechrau yn eu swyddi yn gynnar yn 2018 fel y bydd yr aelodau presennol yn rhoi'r gorau iddi.
Bydd y penodiadau hyn am dair blynedd yn y lle cyntaf a byddant yn helpu i ehangu cyrhaeddiad a gwelediad y Cyngor. Rwyf wrth fy modd ein bod wedi gallu denu unigolion o'r fath safon uchel i'r swyddi hyn, a fydd yn hanfodol i helpu inni wireddu ein huchelgais ar gyfer addysg drydyddol, ymchwil a hyfforddiant. Hoffwn achub ar y cyfle hwn i roi teyrnged i Aelodau Cyngor CCAUC, a fydd yn ymadael â'u swyddi o ganlyniad i'r newidiadau hyn. Maen nhw wedi gwneud cyfraniad sylweddol i addysg uwch yng Nghymru dros nifer o flynyddoedd.
Dirprwy Lywydd, ni ellir amau ehangder ein huchelgais nac ehangder y diwygiadau hyn. Rwy'n croesawu'r consensws eang sy'n bodoli, a'n bod yn cytuno hefyd nad yw cadw pethau fel ag y maen nhw yn ddewis ymarferol. Nid ydyw'n ddewis ymarferol ar gyfer dysgwyr, nac ar gyfer darparwyr na'r genedl gyfan. Rydym wedi ymrwymo i weithio mewn partneriaeth i wneud hyn yn iawn a sicrhau system PCET a fydd yn diwallu anghenion pawb ac yn helpu i saernïo Cymru sy'n fwy llewyrchus a llwyddiannus.
Can I thank the Cabinet Secretary for her statement today and for advance notice of that statement, and, indeed, all of the individuals who responded to the public consultation on the White Paper?
As the Cabinet Secretary knows, the proposal to establish a tertiary education and research commission for Wales is one that we Welsh Conservatives fully support. And whilst I appreciate the notice that the Government is now going to move forward to a technical consultation, I think it's very important to make clear that we're facing serious challenges in the post-compulsory education sector right now, and we have to move towards improving that situation as soon as possible.
So, these reforms, I believe, give us a crucial opportunity to create the flexible and agile education and training system that we all want to see and that was alluded to in the Government's White Paper.
I just wondered, though, whether you could give us a clear timescale for the completion of the technical consultation and when you expect to be able to implement any recommendations that emerge from that, once you've considered those consultation responses, in order that we can get to the place that we all want to be as soon as possible.
You didn't refer to vocational pathways in your statement today, and you did briefly mention part-time study, but only very briefly. As you know, the new commission, I believe, gives us an exciting opportunity to champion vocational qualifications and, indeed, part-time study. I know that they've been given a bit of lip service in the past, I think it's fair to say, from some of your predecessors—not you, I hasten to add—but we need some bold changes in the post-compulsory education system if we're going to fulfil the ambition that we've got for part-time students and, indeed, for vocational learners as well.
So, I just wonder whether you could outline if there are any plans to ensure that the new commission gives equal priority to vocational and part-time learning, to make sure that there's not an overemphasis by that new commission on higher education which, I think it's fair to say, there has been, potentially, in the past.
You also mentioned widening access for underrepresented groups—another thing that I very much welcome. One of the things that sometimes puts a barrier up for underrepresented groups is the flexibility of courses and the financing that is sometimes needed to support people in accessing those courses. So, I think that we clearly need to see some change in terms of how education courses can be accessed and delivered. Some of those groups that face those barriers are, of course, Gypsy/Traveller groups, ethnic minority groups and, indeed, looked-after children—they're significantly underrepresented in post-compulsory education. So, I wonder whether you could tell us what precisely you're going to do, in particular to support those groups and what you'll be tasking the new commission with in terms of improving access to post-compulsory education for those individuals.
In addition, in terms of the financing and the flexibility arrangements, clearly we need to be looking at how people access courses and how people can switch, perhaps, from one course to another if their circumstances change. Sometimes, people are knocked out of the system because they've got a health need for a period, and obviously it's important that they have the opportunity to be able to pick back up their studies. Sometimes, people relocate from one part of the country to another during the middle of a course and it's important that they can take and bank some credits with them from the courses that they've started. And yet, these are currently big issues that are not easily resolved with the current post-compulsory education system. So, I wonder whether these will be particular issues that you'll want the commission to focus on.
The other thing that I didn't hear you refer to today was something that really underpins the whole purpose of this reform, and that is careers. We know that we want to match people with appropriate careers that they can enjoy and have fulfilled lives in, but we also know that there's a dearth, frankly, of high-quality careers advice available to people in Wales, particularly those who are beyond compulsory education age. So, I'm talking adults, perhaps, in later life who are hoping to return to the workforce, or have been made redundant, or through circumstances are having to switch careers and may need some support, advice and guidance in order to get them into the right place. So, again, I wonder whether the commission could have a role in this and whether that is something that you would want them to have a look at.
Just finally, if I may, on the Welsh language, I know that there is a separate piece of work that is being done in terms of the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol and its role, but can you assure us that the role of the college will be integral, really, to the way that this commission operates, so that we can all ensure that there's a concerted effort, across the whole of the education sector, to support the ambition that we all have in this Chamber, which is to see those 1 million Welsh speakers within the time frame set by the Welsh Government of 2050? Thank you.
A gaf i ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei datganiad heddiw ac am hysbysiad ymlaen llaw am y datganiad hwnnw, ac, yn wir, i bob un o'r unigolion a wnaeth ymateb i'r ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus ar y Papur Gwyn?
Fel y gŵyr Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae'r cynnig i sefydlu Comisiwn ymchwil ac addysg drydyddol i Gymru yn un y mae'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn ei lwyr gefnogi. Ac er fy mod i'n gwerthfawrogi'r hysbysiad fod y Llywodraeth bellach yn mynd i symud ymlaen at ymgynghoriad technegol, rwyf i o'r farn ei bod yn bwysig iawn egluro ein bod yn wynebu heriau difrifol yn y sector addysg ôl-orfodol ar hyn o bryd, a'i bod yn rhaid inni symud tuag at wella'r sefyllfa honno cyn gynted ag y bo'r modd.
Felly, mae'r diwygiadau hyn, yn fy marn i, yn rhoi cyfle hollbwysig i greu'r system addysg a hyfforddiant hyblyg ac ystwyth yr ydym ni i gyd yn awyddus i'w gweld, a chyfeiriwyd at hynny ym Mhapur Gwyn y Llywodraeth.
Tybed, er hynny, a fyddai modd ichi roi amserlen glir inni ar gyfer dod â'r ymgynghoriad technegol i ben a phryd yr ydych yn disgwyl y gallwch weithredu ar unrhyw argymhellion sy'n deillio o hynny, ar ôl ichi ystyried yr ymatebion hynny i'r ymgynghoriad, er mwyn inni allu cyrraedd y man sy'n ddymunol inni i gyd mor fuan â phosibl.
Ni wnaethoch gyfeirio at lwybrau galwedigaethol yn eich datganiad heddiw, ac fe wnaethoch chi sôn yn fyr am astudiaeth ran-amser, ond ddim ond yn fyr iawn oedd hynny. Fel y gwyddoch chi, bydd y comisiwn newydd, yn fy marn i, yn gyfle cyffrous i hyrwyddo cymwysterau galwedigaethol ac, yn wir, astudiaeth ran-amser. Rwy'n gwybod eu bod wedi cael tipyn o wefus-wasanaeth yn y gorffennol, credaf ei bod yn ddigon teg dweud hynny, gan rai o'ch rhagflaenwyr—nid y chi, rwy'n prysuro i ychwanegu—ond bydd angen rhai newidiadau mentrus yn y system addysg ôl-orfodol os ydym yn awyddus i wireddu'r uchelgais sydd gennym ar gyfer myfyrwyr rhan-amser ac, yn wir, ar gyfer dysgwyr galwedigaethol hefyd.
Felly, tybed a allech chi amlinellu a oes unrhyw gynlluniau ar y gweill i sicrhau bod y comisiwn newydd yn rhoi'r un flaenoriaeth i addysg alwedigaethol a rhan-amser, er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr nad yw'r comisiwn newydd hwnnw yn gorbwysleisio addysg uwch sydd, rwy'n credu ei bod yn deg dweud, wedi bodoli, o bosibl, yn y gorffennol.
Roeddech chi hefyd yn sôn am ehangu'r hygyrchedd ar gyfer grwpiau nad oes ganddyn nhw gynrychiolaeth ddigonol—rhywbeth arall yr wyf yn ei groesawu'n fawr iawn. Un o'r pethau hynny sydd weithiau yn faen tramgwydd i grwpiau heb gynrychiolaeth ddigonol yw hyblygrwydd y cyrsiau a'r ariannu sydd ei angen weithiau i helpu pobl i gael mynd ar y cyrsiau hynny. Felly, rwy'n credu bod angen amlwg inni weld rhywfaint o newid o ran hygyrchedd a'r modd y caiff cyrsiau addysg eu cyflwyno. Rhai o'r grwpiau sy'n wynebu'r rhwystrau hynny, wrth gwrs, yw grwpiau Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, grwpiau lleiafrifoedd ethnig ac, yn wir, blant sy'n derbyn gofal—nid yw'r rhain yn cael eu cynrychioli'n ddigonol o bell ffordd mewn addysg ôl-orfodol. Felly, tybed a allech chi ddweud wrthym beth yn union yr ydych yn mynd i'w wneud, yn arbennig i gefnogi'r grwpiau hynny, a beth fyddwch chi yn eu rhoi yn dasgau i'r comisiwn newydd o ran gwella hygyrchedd i addysg ôl-orfodol ar gyfer yr unigolion hynny.
Yn ogystal â hynny, o ran ariannu a threfniadau hyblygrwydd, mae angen amlwg fod angen inni edrych ar sut y mae pobl yn defnyddio'r cyrsiau a sut y gall pobl newid, efallai, o un cwrs i un arall pe bai eu hamgylchiadau'n newid. Weithiau, mae pobl yn cael eu taflu allan o'r system am fod ganddyn nhw angen iechyd am gyfnod, ac yn amlwg mae'n bwysig fod cyfle iddynt allu ailafael yn eu hastudiaethau. Weithiau, mae pobl yn symud o un rhan o'r wlad i ran arall ar ganol eu cwrs ac mae'n bwysig eu bod yn gallu cymryd y credydau hynny gyda nhw o'r cyrsiau y maen nhw wedi eu dechrau. Ac eto i gyd, mae'r rhain yn faterion mawr nad ydyn nhw ar hyn o bryd yn cael eu datrys yn hawdd yn y system bresennol o addysg ôl-orfodol. Felly, tybed a fydd y rhain yn faterion penodol y byddwch chi'n awyddus i'r comisiwn ganolbwyntio arnyn nhw.
Y peth arall na chlywais i chi'n cyfeirio ato heddiw oedd rhywbeth sydd mewn gwirionedd yn sail i holl bwrpas y diwygiad hwn, sef gyrfaoedd. Gwyddom ein bod eisiau paru pobl â gyrfa briodol y gallan nhw ei mwynhau a chael bywyd bodlon ynddi hi, ond gwyddom hefyd fod prinder cyngor gyrfaoedd o ansawdd uchel ar gael i bobl yng Nghymru, yn enwedig y rhai sydd y tu hwnt i oedran addysg orfodol. Felly, sôn yr wyf am oedolion sydd o bosibl yn ddiweddarach yn eu bywyd yn gobeithio dychwelyd i'r gweithlu, neu sydd wedi cael eu diswyddo neu, oherwydd amgylchiadau, sy'n gorfod newid gyrfa ac efallai y bydd angen cymorth, cyngor a chanllawiau i'w rhoi ar ben y ffordd. Felly, eto, tybed a allai'r comisiwn gael swyddogaeth yn hyn o beth ac a yw hynny'n rhywbeth y byddech yn awyddus iddyn nhw edrych arno.
Ac yn olaf, os y caf i, ar fater yr iaith Gymraeg, rwy'n gwybod bod darn o waith ar wahân yn cael ei wneud o ran y Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol a'i swyddogaeth, ond a wnewch chi sicrhau y bydd swyddogaeth y coleg yn rhan annatod, yn wir, o'r ffordd y mae'r comisiwn hwn yn gweithredu, fel y gall pob un sicrhau bod yna ymdrech ar y cyd, ledled yr holl sector addysg, i gefnogi'r uchelgais sydd gennym ni yn y Siambr hon, hynny yw, gweld yr 1 filiwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg hynny o fewn yr amserlen a bennwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, sef 2050? Diolch.
Can I thank Darren Millar for that series of questions, and for his in principle support for the reform agenda that we have before us? Darren, like me, understands that the status quo is not an option, and some of the problems and commentary that Darren has just made about some of the challenges that face students are one of the driving factors behind the reform.
We need a system that is truly listening to student voice, that recognises that simply seeing students as traditional 18-year-old school leavers is not appropriate any more, and we need to develop a system of post-compulsory education that recognises that people will come in and out of education throughout their lives and their careers as we adapt to an ever-changing economy. Students will need the flexibility to be able to study, sometimes full time, or sometimes part time, alongside working or, perhaps, caring responsibilities. The whole focus of creating a single body to oversee this entire sector gives us the opportunity to be able to establish such a system, and I welcome his support for it.
If I could turn to some of the specific issues that he raises, Darren, like you, I think we have to acknowledge that, despite many debates in this Chamber and many speeches by Ministers, Cabinet Secretaries and, indeed, opposition politicians, academic and vocational routes through education are still not regarded as equally valuable. That is something that I regret very much. Evidence suggests that learners—young learners, especially—and their parents are not always receiving the best information and advice to steer them towards learning and career choices that are right for them. That was one of the strongest messages that we had as a result of our learner consultation: young people are saying, 'We're not getting the advice that we need to be able to make those choices.' Again, one of the rationales behind this reform is to say that these courses, these pathways into employment, into learning and studying, are of equal status. Depending on what your aspirations are, what your career ambitions are, then there is no single right way or wrong way, or better way or less good way of achieving that. Again, that's one of the rationales behind this reform.
But we have to get information right; we have to get it right for young people, and we have to get it right for older people who may be facing career changes or may be looking for new opportunities as a result of redundancy or a change in life circumstances. I think it's fair to say that, perhaps, we have not developed this as much as we would like, and it's something that is a constant source of conversation between myself and the Minister, as well as the Cabinet Secretary for the economy, as we look at employability programmes and economic development in the round. We will need to do further work in this area to get the offer right, because if we listen to students and young people, they're not getting it at the moment. We have to be honest about that, otherwise there's no point in carrying out the consultation if we're not prepared to take on board what people are telling us.
Access, of course, is at the heart of our student support reforms. That's why we will be unique in the UK when we will offer pro rata support for part-time learners in higher education. For those who are in the further education field, we have maintained our commitment to the EMA, to the education maintenance allowance that allows children and young people from a poorer background to access financial support in the FE sector. Looked-after children, of course, will be eligible for the highest level of maintenance support that this Welsh Government will offer: in excess of £9,000 to allow them to study at a higher education level. The bigger challenge, I believe, for us, is to ensure more looked-after children have the opportunity to apply for that maintenance grant. That goes back to the action across the education department to support looked-after children in their education, because I want more of them to be able to access that maintenance grant. We also have a support system for disabled students, which has recently been independently reviewed, and that review has found it to be a very successful scheme that is really helping those people with a disability to go on into higher education.
It is my intention that, as a result of these reforms, it should be easier for students to be able to switch courses, carry credits forward, have a blended nature to their study—part time, full time, depending on their circumstances. With regard to the coleg, as you know, I think the coleg Cymraeg has done a great job in broadening access to higher education courses through the medium of Welsh. I believe that the principle of extending that to FE and work-based learning, so that people have the opportunity to undertake their learning and their training in Welsh is particularly crucial in certain sectors where we have a dearth of professionals. Only recently, in the additional learning needs debate, we talked about a whole raft of professionals that need Welsh language skills that we don't currently have at the moment. It's absolutely crucial that we develop the role of the coleg in line with our PCET reforms and I believe that they are attuned.
But I have to say, Deputy Presiding Officer, I'm very grateful for the way in which Darren Millar has engaged in this. Like me, he has high ambitions for this particular part of our education and training sector, and I look forward to continuing to work with Darren on the technical consultation, which will be released in the new year. I'm a Minister who is keen to get on with things, and we will try and make progress as quickly as possible, but recognising this is a significant set of reforms and we need to get them right.
A gaf i ddiolch i Darren Millar am y gyfres hon o gwestiynau, ac am ei gefnogaeth mewn egwyddor i'r agenda o ddiwygio sydd gennym ni gerbron? Mae Darren, fel finnau, yn deall nad yw'r sefyllfa sydd ohoni yn ddewis o gwbl, ac un o'r ffactorau sydd wedi ysgogi'r diwygio yw rhai o'r problemau a'r sylwadau y mae Darren newydd eu gwneud am rai o'r heriau sy'n wynebu myfyrwyr.
Mae angen inni gael system sy'n gwrando'n wirioneddol ar lais y myfyrwyr, sy'n cydnabod nad yw'n gymwys bellach ystyried myfyriwr fel rhywun sy'n gadael ysgol yn draddodiadol yn 18 mlwydd oed. Mae angen inni ddatblygu system addysg ôl-orfodol sy'n cydnabod bod pobl yn gallu mynd i mewn ac allan o addysg gydol eu hoes a'u gyrfaoedd wrth inni addasu i economi sy'n newid yn barhaus. Bydd angen hyblygrwydd ar fyfyrwyr i allu astudio, weithiau'n amser llawn neu weithiau'n rhan amser, yn gyfochrog â'r gwaith neu, efallai, gyfrifoldebau gofalu. Mae'r holl ganolbwyntio ar greu un corff i oruchwylio'r sector cyfan hwn yn rhoi cyfle inni allu sefydlu system o'r fath, ac rwy'n croesawu ei gefnogaeth ef i hynny.
Os caf i droi at rai o'r materion penodol sy'n cael eu codi ganddo, Darren, fel chithau, rwyf i o'r farn ei bod yn rhaid inni gydnabod, er gwaethaf llawer o'r dadleuon yn y Siambr hon a llawer o areithiau gan Weinidogion, Ysgrifenyddion y Cabinet ac, yn wir, wleidyddion y gwrthbleidiau, nad yw llwybrau academaidd a galwedigaethol drwy addysg yn cael eu hystyried yr un mor werthfawr â'i gilydd. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n ofid mawr i mi. Mae tystiolaeth yn awgrymu nad yw dysgwyr—dysgwyr ifanc, yn arbennig—na'u rhieni bob amser yn cael yr wybodaeth na'r cyngor gorau i'w tywys nhw tuag at y dewisiadau addysg a gyrfa mwyaf priodol iddyn nhw. Dyna oedd un o'r negeseuon cryfaf a gawsom ni o ganlyniad i'n hymgynghoriad â dysgwr: mae pobl ifanc yn dweud, 'Nid ydym yn cael y cyngor sydd ei angen arnom i wneud y dewisiadau hynny.' Eto i gyd, un o'r seiliau rhesymegol y tu ôl i'r diwygio hwn yw dweud bod y cyrsiau hyn, y llwybrau hyn i gyflogaeth, i addysg ac astudiaeth, o'r un gwerth â'i gilydd. Gan ddibynnu ar eich dyheadau, eich uchelgeisiau gyrfaol, yna nid un ffordd gywir neu anghywir, neu un ffordd well neu waeth, sydd o gyflawni hynny. Eto i gyd, dyna un o seiliau rhesymegol y tu ôl i'r diwygio hwn.
Ond mae'n rhaid inni gael yr wybodaeth yn iawn; mae'n rhaid inni gael hynny'n iawn ar gyfer pobl ifanc, a rhaid inni ei chael yn iawn ar gyfer pobl hŷn sydd efallai yn wynebu newidiadau yn eu gyrfa neu efallai eu bod yn chwilio am gyfleoedd newydd o ganlyniad i golli eu swyddi neu newid yn amgylchiadau eu bywyd. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn deg dweud, efallai, nad ydym wedi datblygu hyn i'r graddau y byddem wedi ei hoffi, ac mae'n rhywbeth sy'n ffynhonnell gyson o drafodaeth rhyngof i a'r Gweinidog, yn ogystal ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi, wrth inni edrych ar raglenni cyflogadwyedd a datblygiad economaidd yn gyffredinol. Bydd angen inni wneud rhagor o waith yn y maes hwn i wneud y cynnig iawn, oherwydd os gwrandawn ni ar fyfyrwyr a phobl ifanc, nid ydyn nhw'n cael hynny ar hyn o bryd. Mae'n rhaid inni fod yn onest am hynny, fel arall nid oes unrhyw bwynt inni gynnal yr ymgynghoriad os nad ydym yn barod i ystyried yr hyn y mae pobl yn ei ddweud wrthym.
Mae hygyrchedd, wrth gwrs, wrth wraidd y diwygiadau cymorth i fyfyrwyr. Dyna pam y byddwn ni'n unigryw yn y DU pan fyddwn yn cynnig cymorth pro rata ar gyfer dysgwyr rhan-amser mewn addysg uwch. I'r rhai sydd yn y maes addysg bellach, rydym wedi cynnal ein hymrwymiad i'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, sy'n caniatáu i blant a phobl ifanc o gefndir tlotach gael cymorth ariannol yn y sector addysg bellach. Bydd plant sy'n derbyn gofal, wrth gwrs, yn gymwys i gael y lefel uchaf o gymorth cynhaliaeth y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei gynnig: dros £9,000 i'w galluogi i astudio ar lefel addysg uwch. Yr her fwy i ni, rwy'n credu, yw sicrhau bod mwy o blant sy'n derbyn gofal yn cael cyfle i wneud cais am y grant cynhaliaeth. Mae hynny'n mynd yn ôl at y camau gweithredu ar draws yr adran addysg i gefnogi plant sy'n derbyn gofal yn eu haddysg, oherwydd rwy'n awyddus bod mwy ohonyn nhw'n gallu cael gafael ar y grant cynhaliaeth hwnnw. Mae gennym hefyd system cymorth i fyfyrwyr anabl, a adolygwyd yn annibynnol yn ddiweddar, a chanfu'r adolygiad hwnnw ei fod yn gynllun llwyddiannus iawn sy'n helpu'r bobl hynny ag anableddau i fynd ymlaen i addysg uwch.
O ganlyniad i'r diwygiadau hyn, fy mwriad i yw y dylai fod yn haws i fyfyrwyr allu newid cyrsiau, cario credydau ymlaen, a chael dull cyfunol o astudio—rhan-amser, amser llawn, gan ddibynnu ar eu hamgylchiadau. O ran y coleg, fel y gwyddoch, rwyf i o'r farn fod y coleg Cymraeg yn gwneud gwaith rhagorol yn ehangu hygyrchedd i gyrsiau addysg uwch drwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg. Credaf fod yr egwyddor o ymestyn hynny i addysg bellach ac addysg sy'n seiliedig ar waith, fel bod cyfle i bobl gael eu haddysg a chael eu hyfforddi trwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg, yn arbennig o hanfodol mewn rhai sectorau lle mae prinder gweithwyr proffesiynol. Dim ond yn ddiweddar, yn y ddadl ar anghenion dysgu ychwanegol, roeddem yn sôn am lu o weithwyr proffesiynol y mae angen sgiliau iaith Gymraeg arnyn nhw ar hyn o bryd nad oes gennym ar hyn o bryd. Mae'n gwbl hanfodol inni ddatblygu swyddogaeth y coleg yn unol â'n diwygiadau PCET ac rwy'n credu eu bod mewn cytgord.
Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, Dirprwy Lywydd, fy mod yn ddiolchgar iawn am y modd y mae Darren Millar wedi chwarae ei ran yn hyn. Fel finnau, mae ganddo uchelgais mawr ar gyfer y rhan arbennig hon o'n sector addysg a hyfforddiant, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at barhau i weithio gyda Darren ar yr ymgynghoriad technegol, a fydd yn cael ei ryddhau yn y flwyddyn newydd. Gweinidog wyf i sy'n awyddus i fwrw ymlaen â phethau, a byddwn yn ceisio gwneud cynnydd cyn gynted ag y bo modd, ond gan gydnabod mai cyfres sylweddol o ddiwygiadau yw hon ac mae angen inni eu cael nhw'n iawn.
A gaf innau hefyd ategu'r diolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am ei datganiad? Rydw i'n edrych ymlaen at weld cynnydd yn y broses yma dros y misoedd a'r blynyddoedd nesaf ar hyd yr un llinellau ag sydd eisoes wedi cael eu mynegi. Yn sicr, mae hi yn daith sy'n mynd i'r cyfeiriad iawn. Mae'n debyg, efallai, y byddwn ni angen trafod ymhellach pan ddaw'r glo mân i'r amlwg ond, yn sicr, rydym ni'n gefnogol i'r bwriad yn y pen draw. A gaf i ddiolch hefyd i'r Ysgrifennydd am ei datganiad ei bod hi'n ymrwymo i ymwneud agos â budd-ddeiliad ac i ymwneud ar draws y Siambr, hefyd, wrth i'r diwygiadau yma symud yn eu blaenau?
May I also endorse the thanks given to the Cabinet Secretary for the statement? I look forward to seeing progress in this sector along the lines that have been outlined. It is certainly a journey that is travelling in the right direction. We may have to discuss this further when we deal with the minutiae, but we’re certainly supportive of the ambition. And I also thank the Cabinet Secretary for her statement that she is committed to working closely with stakeholders and working across the Chamber as these reforms make progress?
The previous questioner asked particularly about the timescale of the technical consultation. I'm just interested in your confirmation, maybe, that you still intend for this legislation to have completed its journey through this Assembly by the end of this Assembly, and maybe you could map out some key milestones for us on that journey if that's possible, just so that we have that broad timetable a bit more clearly in our minds, because there are a number of hares running here, really. You mentioned a number of reviews: the technical consultation itself, of course; the Reid review, which will feed into this; the Weingarten review, as well. I'd be interested in hearing how you think all of these can actually come together and be aligned effectively to ensure that all of these are taken into full consideration.
I've raised with you before the sixth-form question, and it was in the White Paper, and rightly so. You say that the majority of respondents were in favour of including sixth forms under the proposed system, although some made a pitch, if you like, to phase them in at a later date. I'm just wondering if you could tell us what more information or what further discussions you need to come to a decision around that and how that could potentially affect the timetable. Would that require legislation later on? Or would you incorporate that into your proposed legislation for something that will be brought in at a later point? Because, clearly, many of us are hoping that this will be a coherent and comprehensive reform of the sector. There's a danger that if we start hiving certain bits off that it becomes piecemeal. I understand the difficulties around that particular issue, but I'd just like to hear a bit more about your thinking in that respect.
You did mention adult community learning—or you namechecked it—at the beginning of your statement. There's not much more and, clearly, we've heard one or two things in your last response. Clearly, the decline in part-time adult provision is very worrying, and adult community learning, some people feel, is very much on its knees at the moment. So, the sector is telling me that it can't wait for these changes, although there was very little, actually, in the White Paper on adult community learning. There is a risk that we end up talking too much about sixth-form colleges, universities—we need to talk about them, of course, but I think we need to get the balance right. So, I'd just be interested in hearing a bit more about how we can really incorporate the sector's voice into the discussions from now on, and not fall into the trap of paying lip service—I think that is the second time that phrase has been used—and how that voice will be heard within the commission's role, because we come back to this parity-of-esteem principle that we're all pursuing, and it'd be good to have greater clarity, again, on that.
You touched on the extension of the role of the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol. I would reiterate that we need to make sure that the role isn't eroded in any way, that it retains its existing responsibility, its enhanced responsibility and its distinct role within the new landscape. Maybe you could acknowledge—or will you acknowledge—that additional responsibilities have to mean additional resources as well, albeit we're in a very difficult time, I know, in that respect. But one, one would expect, would have to follow the other.
On that point, it probably is too early to start talking about budgets and all that kind of thing for the proposed new body, but I remember well, when discussions were being had around the establishment of Natural Resources Wales, that one of the reasons being put forward was that it would create an efficiency of savings. I'm not sure whether that is part of your consideration or to what extent that might be driving some of what is playing out now. I'd be interested to hear whether you envisage some sort of projected efficiency saving from the new arrangement—or is that not part of your consideration at all? It'd be interesting to know, actually, at what point you think that might become clearer.
We've touched on addressing the barriers to post-compulsory education and training, and the cuts that have had a disproportionate effect on a number of groups. I presume that the outcome agreements that you mention in the statement would maybe look to address some of those in terms of ensuring that maybe some people with care-giving responsibilities, or those requiring particular kinds of support, are offered that. You say that it's a driving principle for your student support reforms in terms of addressing some of these barriers, and I'm just looking for confirmation that that will be embedded into the commission's remit.
Gofynnodd yr holwr blaenorol yn benodol am amserlen yr ymgynghoriad technegol. Mae gennyf ddiddordeb yn eich cadarnhad, efallai, ei bod yn dal yn fwriad gennych y bydd y ddeddfwriaeth hon wedi cwblhau ei thaith drwy'r Cynulliad hwn erbyn diwedd y Cynulliad hwn. Efallai y gallech nodi rhai cerrig milltir allweddol i ni ar y daith honno os oes modd, fel y gallwn gael yr amserlen fras honno ychydig yn fwy eglur yn ein meddyliau, gan fod yna nifer o gychod yn y dŵr yma, mewn gwirionedd. Roeddech chi'n sôn am nifer o adolygiadau: yr ymgynghoriad technegol ei hunan, wrth gwrs; adolygiad Reid, a fydd yn bwydo i mewn i hwnnw; ac adolygiad Weingarten, hefyd. Byddai gennyf ddiddordeb mewn clywed sut yr ydych chi'n credu y bydd y rhain i gyd yn dod at ei gilydd mewn gwirionedd ac yn cyd-fynd â'i gilydd yn effeithiol i sicrhau y byddant i gyd yn cael eu hystyried yn llawn.
Rwyf i wedi codi'r cwestiwn am y chweched dosbarth gyda chi o'r blaen, ac roedd yn y Papur Gwyn, ac yn gwbl briodol felly. Rydych chi'n dweud bod y rhan fwyaf o'r ymatebwyr o blaid cynnwys y chweched dosbarth yn y system arfaethedig, er bod rhai wedi dadlau'r achos, os mynnwch chi, dros ei gyflwyno'n ddiweddarach gam wrth gam. Tybed a fyddai modd ichi ddweud wrthym pa wybodaeth neu drafodaethau sydd eu hangen arnoch chi eto ar gyfer dod i benderfyniad a sut y gallai hynny o bosibl effeithio ar yr amserlen. A fyddai hynny'n gofyn am ddeddfwriaeth yn ddiweddarach? Neu a fyddech chi'n ymgorffori hynny yn eich deddfwriaeth arfaethedig ar gyfer rhywbeth sydd yn mynd i gael ei gyflwyno'n ddiweddarach? Oherwydd, yn amlwg, mae llawer ohonom yn gobeithio y bydd hwn yn ddiwygio cydlynol a chynhwysfawr o ran y sector. Os byddwn yn dechrau dosrannu darnau ohono y perygl yw y bydd yn dameidiog. Rwy'n deall yr anawsterau ynglŷn â'r mater penodol hwnnw, ond hoffwn i glywed ychydig rhagor am eich syniadau chi i'r perwyl hwn.
Roeddech chi'n sôn am ddysgu oedolion yn y gymuned—clywsom ei enw gennych chi—ar ddechrau eich datganiad. Nid oes llawer mwy i'w gael ac, yn amlwg, rydym clywed un neu ddau o bethau gennych yn eich ymateb diwethaf. Yn amlwg, mae'r gostyngiad mewn darpariaeth addysg ran-amser i oedolion yn peri pryder mawr, ac mae rhai pobl yn teimlo bod dysgu cymunedol i oedolion ar ei liniau i raddau helaeth iawn ar hyn o bryd. Felly, mae'r sector yn dweud wrthyf i na all aros am y newidiadau hyn, er mai ychydig iawn oedd, mewn gwirionedd, yn y Papur Gwyn am addysg i oedolion yn y gymuned. Mae 'na berygl y byddwn yn sôn gormod am golegau chweched dosbarth, prifysgolion—mae angen inni eu trafod nhw, wrth gwrs, ond rwyf i o'r farn fod angen inni gael y cydbwysedd iawn. Felly, byddai gennyf i ddiddordeb mewn clywed ychydig yn fwy am sut y gallwn mewn gwirionedd ymgorffori llais y sector yn y trafodaethau o hyn ymlaen, a pheidio â syrthio i fagl gwefus-wasanaeth—credaf mai dyna'r ail dro y defnyddiwyd yr ymadrodd hwnnw—a sut y bydd y llais hwnnw yn cael ei glywed yn swyddogaeth y comisiwn, gan ein bod yn dod yn ôl at yr egwyddor hon o barch cydradd yr ydym ni i gyd yn ei geisio, a byddai'n dda o beth cael mwy o eglurder, eto, ar hynny.
Roeddech chi'n cyffwrdd ag ymestyn swyddogaeth y Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol. Hoffwn ailadrodd bod angen inni wneud yn siŵr nad yw'r swyddogaeth hon yn cael ei herydu mewn unrhyw ffordd, a'i bod yn cadw ei chyfrifoldeb presennol, ei chyfrifoldeb ychwanegol a'i swyddogaeth unigryw yn y dirwedd newydd. Efallai y gallech chi gydnabod—neu a fyddech chi'n cydnabod—bod yn rhaid i gyfrifoldebau ychwanegol olygu adnoddau ychwanegol hefyd, er ein bod mewn cyfnod anodd iawn yn hynny o beth. Ond byddai rhywun yn disgwyl fod yn rhaid i un ddilyn y llall.
Ar y pwynt hwnnw, mae'n debyg ei bod yn rhy gynnar inni ddechrau siarad am gyllidebau a phethau o'r fath ar gyfer y corff newydd arfaethedig. Ond cofiaf yn iawn, pan gafwyd trafodaethau am sefydlu Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, mai un o'r rhesymau a gyflwynwyd oedd y byddai'n creu arbedion effeithlonrwydd. Nid wyf i'n siŵr a yw hynny'n rhan o'ch ystyriaeth chi neu i ba raddau y gallai fod yn tywys peth o'r hyn sy'n cael ei chwarae i'r diwedd nawr. Byddai gennyf ddiddordeb mewn clywed a ydych chi'n rhagweld unrhyw fath o arbedion effeithlonrwydd arfaethedig yn sgil y trefniant newydd—neu efallai nad yw hynny'n rhan o'ch ystyriaeth o gwbl? Byddai'n ddiddorol cael gwybod, mewn gwirionedd, ar ba bwynt y credwch chi y daw hynny'n fwy eglur.
Rydym wedi crybwyll mynd i'r afael â'r rhwystrau i addysg ôl-orfodol a hyfforddiant, a'r toriadau sydd wedi cael effaith anghymesur ar nifer o grwpiau. Rwy'n tybio y byddai'r cytundebau canlyniad yr ydych yn sôn amdanyn nhw yn y datganiad yn bwriadu mynd i'r afael â rhai o'r rheini i sicrhau y bydd pobl â chyfrifoldebau gofal, neu'r rheini sydd angen mathau penodol o gymorth, yn cael cynnig hynny. Rydych chi'n dweud ei bod yn egwyddor ysgogol ar gyfer eich diwygiadau cymorth i fyfyrwyr i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r rhwystrau hyn, a dim ond ceisio cadarnhad yr wyf i y bydd yn rhan annatod o gylch gwaith y comisiwn.
Can I thank Llyr again for the support in principle that he has for this reform agenda? The consensus that we seem to have in the Chamber today is reflective of the consensus that there is out there across Wales of the need to move forward in this regard, and is reflected in the consultation.
With regard to timescales, what I have learnt over the last 18 months is to be very circumspect in committing myself to be able to deliver to certain timescales, because what I have also learned is that these things take a lot longer than you initially anticipate in Government. But it is my intention to go out to technical consultation in the new year, and it is still my absolute intention to bring forward legislation and, with the co-operation of this Chamber and the legislative processes that we have, to complete that process before the end of this Assembly term. That's what I'm setting out to do. But, already, in beginning to scope the legislation that may arise out of this—and we're at a very early stage. It's already looking like it could be the largest single piece of legislation that the National Assembly's ever ever had to deal with, at a time when there's lots of legislation going through the Assembly. But it is my absolute intention and my sincere hope that we can get to the end of it before the Assembly term.
With regard to finances, costs will be fully considered as part of the policy development process and will eventually, of course, need to be set out, as is required by Standing Orders, in the regulatory impact assessment. Costs, of course, will be determined by the powers and functions of the body that we intend to set up, and because we're still in the process of determining that, I'm not at this stage able to give the Member very much detail. But what I can say to the Member is that I hope to publish a partial regulatory assessment, setting out the methodology for establishing the costs, alongside the technical consultation. So, that's what my intention is to do, to be able to give Members an opportunity to see how the Government will eventually arrive at budget considerations associated with this. I hope that that will be welcomed by Members of all sides and will assist Members in their scrutiny role that they have here.
Just to provide clarity, the Reid review, which is looking at research and innovation, will again be published very early in the new year, and that is integral to our thinking of how we develop that very important piece of what the commission will be in charge of. The Weingarten review is specifically to look at the issue of outcome agreements. As I said in my statement, there is not a consensus at the moment about whether a single—you know, how exactly the outcome agreements would work, given the complexity and the diverse nature of the sector. And so the Weingarten review, of course from an eminent person who has significant experience in this field in Canada and in systems around the world, will be crucial in helping us to provide greater detail and greater insight into how those outcome agreements will work in practice.
Sixth forms—well, Deputy Presiding Officer, I think the Member said that he's in favour of sixth forms being in. I note he didn't put that in writing in the consultation, but I think he was hinting at that as his preference. It certainly is the preference of the majority of people who responded to the consultation, but, of course, that is at odds with the recommendation of Ellen Hazelkorn, who actually did not recommend that way forward and demonstrated, in other international systems that she looked at, that sixth forms were not part of that system. And that's why we need to give, again, considerable thought to the advantages and disadvantages of inclusion.
What is true to say from the consultation is that people were very much of the opinion that, if we are to break down this artificial divide and this perceived difference in parity of esteem between vocational and academic, it's very important that sixth forms go in. But it could be the case, given that this commission is going to have such a big task, that we could legislate in a way that would allow for sixth forms to enter into the commission at a later date—not requiring additional primary legislation, but to create the circumstances in the original legislation that would allow that to happen later. But we need, again, to have really thoughtful discussions with stakeholders about the advantages and disadvantages of those particular proposals.
I think that's addressed most of the issues. With regard to adult and part-time, that's one of the reasons why we are welcoming new members onto the HEFCW board, because we can't just wait for the new commission to be set up; we need to be developing thinking in this area now. We need HEFCW and other stakeholders to be working towards this agenda now. That's why I'm very pleased to say that we have work-based-learning experts going onto HEFCW from 1 December, and we will also have experts in adult learning and part-time learning joining the HEFCW board later on this year as a vacancy arises.
A gaf i ddiolch i Llŷr eto am ei gefnogaeth mewn egwyddor i'r agenda ddiwygio hon? Mae'r consensws yr ymddengys sydd gennym yn y Siambr heddiw yn adlewyrchu'r consensws ledled Cymru o ran yr angen i symud ymlaen yn hyn o beth, a chaiff hynny ei adlewyrchu yn yr ymgynghoriad.
O ran amserlenni, yr hyn yr wyf wedi ei ddysgu dros y 18 mis diwethaf yw bod yn ochelgar iawn wrth ymrwymo i amserlenni penodol. Yr hyn yr wyf wedi ei ddysgu hefyd yw fod y pethau hyn yn cymryd llawer mwy o amser nag y byddech chi'n ei ragweld yn wreiddiol yn y Llywodraeth. Ond fy mwriad yw cynnal ymgynghoriad technegol yn y flwyddyn newydd, a'm bwriad pendant o hyd yw cyflwyno deddfwriaeth, a chyda chydweithrediad y Siambr cyn diwedd tymor y Cynulliad hwn. Dyna'r hyn yr wyf yn bwriadu ei wneud wrth gychwyn. Ond, eisoes, wrth ddechrau pennu cwmpas y ddeddfwriaeth a allai ddeillio o hyn—ac rydym ar gam cynnar iawn. Mae eisoes yn edrych fel y gallai hwn fod y darn mwyaf oll o ddeddfwriaeth y mae'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol erioed wedi gorfod ymdrin ag ef, ar adeg pan fo llawer o ddeddfwriaeth yn mynd drwy'r Cynulliad. Ond fy mwriad pendant i a'm gobaith yw y gallwn gyrraedd y diwedd cyn tymor y Cynulliad.
O ran cyllid, caiff y costau eu hystyried yn llawn yn rhan o'r broses datblygu polisi ac yn y pen draw, wrth gwrs, bydd angen eu nodi, fel y mae'n ofynnol gan y Rheolau Sefydlog, yn yr asesiad effaith rheoleiddiol. Wrth gwrs, caiff y costau eu pennu gan bwerau a swyddogaethau'r corff yr ydym yn bwriadu ei sefydlu, a chan ein bod ni'n dal wrthi'n penderfynu ar hynny, nid wyf yn ystod y cam hwn yn gallu rhoi llawer iawn o fanylion i'r Aelod. Ond yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud wrth yr Aelod yw fy mod yn gobeithio cyhoeddi asesiad rheoleiddiol rhannol, gan nodi'r fethodoleg ar gyfer pennu costau, ochr yn ochr â'r ymgynghoriad technegol. Felly, dyna'r hyn yr wyf yn bwriadu ei wneud, er mwyn rhoi cyfle i'r Aelodau weld sut y bydd y Llywodraeth yn y pen draw yn cyrraedd yr ystyriaethau cyllideb sy'n gysylltiedig â hyn. Rwy'n gobeithio y caiff hynny groeso gan Aelodau o bob ochr ac y bydd yn cynorthwyo Aelodau yn y swyddogaeth graffu sydd ganddyn nhw yma.
I egluro, bydd adolygiad Reid, sy'n edrych ar ymchwil ac arloesedd, yn cael ei gyhoeddi yn gynnar iawn yn y flwyddyn newydd, ac mae hynny'n rhan annatod o'n meddylfryd o ran sut y gallwn ni ddatblygu'r darn pwysig iawn hwnnw o'r hyn y bydd y comisiwn yn gyfrifol amdano. Mae adolygiad Weingarten yn edrych yn benodol ar fater cytundebau canlyniadau. Fel y dywedais yn fy natganiad, nid oes consensws ar hyn o bryd ynghylch a oes modd i un—wyddoch chi, sut yn union fyddai'r cytundebau canlyniadau yn gweithio, o ystyried cymhlethdod a natur amrywiol y sector. Ac felly bydd adolygiad Weingarten, gan ŵr enwog iawn wrth gwrs yn y maes hwn yng Nghanada a systemau ledled y byd, yn hollbwysig i'n helpu ni i roi mwy o fanylion a gwell golwg ar sut y bydd y cytundebau canlyniadau hynny'n gweithio'n ymarferol.
Y chweched dosbarth—wel, Dirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n credu bod yr Aelod wedi dweud ei fod o blaid cynnwys y chweched dosbarth. Nodaf nad oedd wedi nodi hynny'n ysgrifenedig yn yr ymgynghoriad, ond credaf ei fod yn awgrymu mai dyna yw ei ddewis. Nid dyna ddewis y rhan fwyaf yn sicr o'r bobl a wnaeth ymateb i'r ymgynghoriad, ond, wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n mynd yn groes i argymhelliad Ellen Hazelkorn, nad oedd mewn gwirionedd yn argymell y ffordd honno ymlaen ac a ddangosodd, mewn systemau rhyngwladol eraill y bu hi'n edrych arnyn nhw, nad oedd y chweched dosbarth yn rhan o'r system honno. A dyna pam y mae angen inni, unwaith eto, roi gryn ystyriaeth i fanteision ac anfanteision ei gynnwys.
Yr hyn sy'n wir ei ddweud o'r ymgynghoriad yw bod pobl i raddau helaeth iawn o'r farn, os ydym i chwalu'r rhaniad artiffisial hwn a'r gwahaniaeth ymddangosiadol hwn o ran parch cydradd rhwng y galwedigaethol a'r academaidd, ei bod yn bwysig iawn fod y chweched dosbarth yn cael ei gynnwys. Ond gallai fod yn wir, o ystyried y bydd gan y Comisiwn hwn dasg mor fawr, bod modd inni ddeddfu mewn ffordd a fyddai'n caniatáu i'r chweched dosbarth gael ei gynnwys yn y comisiwn yn ddiweddarach—heb angen deddfwriaeth sylfaenol ychwanegol, ond i greu amgylchiadau yn y ddeddfwriaeth wreiddiol a fyddai'n caniatáu i hynny ddigwydd yn ddiweddarach. Ond mae angen inni, unwaith eto, gael trafodaethau ystyriol iawn â rhanddeiliaid ynghylch manteision ac anfanteision y cynigion penodol hynny.
Rwy'n credu bod hynny wedi mynd i'r afael â'r rhan fwyaf o'r materion. O ran oedolion a rhan-amser, mae hynny'n un o'r rhesymau dros groesawu Aelodau newydd ar Fwrdd CCAUC, oherwydd ni allwn eistedd yn ôl ac aros nes i'r comisiwn newydd gael ei sefydlu; mae angen inni fod yn datblygu syniadau nawr yn y maes hwn. Mae angen inni gael CCAUC a rhanddeiliaid eraill yn gweithio tuag at yr agenda hon ar hyn o bryd. Dyna pam yr wyf i'n falch iawn o ddweud y bydd gennym arbenigwyr yn y maes addysg seiliedig ar waith yn ymuno â CCAUC o 1 Rhagfyr, a bydd gennym hefyd arbenigwyr ym maes addysg oedolion ac addysg ran-amser yn ymuno â bwrdd CCAUC yn ddiweddarach eleni pan fydd swydd yn dod yn wag.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary, for your statement and your announcement of the abolition of HEFCW and the creation of a new commission. I would be interested to know how you foresee these commissioners will be appointed. Will it be put out to an open tender, advertising for applicants, or will it be, essentially, an in-departmental appointment of the commissioners? We've seen the results of appointed boards in the form of the failures in care at Betsi Cadwaladr in north Wales, so how are you going to ensure that the commission is properly accountable?
There's been engagement with stakeholders, and I note a range of educational establishments, organisations and learners took part in the consultation exercise, including the stakeholder events. Widening access for under-represented groups and the lack of opportunity for part-time study were issues for the respondents, as you said in your statement, but I'm sorry, Cabinet Secretary, I don't really see any signs of you tackling the problem so far.
According to the responses to the consultation, the biggest barrier to entering post-compulsory education was considered to be fear of debt, and we've had conversations about this before. This is obviously going to be more of a barrier to older people looking to change career or resume their education later in life, but, I'm sorry, you've done nothing to remove this barrier. In fact, you're making it worse. The stakeholders who took part in the consultation do really have—they have so valid views about the system and are to be commended for their work in contributing to the consultation exercise. However, I'd suggest that, if you want to widen access to education, the people you really need to be speaking to are those who aren't currently involved in the education system. Those people already engaged in the education system obviously have a great deal of knowledge and experience that can contribute to your decisions about that sector, but it doesn't really inform you in massive detail, from a very personal point of view, why people are discouraged from resuming their education and upskilling or improving their skills in other ways once they've actually left compulsory education and that kind of window in people's heads for going into post-compulsory education has ended. So, I'd like to see you consult with those people who aren't currently engaged with the education system to investigate what might encourage them to become engaged in the education system.
I'm not surprised that advice and support provided to learners was a key concern, and, given the Cabinet Secretary's recent decision to saddle Welsh students with debt, it's vital that the Welsh Government gets this right. I appreciate that so much detail isn't going to be here right now, inevitably, because of the stage of the process you're at, so—. I see you've announced a detailed consultation on how the commission will actually work and I really do look forward to seeing that consultation and the responses there too. Thank you.
Diolch i chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, am eich datganiad a'ch cyhoeddiad am ddiddymu'r CCAUC a chreu comisiwn newydd. Byddai'n dda gennyf wybod sut yr yr ydych yn rhagweld y modd y penodir y comisiynwyr hyn. A gaiff ei roi i dendr agored, gan hysbysebu am ymgeiswyr, neu a fydd, yn y bôn, yn apwyntiad mewnol drwy adran y comisiynwyr? Rydym wedi gweld canlyniadau byrddau a benodwyd yn sgil y methiannau o ran gofal yn ardal Betsi Cadwaladr yn y Gogledd, felly sut fyddwch chi'n sicrhau y bydd y Comisiwn yn briodol atebol?
Cafwyd ymgysylltiad â rhanddeiliaid, ac rwy'n nodi bod amrywiaeth o sefydliadau addysgol, sefydliadau a dysgwyr wedi cymryd rhan yn yr ymgynghoriad, gan gynnwys y digwyddiadau i randdeiliaid. Mae cynyddu hygyrchedd ar gyfer grwpiau nad oes ganddyn nhw gynrychiolaeth ddigonol a diffyg y cyfleoedd ar gyfer astudio rhan-amser yn faterion o bwys i'r ymatebwyr, fel y dywedwyd gennych yn eich datganiad, ond mae'n ddrwg gennyf, Ysgrifennydd Cabinet, nad wyf mewn gwirionedd yn gweld unrhyw arwyddion eich bod chi'n ymdrin â'r broblem hyd yn hyn.
Yn ôl yr ymatebion i'r ymgynghoriad, ofn mynd i ddyled oedd yn cael ei ystyried yn rhwystr pennaf i ymgymryd ag addysg ôl-orfodol, ac rydym wedi cael trafodaethau am hynny o'r blaen. Mae'n amlwg y bydd hyn yn fwy o rwystr i bobl hŷn sy'n dymuno newid gyrfa neu ailgydio yn eu haddysg yn ddiweddarach yn eu hoes, ond mae'n ddrwg gennyf i, nid ydych chi wedi gwneud dim i gael gwared ar y rhwystr hwn. Yn wir, rydych chi'n gwneud pethau'n waeth. Mae gan y rhanddeiliaid a gymerodd ran yn yr ymgynghoriad—mae ganddyn nhw safbwyntiau mor ddilys am y system ac maen nhw i'w canmol am eu gwaith yn cyfrannu at yr ymgynghoriad. Fodd bynnag, byddwn i'n awgrymu, os ydych yn awyddus i gynyddu hygyrchedd addysg, y bobl y mae angen i chi siarad â nhw mewn gwirionedd yw'r rhai nad ydyn nhw'n cymryd rhan yn y system addysg ar hyn o bryd. Mae gan y bobl hynny sydd eisoes yn cymryd rhan yn y system addysg lawer iawn o wybodaeth a phrofiad a all gyfrannu'n amlwg at eich penderfyniadau am y sector hwnnw. Ond mewn gwirionedd nid yw'n eich hysbysu gyda manylder enfawr, o safbwynt personol iawn, am yr hyn sy'n gwneud i bobl ddigalonni a methu ag ailgydio yn eu haddysg ac uwchsgilio neu wella eu sgiliau mewn ffyrdd eraill pan fyddan nhw wedi gadael addysg orfodol ac mae'r syniad hwnnw sydd ganddynt o ddilyn addysg ôl-orfodol wedi dod i ben. Felly, hoffwn eich gweld chi'n ymgynghori gyda'r bobl hynny nad ydyn nhw'n ymgysylltu ar hyn o bryd â'r system addysg i ymchwilio i beth allai eu hannog i gymryd rhan yn y system addysg.
Nid wyf wedi fy synnu bod y cyngor a'r cymorth a roddir i ddysgwyr yn bryder allweddol, ac, o ystyried penderfyniad diweddar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet i lethu myfyrwyr Cymru â dyledion, mae'n hanfodol bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael hyn yn iawn. Rwy'n sylweddoli na fydd cymaint o fanylion ar gael yma ar hyn o bryd, yn anochel, oherwydd y cam yr ydych arni yn y broses, felly—. Rwy'n gweld eich bod wedi cyhoeddi ymgynghoriad manwl ar sut y bydd y comisiwn yn gweithio mewn gwirionedd ac rwyf i wir yn edrych ymlaen at weld yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw a'r ymatebion iddo hefyd. Diolch.
With regard to the establishment of the commission, as I said, we will go out to a technical consultation. It is my intention that the executive of that commission will be appointed in normal open competition procedures. As to the members of the commission, they will be subject to the public appointment process that we have here in Wales, a process that has just been undertaken to recruit new members to the HEFCW board, a board that has done tremendous work in supporting higher education in Wales, work that I'm very, very grateful for. I'm particularly pleased that we've been able to attract high-calibre candidates to take up new positions on the HEFCW board, people from within and without Wales who want to give of their time and want to be part of this exciting period of reform in Welsh education.
Deputy Presiding Officer, it seems to me there is little point in me explaining once again to the Member the principles of our Diamond reform. To be absolutely clear to the Member once again: we will be the only part of the United Kingdom that will provide support—including maintenance support that is non-repayable—for part-time students. It isn't going to happen in Scotland, it isn't going to happen in England, and it's not going to happen in Northern Ireland. In fact, those countries and those parts of the sector that work outside of Wales are looking on with envy at the way in which we are going to support the part-time sector, because we recognise, in this Government, that part-time study is crucial, not just to those individuals, but to the economic wealth of this country. One of this nation's problems is around productivity and you improve productivity not just by investing in kit and machinery—you improve productivity by investing in your workforce, and we will help provide the environment to allow people to study on a part-time basis, and my challenge to the business sector will be to engage with the many schemes that the Welsh Government has to help them support to train their workers in greater levels of skills so that we can raise the Welsh economy. But I have explained this time and time again to the Member. She seems determined not to recognise what we are doing. [Interruption.]
O ran sefydlu'r comisiwn, fel y dywedais i, byddwn yn cynnal ymgynghoriad technegol. Fy mwriad i yw y bydd bwrdd gweithredol y comisiwn hwnnw'n cael ei benodi gan ddilyn gweithdrefnau arferol cystadleuaeth agored. O ran aelodau'r comisiwn, byddan nhw'n ddarostyngedig i'r broses penodiadau cyhoeddus sydd gennym ni yma yng Nghymru, proses yr ymgymerwyd â hi'n ddiweddar ar gyfer recriwtio aelodau newydd i fwrdd y CCAUC, bwrdd sydd wedi gwneud gwaith ardderchog yn cefnogi addysg uwch yng Nghymru, gwaith yr wyf i'n ddiolchgar iawn, iawn amdano. Rwy'n arbennig o falch ein bod wedi gallu denu ymgeiswyr o safon uchel i gymryd swyddi newydd ar fwrdd CCAUC, pobl o Gymru a thu draw i'r ffin sydd yn dymuno rhoi o'u hamser ac yn awyddus i fod yn rhan o'r cyfnod cyffrous hwn o ddiwygio addysg yng Nghymru.
Dirprwy Lywydd, mae'n ymddangos i mi nad oes fawr o bwynt i mi egluro unwaith eto i'r Aelod egwyddorion diwygio Diamond. I fod yn gwbl glir i'r Aelod unwaith eto: ni fydd yr unig ran o'r Deyrnas Unedig a fydd yn rhoi cymorth—gan gynnwys cymorth cynhaliaeth nad yw'n ad-daladwy—i fyfyrwyr rhan-amser. Ni fydd hyn yn digwydd yn yr Alban, nac yn digwydd yn Lloegr, nac yn digwydd yng Ngogledd Iwerddon. Yn wir, mae'r gwledydd hynny a'r rhannau hynny o'r sector sy'n gweithio y tu allan i Gymru yn edrych yn genfigennus ar y ffordd yr ydym yn mynd i gefnogi'r sector rhan-amser, oherwydd rydym ni, yn y Llywodraeth hon, yn cydnabod bod astudio'n rhan-amser yn hollbwysig, nid yn unig i'r unigolion hynny, ond i gyfoeth economaidd y wlad. Un o broblemau Cymru yw cynhyrchiant ac rydych yn gwella cynhyrchiant nid yn unig drwy fuddsoddi mewn offer a pheiriannau—ond drwy fuddsoddi yn eich gweithlu, a byddwn yn helpu i greu'r amgylchedd fydd yn galluogi pobl i astudio yn rhan-amser. Fy her i i'r sector busnes fydd ymgysylltu â llawer o gynlluniau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i helpu i roi cymorth i hyfforddi eu gweithwyr ar gyfer lefelau uwch o sgiliau fel y gallwn ni godi economi Cymru. Ond rwyf wedi esbonio hyn i'r Aelod dro ar ôl tro. Ymddengys yn benderfynol i beidio â chydnabod yr hyn yr ydym yn ei wneud. [Torri ar draws.]
Carry on. Carry on, Cabinet Secretary, please.
Yn eich blaen. Yn eich blaen, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, os gwelwch yn dda.
I appreciate that the Member doesn't agree with it. What is more important to me is that NUS Cymru agrees with it, the higher education sector in Wales agrees with it and higher education experts across the United Kingdom consistently say, 'If you're interested in progressive HE and FE policy, then look to Wales.' Because it is us, and us alone, who are doing something interesting in the field. With all due respect, it's those voices that I think are the ones that we really need to listen to as a Government.
Rwy'n sylweddoli nad yw'r Aelod yn cytuno â hyn. Yr hyn sy'n bwysicach i mi yw bod Undeb Cenedlaethol Myfyrwyr Cymru yn cytuno â hyn, mae'r sector addysg uwch yng Nghymru yn cytuno â hyn, ac mae arbenigwyr addysg uwch ledled y Deyrnas Unedig yn dweud yn gyson, 'os oes gennych chi ddiddordeb mewn polisi blaengar ar gyfer addysg uwch ac addysg bellach, yna edrychwch tuag at Gymru.' Oherwydd ni, a dim ond ni, sy'n gwneud rhywbeth diddorol yn y maes. Gyda phob dyledus barch, yn fy marn i, y lleisiau hynny yw'r rhai y mae angen inni wrando arnyn nhw fel Llywodraeth.
Thank you very much, Cabinet Secretary.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet.
Item 4 on our agenda is the Stage 4 debate on the Abolition of the Right to Buy and Associated Rights (Wales) Bill. I call on the Minister for Housing and Regeneration to move the motion—Rebecca Evans.
Eitem 4 ar yr ein hagenda yw dadl Cyfnod 4 ar Fil Diddymu'r Hawl i Brynu a Hawliau Cysylltiedig (Cymru). Galwaf ar y Gweinidog Tai ac Adfywio i gynnig y cynnig—Rebecca Evans.
Cynnig NDM6607 Rebecca Evans
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.47:
Yn cymeradwyo'r Bil Diddymu'r Hawl i Brynu a Hawliau Cysylltiedig (Cymru).
Motion NDM6607 Rebecca Evans
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales in accordance with Standing Order 26.47:
Approves the Abolition of the Right to Buy and Associated Rights (Wales) Bill.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Thank you, Deputy Llywydd. I formally move the motion. I am pleased to introduce the fourth and final stage of the Abolition of the Right to Buy and Associated Rights (Wales) Bill before the Assembly today. I'd like to start by thanking Assembly Members for their robust scrutiny of the Bill and for their support, which has ensured its passage through to Stage 4. In particular, I'd like to thanks members of the Equality, Local Government and Communities Committee, the Constitutional and Legislative Affairs Committee and the Finance Committee for their thorough and considered scrutiny of the Bill through stages 1 and 2. I'd also like to acknowledge all stakeholders who provided evidence during the scrutiny process and thank them for their contribution to the legislative process. My thanks also to Assembly Commission staff and Welsh Government officials for their support throughout the Bill process. I'd also like to say how pleased Carl Sargeant would have been to see the Bill reach the final stage. He believed passionately in protecting our social housing stock for those who need it most, and he worked extremely hard to bring this legislation forward. I'm delighted to be able to steer it through its final stages and onto the Welsh statute book.
This Bill forms a key part of the Government's housing policy, and was a manifesto commitment in 2016. This Government is committed to ending the right to buy and to protecting our social housing for those in the greatest need. Ending the right to buy will give local authorities and housing associations the confidence to invest in new developments to help to meet the need for quality affordable housing in Wales. The right to buy has been a feature of social housing for many years in Wales, and this has resulted in the loss of a significant number of homes—more than 139,000 between 1981 and 2016. In recent years, although sales of social housing have slowed, social housing stock is still being lost at a time of considerable housing supply pressure. Measures taken by the previous Welsh Government to address the impact of homes lost through the right to buy, and the continued pressure on social housing, included introducing the Housing (Wales) Measure 2011. This enabled a local authority to apply to suspend the right to buy and the right to acquire in its area. While the right to buy has been suspended in some parts of Wales, significant housing pressure still continues across the country.
This Bill was introduced last March following a White Paper consultation in 2015 to address the continued housing pressure and ensure that social housing is protected throughout Wales on a permanent basis. The Bill abolishes all variations of the right to buy, including the preserved right to buy and the right to acquire. Provisions in the Bill also allow at least a year after Royal Assent before final abolition on existing properties, but, to encourage investment in new homes, the rights will end for homes that are new to the social housing stock, and, therefore, have no existing tenants, two months after Royal Assent. One year is a fair and reasonable amount of time for tenants to decide whether they wish to exercise their rights and to take appropriate financial and legal advice. The Bill contains provisions to ensure that all tenants are given information within two months of Royal Assent, and that this information is supplied in the most appropriate format to meet their needs. This provision ensures that all tenants will be fully aware of the impact of the legislation before it comes into force.
This Government remains committed to enabling home ownership for those who want to enter the property market. We are well on our way to delivering our manifesto commitment of an extra 20,000 homes during this Assembly term. Government schemes, such as Help to Buy, homebuy and rent to own, are designed to help people on modest incomes into home ownership, but not at the expense of reducing the social housing stock. Ending the right to buy ensures that we safeguard the investment made in social housing over many generations for Welsh families now and in the future, and I ask Members to support the motion.
Diolch i chi, Dirprwy Lywydd. Cynigiaf y cynnig yn ffurfiol. Rwy'n falch o gyflwyno'r pedwerydd cam, sef cam olaf Bil Diddymu'r Hawl i Brynu a Hawliau Cysylltiedig (Cymru), gerbron y Cynulliad heddiw. Hoffwn i ddechrau trwy ddiolch i Aelodau'r Cynulliad am eu gwaith craffu cadarn ar y Bil ac am eu cefnogaeth, sydd wedi sicrhau ei hynt drwodd i Gyfnod 4. Yn benodol, hoffwn i ddiolch i Aelodau'r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb, Llywodraeth Leol a Chymunedau, y Pwyllgor Materion Cyfansoddiadol Deddfwriaethol ac i'r Pwyllgor Cyllid am eu gwaith craffu trylwyr ac ystyriol ar y Bil drwy gyfnodau 1 a 2. Hoffwn i hefyd gydnabod yr holl randdeiliaid a roddodd dystiolaeth yn ystod y broses graffu a diolch iddynt am eu cyfraniad i'r broses ddeddfwriaethol. Hoffwn ddiolch hefyd i staff Comisiwn y Cynulliad a swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru am eu cymorth drwy gydol proses y Bil. Hoffwn hefyd ddweud pa mor falch y byddai Carl Sargeant o weld y Bil yn cyrraedd y cam terfynol. Bu'n frwdfrydig iawn dros ddiogelu ein stoc o dai cymdeithasol ar gyfer y rhai sydd ei hangen fwyaf, a gweithiodd yn eithriadol o galed i gyflwyno'r ddeddfwriaeth honno. Rwyf wrth fy modd yn gallu ei llywio drwy ei chamau terfynol ac ar y llyfr statud i Gymru.
Mae'r Mesur hwn yn ffurfio rhan allweddol o bolisi tai'r Llywodraeth, ac roedd yn ymrwymiad maniffesto yn 2016. Mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn ymrwymo i roi terfyn ar yr hawl i brynu ac i ddiogelu ein tai cymdeithasol ar gyfer y rheini sydd eu hangen fwyaf. Bydd rhoi terfyn ar yr hawl i brynu yn rhoi i awdurdodau lleol a chymdeithasau tai yr hyder i fuddsoddi mewn datblygiadau newydd ac yn helpu i ddiwallu'r angen am dai fforddiadwy o ansawdd yng Nghymru. Mae'r hawl i brynu wedi bod yn nodwedd o dai cymdeithasol yng Nghymru ers blynyddoedd lawer, ac mae hyn wedi arwain at golli nifer sylweddol o gartrefi—mwy na 139,000 rhwng 1981 a 2016. Yn y blynyddoedd diweddar, er bod gwerthiannau tai cymdeithasol wedi arafu, mae'r stoc o dai cymdeithasol yn dal yn cael ei cholli ar adeg o gryn bwysau ar gyflenwi tai. Roedd mesurau a gymerwyd gan y Llywodraeth Cymru flaenorol i fynd i'r afael ag effaith colli cartrefi drwy'r cynllun hawl i brynu, a'r pwysau parhaus ar dai cymdeithasol, yn cynnwys cyflwyno Mesur Tai (Cymru) 2011. Roedd hyn yn galluogi'r awdurdod lleol i wneud cais i atal yr hawl i brynu a'r hawl i gaffael yn ei ardal. Er bod yr hawl i brynu wedi ei atal mewn rhai rhannau o Gymru, mae pwysau oherwydd prinder tai sylweddol yn parhau i fod yn bresennol ledled y wlad.
Cyflwynwyd y Bil hwn ym mis Mawrth yn dilyn ymgynghoriad Papur Gwyn yn 2015 i fynd i'r afael â phwysau parhaus ar dai a sicrhau bod tai cymdeithasol yn cael eu diogelu ledled Cymru ar sail barhaol. Mae'r Bil yn diddymu'r holl amrywiadau o ran yr hawl i brynu, gan gynnwys yr hawl i brynu a gadwyd a'r hawl i gaffael. Mae'r darpariaethau yn y Bil hefyd yn caniatáu o leiaf blwyddyn ar ôl Cydsyniad Brenhinol cyn diddymu'n derfynol eiddo sydd eisoes yn bodoli. Ond, er mwyn annog buddsoddiad mewn cartrefi newydd, daw'r hawliau i ben ar gyfer cartrefi sy'n newydd i'r stoc tai cymdeithasol ac, felly, nad oes tenantiaid ynddynt, ddeufis ar ôl y Cydsyniad Brenhinol. Mae un flwyddyn yn gyfnod o amser teg a rhesymol i denantiaid benderfynu a ydynt yn dymuno arfer eu hawliau ac i gael cyngor cyfreithiol ac ariannol priodol. Mae'r Bil yn cynnwys darpariaethau i sicrhau bod pob tenant yn cael gwybodaeth o fewn dau fis i Gydsyniad Brenhinol, a bod yr wybodaeth hon yn cael ei darparu ar y fformat mwyaf priodol i ddiwallu eu hanghenion. Mae'r ddarpariaeth hon yn sicrhau y bydd pob tenant yn gwbl ymwybodol o effaith y ddeddfwriaeth cyn iddi ddod i rym.
Mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn parhau i fod yn ymrwymedig i alluogi perchentyaeth i'r rhai sy'n dymuno cael mynediad i'r farchnad eiddo. Rydym ar y ffordd i gyflawni ein hymrwymiad maniffesto o 20,000 o gartrefi ychwanegol yn ystod tymor y Cynulliad hwn. Cafodd cynlluniau'r Llywodraeth, megis Cymorth i Brynu, Cymorth Prynu a Rhent i Brynu, eu creu i helpu pobl ar incwm cymedrol i allu fod yn berchen ar eu cartrefi, ond nid ar draul lleihau'r stoc tai cymdeithasol. Mae rhoi terfyn ar yr hawl i brynu yn sicrhau ein bod yn diogelu'r buddsoddiad a wnaed mewn tai cymdeithasol dros nifer o genedlaethau ar gyfer teuluoedd yng Nghymru nawr ac yn y dyfodol, a gofynnaf i'r Aelodau gefnogi'r cynnig.
The right-to-buy policy has been extremely successful across the UK, and especially in Wales, because it responded to the aspirations of those on lower incomes to purchase their own homes. As I have consistently argued, the problems with the housing market have arisen due to a lack of housing supply, and especially in Wales—not because of the 300 or 400 homes that are now annually sold under the right-to-buy schemes. Some 139,000 council and housing association homes in Wales have been sold since the right to buy was introduced in 1980 under Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Government—139,000 homes in Wales; a remarkably successful policy. How could you have a better test of a policy's relevance and success?
The Welsh Conservatives, Deputy Llywydd, have tried to offer sensible ideas of reform for this popular policy so that abolition could be avoided. The Welsh Government has not been prepared to listen, and we regret this. We then attempted to make this right to buy abolition Bill fairer. We tried to provide a fairer outcome for those tenants in the currently suspended areas so that they, too, could get one last chance to purchase their property—denied to them.
We also offered an amendment with the intention of limiting the Act's operation to 10 years, following which the Welsh Ministers may lay regulations proposing that the abolition is made permanent. We did this because the Welsh Government made it clear in committee that it was not against the right to buy in principle. So, I tested this point—but alas, again, denied. No response.
Another amendment that would've ensured that the abolition of the right to buy and associated rights may not have come into effect until at least two years after the Bill receives Royal Assent was also denied, despite the fact that this was what happened in Scotland to allow a calm period of transition. These amendments were laid in response to the views of tenants throughout Wales who want more house building and would prefer alternative solutions to permanent abolition. Instead, this Bill intends to take their aspiration of home ownership away from them forever.
Deputy Presiding Officer, should we get the opportunity, the Welsh Conservatives will aim to reintroduce the right-to-buy policy with a reformed structure for the modern housing climate. These reforms would include ring-fencing the right-to-buy receipts so that they are reinvested into new social housing stock and removing the right to buy's applicability to new housing stock until it has been rented to a social tenant for a certain number of years.
In conclusion, this Bill does not serve the people of Wales well. It serves rather a narrow, left-wing ideology, oblivious to all the evidence and decades of success in its application as a policy. We will go on reflecting the aspirations of many tenants. Even at this stage, I urge Members to reject this Bill.
Bu'r polisi hawl i brynu yn hynod lwyddiannus ledled y DU, ac yn enwedig yng Nghymru, oherwydd ei fod yn ymateb i ddyheadau pobl ar incwm is i brynu eu cartrefi eu hunain. Fel yr wyf wedi dadlau yn gyson, mae problemau gyda'r farchnad dai wedi codi oherwydd diffyg cyflenwad tai, ac yn arbennig yng Nghymru—nid oherwydd y 300 neu 400 o gartrefi sydd ar hyn o bryd yn cael eu gwerthu bob blwyddyn o dan y cynlluniau hawl i brynu. Gwerthwyd rhyw 139,000 o gartrefi cyngor a chartrefi chymdeithasau tai yng Nghymru ers cyflwyno'r hawl i brynu yn 1980 o dan Lywodraeth Geidwadol Margaret Thatcher —139,000 o gartrefi yng Nghymru; polisi hynod o lwyddiannus. Sut y gellid cael gwell prawf o berthnasedd a llwyddiant polisi?
Ceisiodd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, Dirprwy Lywydd, gynnig syniadau synhwyrol i ddiwygio'r polisi poblogaidd hwn fel y gellid osgoi diddymu. Nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn fodlon gwrando, er mawr ofid inni. Gwnaethom wedyn geisio gwneud diddymu'r Bil hawl i brynu hwn yn decach. Gwnaethom geisio darparu canlyniad tecach ar gyfer y tenantiaid hynny yn yr ardaloedd sydd wedi eu hatal ar hyn o bryd, er mwyn iddyn nhw, hefyd, gael cyfle olaf i brynu eu heiddo—a wrthodwyd iddynt.
Fe wnaethom hefyd gynnig gwelliant gyda'r bwriad o gyfyngu gweithrediad y Ddeddf i 10 mlynedd, ac ar ôl hynny caiff Gweinidogion Cymru osod rheoliadau yn cynnig bod y bwriad i diddymu'n cael ei wneud yn barhaol. Gwnaethom hyn oherwydd i Lywodraeth Cymru ei gwneud yn glir yn y Pwyllgor nad oedd yn erbyn yr hawl i brynu mewn egwyddor. Felly, profais y pwynt hwn—ond yn anffodus, unwaith eto, gwrthodwyd. Ni chafwyd ymateb.
Gwrthodwyd gwelliant arall a fyddai wedi sicrhau na fyddai diddymu'r hawl i brynu a'r hawliau cysylltiedig wedi dod i rym tan o leiaf ddwy flynedd yn dilyn Cydsyniad Brenhinol i'r Bil er gwaethaf y ffaith mai dyna a ddigwyddodd yn yr Alban i ganiatáu cyfnod pontio didrafferth. Gosodwyd y gwelliannau hyn mewn ymateb i farn tenantiaid ledled Cymru sydd eisiau i ragor o dai gael eu hadeiladu a byddai'n well iddyn nhw weld atebion amgen i ddiddymu parhaol. Yn hytrach, mae'r Bil hwn yn bwriadu cymryd eu dyhead i fod yn berchen ar dŷ oddi arnynt am byth.
Dirprwy Lywydd, pe byddem ni'n cael y cyfle, nod y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig fydd ailgyflwyno'r polisi hawl i brynu gyda strwythur diwygiedig ar gyfer y sefyllfa tai cyfoes. Byddai'r diwygiadau hyn yn cynnwys clustnodi derbyniadau hawl i brynu er mwyn eu hailfuddsoddi mewn stoc tai cymdeithasol newydd a chael gwared ar berthnasedd hawl i brynu i stoc tai newydd hyd nes y bydd wedi ei rhentu gan denant cymdeithasol am nifer penodol o flynyddoedd.
I gloi, nid yw'r Bil hwn yn gwasanaethu pobl Cymru'n dda. Mae'n gwasanaethu yn hytrach ideoleg adain chwith gul, sy'n anwybyddu'r holl dystiolaeth a degawdau o lwyddiant wrth weithredu'r polisi. Byddwn ni'n parhau i adlewyrchu dyheadau llawer o denantiaid. Hyd yn oed ar y cam hwn, rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i wrthod y Bil hwn.
Gair byr iawn gen i wrth i'r Bil gyrraedd diwedd ei daith yma yn y Cynulliad. Mae Plaid Cymru wedi cefnogi'r Bil yn llawn ar hyd yr amser ac wedi helpu i'w wella drwy'r broses graffu. Mae dileu'r hawl i brynu wedi bod yn bolisi gan ein plaid ni ers degawdau. Roedden ni'n grediniol y byddai'r hawl i brynu'n gweithio yn erbyn y rhai sy'n methu â fforddio prynu tŷ, yn gweithio yn erbyn y rhai sy'n ddibynnol ar rentu yn y sector cymdeithasol er mwyn cael to uwch eu pennau. Ac yn anffodus, dyna sydd wedi digwydd. Mae'r nifer o dai cymdeithasol wedi haneru, bron, yng Nghymru, sydd wedi arwain at restrau aros maith, wedi arwain at ormod o bobl yn byw dan yr un to, wedi arwain at bobl yn byw mewn tai anaddas ac wedi arwain at gynnydd mewn digartrefedd. Gyda phasio'r Bil, mae'n bryd rŵan i'r Llywodraeth hon roi ffocws clir ar yr angen i adeiladu mwy o dai cymdeithasol a rhoi ffocws yr un mor glir i'r ymdrechion i ddileu tlodi ac anghyfartaledd—ffocws sydd ar goll ar hyn o bryd.
Just a very brief word as the Bill reaches the end of its journey through this Assembly. Plaid Cymru has supported the Bill fully throughout the process, and has assisted in improving it through the scrutiny process. Abolishing the right to buy has been a policy of our party over a period of decades. We were convinced that the right to buy would militate against those who can’t afford to buy their own homes, and militate against those who are reliant on renting in the social sector in order to get a roof above their heads, and unfortunately, that is what has happened. The number of social homes has almost halved in Wales, which has led to lengthy waiting lists, has led to too many people living under the same roof, has led to people living in inappropriate homes, and has led to an increase in homelessness. With the passing of this Bill, it is now time for this Government to focus clearly on the need to build more social housing, and to provide just as clear a focus on the efforts to eradicate poverty and inequality—a focus that is lacking at the moment.
I won't be supporting this legislation. I asked in this Chamber what is wrong with selling a council house as long as all the money is used to build new ones, and I still haven't had a satisfactory answer. I'm not prepared to vote to take away an option for working class people to own their own home without any new ways for them to buy a house being introduced. The legislation is part of an unhealthy trend of keeping people dependent on the state and reinforcing inequality.
So, here are some suggestions on where the Government would be better off putting its efforts. Between 2012 and 2016, Cardiff council run by Labour didn't build a single council house—not one. That was their choice. Other councils manage it. This legislation does nothing to address that. We should ensure that local people are the absolute priority for housing lists, and social housing stock in Wales should be used to cater for local demands. I hope that's a principle we can all get behind.
We need to build a lot more affordable housing, and that means really affordable. Better planning laws could force building companies to build a higher proportion of genuinely affordable housing, but we're in a situation now where just a few developers dominate the housing sector, leading to bad development plans where green fields are destroyed and local culture ignored. An industry where smaller local house builders build housing based on local need and local characteristics is surely a good thing, but the high cost of land and the complexity of Labour's planning laws prevent this.
If we really want to do something about the battle against the housing crisis, let's do something about the 23,000 long-term empty properties in Wales. They're sat empty and they're a blot on our communities. If those houses were used with an average of two people then we'd quickly get 50,000 people housed very quickly.
Now, credit where credit's due, because Torfaen council managed to bring a third of long-term empty properties back into use last year, but Cardiff council managed just 0.8 per cent, but will let rich developers build unaffordable housing all over green fields instead. So, why doesn't the Government get focused on every council in Wales, getting families into these empty houses?
Home ownership is part of the Welsh dream. Some here will say that ownership is just a UK obsession. I see nothing wrong with that. It's part of our culture, and I want to encourage it. That's why I cannot support this Bill.
Ni fyddaf yn cefnogi'r ddeddfwriaeth hon. Gofynnais yn y Siambr hon beth sydd o'i le ar werthu tŷ cyngor cyhyd ag y defnyddir yr arian i adeiladu rhai newydd, ac nid wyf wedi cael ateb boddhaol. Nid wyf yn barod i bleidleisio i gael gwared ar opsiwn i bobl dosbarth gweithiol fod yn berchen ar eu cartref eu hunain heb gyflwyno unrhyw ffyrdd newydd iddyn nhw brynu tŷ. Mae'r ddeddfwriaeth yn rhan o duedd afiach o gadw pobl yn ddibynnol ar y wladwriaeth ac atgyfnerthu anghydraddoldeb.
Felly, dyma rai awgrymiadau ynghylch lle y byddai'n well i'r Llywodraeth ddefnyddio ei hymdrechion. Rhwng 2012 a 2016, ni wnaeth Cyngor Caerdydd, a gaiff ei weithredu gan y Blaid Lafur, adeiladu unrhyw dai cyngor—dim un. Dyna oedd eu dewis. Mae cynghorau eraill yn llwyddo i wneud hynny. Nid yw'r ddeddfwriaeth hon yn gwneud dim i fynd i'r afael â hynny. Dylem ni sicrhau mai pobl leol yw'r flaenoriaeth lwyr ar gyfer rhestrau dai, a dylid defnyddio stoc tai cymdeithasol yng Nghymru i ddarparu ar gyfer galw lleol. Rwy'n gobeithio bod hynny'n egwyddor y gallwn ni i gyd ei gefnogi.
Mae angen inni adeiladu llawer mwy o dai fforddiadwy, ac mae hynny'n golygu gwirioneddol fforddiadwy. Gallai gwell cyfreithiau cynllunio orfodi cwmnïau adeiladu i adeiladu cyfran uwch o dai gwirioneddol fforddiadwy, ond rydym ni mewn sefyllfa erbyn hyn lle ceir ychydig iawn o ddatblygwyr yn rheoli'r sector tai, gan arwain at gynlluniau datblygu gwael lle caiff caeau gwyrdd eu dinistrio, a diwylliant lleol ei anwybyddu. Peth da, heb os, yw cael diwydiant lle mae cwmnïau adeiladu lleol llai yn adeiladu tai yn seiliedig ar angen lleol a nodweddion lleol, ond mae cost uchel tir ynghyd â chymhlethdod deddfau cynllunio y Blaid Lafur yn atal hyn.
Os ydym ni o ddifrif yn dymuno gwneud rhywbeth o ran y frwydr yn erbyn yr argyfwng tai, gadewch inni wneud rhywbeth am y 23,000 o eiddo sy'n wag yn hirdymor yng Nghymru. Maen nhw'n eistedd yn wag ac maen nhw'n staen ar ein cymunedau. Pe byddai'r tai hynny'n cael eu defnyddio gan ddau berson ar gyfartaledd, yna byddem yn rhoi cartref i 50,000 o bobl yn gyflym iawn.
Nawr, dylid rhoi clod pan fo clod yn ddyledus, oherwydd llwyddodd Cyngor Tor-faen ddod â thraean o eiddo gwag hirdymor yn ôl i ddefnydd y llynedd, ond llwyddodd Cyngor Caerdydd i wneud hyn gyda dim ond 0.8 y cant, ond mae'n caniatáu i ddatblygwyr cyfoethog adeiladu tai nad ydynt yn fforddiadwy ym mhobman ar gaeau gwyrdd yn lle hynny. Felly, pam nad yw'r Llywodraeth yn canolbwyntio ar bob cyngor yng Nghymru, a chael teuluoedd yn y tai gwag hyn?
Mae perchentyaeth yn rhan o freuddwyd Cymru. Bydd rhai yma yn dweud mai obsesiwn y DU yw perchentyaeth. Ni welaf ddim o'i le ar hynny. Mae'n rhan o'n diwylliant, ac rwyf i eisiau ei annog. Dyna pam na allaf i gefnogi'r Bil hwn.
Thank you. I call on the Minister for Housing and Regeneration to reply to the debate—Rebecca Evans.
Diolch. Galwaf ar y Gweinidog Tai ac Adfywio i ymateb i'r ddadl—Rebecca Evans.
Thank you. I've welcomed the opportunity to debate the Bill and I thank Members for their contributions. I always look to find common ground where there is some, and I think there is some in terms of the wider ambitions for housing. For example, there's no argument from Welsh Government on the importance of building homes, supporting people to buy a home, increasing affordable housing and turning empty houses into homes as well, but there is a fundamental disagreement between ourselves and the Conservatives and others about whether or not losing 139,000 houses from the social housing stock is actually a cause to celebrate, because on these benches it's certainly not.
What is a cause to celebrate is the fact that we are taking this important action to protect social housing stock for the future for the people who need it most, and I'd like to thank Siân Gwenllian for explaining why it is important that we're taking this forward, and take this opportunity to put on record my thanks to Plaid Cymru for the constructive way in which you have engaged with us throughout the passing of this Bill. And so, I'd like to ask Members to support the motion to pass the Bill. Thank you.
Diolch. Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i drafod y Bil a diolch i'r Aelodau am eu cyfraniadau. Rwyf bob amser yn ceisio dod o hyd i dir cyffredin lle y mae'n bosibl, a chredaf fod rhywfaint o dir cyffredin o ran dyheadau ehangach ar gyfer tai. Er enghraifft, nid oes dadl gan Lywodraeth Cymru pa mor bwysig yw adeiladu cartrefi, helpu pobl i brynu cartref, sicrhau mwy o dai fforddiadwy a throi tai gwag yn gartrefi hefyd, ond mae anghytundeb sylfaenol rhwng ein hunain a'r Ceidwadwyr ac eraill ynghylch a yw colli 139,000 o dai o'r stoc tai cymdeithasol yn achos ddathlu mewn gwirionedd neu beidio, oherwydd nad yw hi ar y meinciau yma , yn sicr.
Yr hyn sy'n achos i ddathlu yw'r ffaith ein bod yn cymryd y cam pwysig hwn i ddiogelu stoc tai cymdeithasol ar gyfer y dyfodol ar gyfer y bobl sydd ei hangen fwyaf, a hoffwn ddiolch i Siân Gwenllian am esbonio pam mae'n bwysig ein bod ni'n cymryd hyn ymlaen , ac rwy'n achub ar y cyfle hwn i gofnodi fy niolch i Blaid Cymru ar gyfer y ffordd adeiladol yr ydych chi wedi ymgysylltu â ni yn ystod pasio'r Bil hwn. Ac felly, hoffwn i ofyn i Aelodau gefnogi'r cynnig i basio'r Bil. Diolch.
Thank you very much. In accordance with Standing Order 26.50C, a recorded vote must be taken on Stage 4 motions, and so I defer voting on this motion until voting time.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.50 C, mae'n rhaid cymryd pleidlais wedi'i chofnodi ar gynigion cyfnod 4, ac felly gohiriaf y bleidlais ar y cynnig hwn tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Detholwyd y gwelliant canlynol: gwelliant 1 yn enw Paul Davies.
The following amendment has been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Paul Davies.
We now move on to item 5, which is the debate on the draft budget. I call on the Cabinet Secretary for Finance to move the motion—Mark Drakeford.
Symudwn ymlaen at eitem 5, sef y ddadl ar y gyllideb ddrafft. Galwaf ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid i gynnig y cynnig—Mark Drakeford.
Cynnig NDM6603 Julie James
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 20.12:
Yn nodi'r Gyllideb Ddrafft ar gyfer blwyddyn ariannol 2018-2019 a osodwyd yn y Swyddfa Gyflwyno gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid a Llywodraeth Leol ar 3 a 24 Hydref 2017.
Motion NDM6603 Julie James
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 20.12:
Notes the Draft Budget for the financial year 2018-2019 laid in the Table Office by the Cabinet Secretary for Finance and Local Government on 3 and 24 October 2017.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. I move the Welsh Government's draft budget before the National Assembly. As Members will be aware, this budget represents a significant milestone in Wales's devolution journey. It is the first time where we have been able to set out our plans for devolved taxes and our borrowing proposals. It is also the first budget to be brought forward under the new fiscal framework and with the operation of the new Welsh reserve.
Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Cynigiaf gyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru gerbron y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol. Fel y bydd Aelodau yn ymwybodol, mae'r gyllideb hon yn garreg filltir o bwys yn naith datganoli Cymru. Dyma'r tro cyntaf i ni allu nodi ein cynlluniau ar gyfer trethi datganoledig ac ein cynigion benthyca. Hon yw hefyd y gyllideb gyntaf i gael ei ddwyn ymlaen o dan y fframwaith cyllidol newydd a chyda gweithredu cronfa Cymru newydd.
Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.
The Llywydd took the Chair.
Recognising the devolution of our new fiscal responsibilities, agreement was reached by the Assembly on a new budget process. For the first time, we have published our budget proposals in two stages. We set out the major building blocks of the budget on 3 October, reflecting those new fiscal responsibilities, and showing where the money comes from and how it was proposed that it should be allocated across portfolios. To help inform understanding, a suite of documents was published alongside the budget, including the chief economist's report, the Welsh tax policy report, and the independent report by Bangor University. I'm grateful to the Finance Committee for all its work in relation to this budget, and was glad to see in their report on it an indication that they are content with the level of detail provided alongside the outline budget. I look forward to engaging positively with the further recommendations set out in the Finance Committee's report.
On 24 October, Dirprwy Lywydd, we provided a greater degree of detail at budget expenditure line level than has ever previously been provided. This is a step that colleagues in the Chamber called for last year, and I hope that it has proved helpful in supporting meaningful scrutiny at the portfolio level. I have followed with interest the scrutiny sessions by individual subject committees, and I'd like to record my thanks to all Members who have played their part in our evolving budget process. My own reflection at this stage is that the two-stage process has worked in line with the intentions that led to its creation, but I look forward, of course, to hearing the experiences of others in this regard during the afternoon.
What is more challenging, Llywydd, is the unavoidable awkwardness of a UK budget that takes place late in our own draft budget process. That awkwardness is clearly apparent in the debate today, as we discuss a draft budget prepared before we had received the further allocations made available on 22 November. I intend to use most of the time available to me this afternoon to set out how I plan to align the resources made available in the UK budget with our own budget processes. Before doing so, however, let me deal briefly with the macroeconomic context that the UK budget reveals. Downward revisions to the economic forecasts, published by the Office for Budget Responsibility, confirmed weaker economic growth, lower tax revenues, and yet further pressures on living standards. That context has a direct bearing on our budget here in Wales because the new forecasts from the OBR help shape the resources that will be available to Wales through the working of a fiscal framework.
The Welsh Government's draft budget for 2018-19 was prepared using economic information from the UK spring budget, including OBR forecasts. Our own tax revenue forecasts, which use a number of the OBR economic determinants, will be revised now to reflect the new information made available alongside the November budget. As part of their work, Bangor University will scrutinise and assure these revised forecasts, and I'm happy to confirm this afternoon, Llywydd, that I will publish a summary report of the Bangor scrutiny work alongside our final budget on 19 December. I'd like to thank the team from Bangor for their excellent work to date. I'm pleased to let Members know that they have agreed to extend their current contract to undertake the independent scrutiny and assurance role for next year's budget, building on the expertise they have developed this year. This arrangement will continue as we put in place permanent arrangements for the independent production of independent tax revenue forecasts for Wales. Discussions with the UK Government and the OBR continue on that point, and I will update Members as we make further progress.
Llywydd, let me return to the way in which decisions about our budget are to be made against the background of UK Government decisions. As far as revenue is concerned, over the next week, I will continue to carry out discussions with Cabinet colleagues, concerning the £215 million-worth of consequentials from the UK budget available to Wales over a four-year period. The First Minister has agreed to a paper being presented to the next full Cabinet meeting, on 12 December, when I will bring a set of proposals for discussion. At the same time, in line with our previous agreement, I will discuss matters of mutual interest with Plaid Cymru, and I'm grateful to Steffan Lewis for having made time already to begin those discussions.
Llywydd, my intention is that the outcome of these discussions on the revenue consequences of the 22 November budget will be reflected in the final budget, which I have to lay before this Assembly on 19 December. I plan to do that because I think it is particularly important to give as much certainty as possible to our public service partners on the resources that will be available to them to run the services that they provide over the next two years.
I then intend to turn to discuss further the capital consequentials of the UK budget, including financial transaction capital. I hope to carry out those discussions over the holiday period. I'll give an undertaking this afternoon, Llywydd, that any early decisions on immediate capital priorities which it is possible to agree, before we debate the final budget on 16 January, will be set out to Members in advance of that debate on 16 January so that Members will be informed about them before we take that final vote. Those capital allocations will not be reflected in the final budget; I can't do it in time for that. But I will try to make sure that Members have the maximum amount of information that I am able to make available to them, and that information will include any additional capital consequentials that I'm able to agree on with Plaid Cymru, as part of our discussions with them.
Llywydd, there is a third element that we have to deal with as a result of the UK budget. The Chancellor announced a decision to introduce a new first-time buyer relief in stamp duty land tax as part of his budget. He did so, as Members here will know, despite the very clear advice of the Office for Budget Responsibility that such a relief was more likely to benefit sellers, through raised prices, rather than buyers, and that the relief will be significantly vulnerable to abuse. The change introduced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer means that, in England, 80 per cent of first-time buyers will pay no stamp duty at all. The proposals I set out on 3 October, to set the starting point of land transaction tax at £150,000 for Wales from 1 April next year, already means that 70 per cent of all first-time buyers in Wales will be exempt from that tax.
The Chancellor's decision, however, does result in some additional funding for Wales through a reduced block grant adjustment. That money is therefore in addition to the £215 million revenue consequentials, which I set out earlier. I continue to consider how that additional funding might best be deployed in Wales, and I intend to make an announcement on my decisions in that area before the end of this term.
Gan gydnabod y cyfrifoldebau cyllidol newydd sydd wedi eu datganoli i ni, cytunodd y Cynulliad ar broses gyllideb newydd. Am y tro cyntaf, cyhoeddwyd ein cynigion cyllidebol mewn dau gam. Amlinellwyd prif elfennau'r gyllideb ar 3 Hydref, gan adlewyrchu'r cyfrifoldebau cyllidol newydd hynny, gan ddangos o ble y daw'r arian a sut y bwriedir ei ddyrannu ar draws adrannau. I helpu i ddeall hyn yn well, cyhoeddwyd cyfres o ddogfennau ochr yn ochr â'r gyllideb, gan gynnwys adroddiad y prif economegydd, adroddiad polisi treth Cymru, a'r adroddiad annibynnol gan Brifysgol Bangor. Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Pwyllgor Cyllid am ei holl waith mewn cysylltiad â'r gyllideb hon, ac yn falch o weld yn eu hadroddiad iddyn nhw ddweud eu bod yn fodlon â'r manylder a gafwyd ochr yn ochr â'r gyllideb amlinellol. Edrychaf ymlaen at fynd ati mewn modd cadarnhaol i geisio cyflawni'r argymhellion pellach a nodir yn adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cyllid.
Ar 24 Hydref, Dirprwy Lywydd, darparwyd mwy o fanylion ynglŷn â gwariant y gyllideb nag erioed o'r blaen. Mae hwn yn gam y galwodd cyd-Aelodau yn y Siambr amdano y llynedd, a gobeithio iddo fod yn ddefnyddiol o ran cefnogi'r gwaith craffu'n ystyrlon fesul adran. Mae'r sesiynau craffu a gynhaliwyd gan y pwyllgorau pwnc unigol wedi bod o ddiddordeb mawr i mi, a hoffwn roi ar gofnod fy niolch i'r holl Aelodau sydd wedi chwarae eu rhan yn ein proses gyllideb sy'n esblygu. Fy marn i ar hyn o bryd yw bod y broses dau gam wedi gweithio'n unol â'r bwriadau a arweiniodd at ei greu, ond edrychaf ymlaen, wrth gwrs, i glywed profiadau pobl eraill yn hyn o beth yn ystod y prynhawn.
Yr hyn sy'n fwy heriol, Llywydd, yw'r anhwylustod anochel a achosir gan gyllideb y DU yn cael ei llunio yn hwyr yn ein proses gyllideb ddrafft ni ein hunain. Mae'r anhwylustod hwnnw yn amlwg yn y ddadl heddiw, wrth inni drafod cyllideb ddrafft a gafodd ei pharatoi cyn inni dderbyn y dyraniadau pellach a wnaed ar 22 Tachwedd. Rwy'n bwriadu defnyddio'r rhan fwyaf o'r amser sydd ar gael imi y prynhawn yma i nodi sut y bwriadaf alinio'r adnoddau a ddyranwyd inni yng nghyllideb y DU gyda phrosesau cyllideb ein hunain. Cyn gwneud hynny, fodd bynnag, gadewch imi ymdrin yn fyr â'r cyd-destun macro-economaidd a ddatgelir gan gyllideb y DU. Roedd y diwygiadau negyddol a fu i'r rhagolygon economaidd, a gyhoeddwyd gan y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol, yn cadarnhau twf economaidd gwannach, refeniw treth is, a mwy byth o bwysau ar safonau byw. Mae'r cyd-destun hwnnw yn effeithio'n uniongyrchol ar ein cyllideb yma yng Nghymru oherwydd mae'r rhagolygon newydd gan y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol yn helpu i lunio'r adnoddau a fydd ar gael i Gymru drwy gyfrwng fframwaith cyllidol.
Paratowyd cyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer 2018-19 gan ddefnyddio gwybodaeth economaidd o gyllideb wanwyn y DU, gan gynnwys rhagolygon y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol. Bydd ein rhagolygon ein hunain o ran refeniw treth, sy'n defnyddio nifer o nodweddion economaidd y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol, yn cael eu diwygio nawr i adlewyrchu'r wybodaeth newydd a ryddhawyd ochr â chyllideb mis Tachwedd. Fel rhan o'u gwaith, bydd Prifysgol Bangor yn craffu ar y rhagolygon diwygiedig hyn ac yn sicrhau eu bod yn gywir, ac rwy'n hapus i gadarnhau y prynhawn yma, Llywydd, y byddaf yn cyhoeddi adroddiad cryno o waith craffu Prifysgol Bangor ochr yn ochr â'n cyllideb derfynol ar 19 Rhagfyr. Hoffwn ddiolch i'r tîm o Fangor am eu gwaith rhagorol hyd yn hyn. Rwy'n falch o allu rhoi gwybod i'r Aelodau eu bod nhw wedi cytuno i ymestyn eu contract presennol i ymgymryd â gwaith craffu annibynnol a rhoi sicrwydd ar gyfer cyllideb y flwyddyn nesaf, gan adeiladu ar yr arbenigedd y maen nhw wedi ei ddatblygu eleni. Bydd y trefniant hwn yn parhau wrth inni sefydlu trefniadau parhaol ar gyfer llunio rhagolygon refeniw treth annibynnol i Gymru. Mae trafodaethau gyda Llywodraeth y DU a'r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol yn parhau ar hynny, a byddaf yn diweddaru'r Aelodau wrth inni wneud cynnydd pellach.
Llywydd, gadewch imi ddychwelyd at y ffordd y caiff penderfyniadau am ein cyllideb eu gwneud mewn cysylltiad â phenderfyniadau Llywodraeth y DU. O ran refeniw, dros yr wythnos nesaf, byddaf yn parhau i gynnal trafodaethau gyda chydweithwyr yn y Cabinet, ynghylch y symiau canlyniadol gwerth £215 miliwn o gyllideb y DU fydd ar gael i Gymru dros gyfnod o bedair blynedd. Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru wedi cytuno y ceir cyflwyno papur i'r cyfarfod Cabinet llawn nesaf, ar 12 Rhagfyr, pryd y byddaf yn cyflwyno cyfres o gynigion i'w trafod. Ar yr un pryd, yn unol â'n cytundeb blaenorol, byddaf yn trafod materion o ddiddordeb cyffredin gyda Phlaid Cymru, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar i Steffan Lewis am wneud amser eisoes i ddechrau ar y trafodaethau hynny.
Llywydd, fy mwriad i yw y bydd canlyniad y trafodaethau hyn ar oblygiadau refeniw cyllideb 22 Tachwedd yn cael eu hadlewyrchu yn y gyllideb derfynol, y mae'n rhaid imi ei chyflwyno gerbron y Cynulliad hwn ar 19 Rhagfyr. Bwriadaf wneud hynny oherwydd credaf ei bod hi'n arbennig o bwysig rhoi cymaint o sicrwydd ag y bo modd i'n partneriaid o'r gwasanaethau cyhoeddus o ran yr adnoddau a fydd ar gael iddyn nhw i ddarparu'r gwasanaethau y maen nhw'n eu darparu dros y ddwy flynedd nesaf.
Yna bwriadaf droi i drafod ymhellach y symiau cyfalaf canlyniadol o gyllideb y DU, gan gynnwys cyfalaf trafodion ariannol. Gobeithiaf gynnal y trafodaethau hynny dros gyfnod y gwyliau. Rwy'n addo y prynhawn yma, Llywydd, y caiff unrhyw benderfyniadau cynnar ynglŷn â blaenoriaethau cyfalaf uniongyrchol y mae'n bosibl cytuno arnynt, cyn inni drafod y gyllideb derfynol ar 16 Ionawr, eu hegluro i'r Aelodau cyn y ddadl honno ar 16 Ionawr fel y bydd Aelodau yn gwybod amdanyn nhw cyn inni gymryd y bleidlais derfynol. Ni chaiff y dyraniadau cyfalaf hynny eu hadlewyrchu yn y gyllideb derfynol; ni allaf ei wneud hynny mewn pryd. Ond byddaf yn ceisio gwneud yn siŵr bod yr Aelodau yn cael cymaint o wybodaeth ag y gallaf i ei rhoi iddyn nhw, ac y bydd gwybodaeth yn cynnwys unrhyw symiau cyfalaf canlyniadol ychwanegol yr wyf yn gallu cytuno arnynt gyda Phlaid Cymru, fel rhan o'n trafodaethau gyda nhw.
Llywydd, mae trydedd elfen y mae'n rhaid inni ymdrin â hi o ganlyniad i gyllideb y DU. Cyhoeddodd y Canghellor benderfyniad i roi eithriad newdd i brynwr tro cyntaf o ran treth tir y doll stamp fel rhan o'i gyllideb. Gwnaeth hynny, fel y gŵyr yr Aelodau, er gwaethaf cyngor clir iawn gan y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol y byddai eithriad o'r fath yn fwy tebygol o fod o fudd i werthwyr, drwy godi prisiau, yn hytrach na phrynwyr, ac y bydd yr eithriad yn agored iawn i gam-fanteisio. Golyga'r newid a gyflwynwyd gan Ganghellor y Trysorlys na fydd 80 y cant o brynwyr tro cyntaf, yn Lloegr, yn talu unrhyw dreth stamp o gwbl. Bydd y cynigion a wnaed gennyf ar 3 Hydref, er mwyn pennu man cychwyn treth trafodiadau tir ar £150,000 ar gyfer Cymru o 1 Ebrill y flwyddyn nesaf, eisoes yn golygu y bydd 70 y cant o'r holl brynwyr tro cyntaf yng Nghymru wedi eu heithrio o'r dreth honno.
Mae penderfyniad y Canghellor, fodd bynnag, yn arwain at rywfaint o arian ychwanegol i Gymru drwy addasiad i'r lleihad yn y grant bloc. Mae'r arian hwnnw felly yn ychwanegol at y symiau refeniw canlyniadol o £215 miliwn, fel yr eglurais yn gynharach. Rwy'n dal i ystyried sut orau y gellid defnyddio'r cyllid ychwanegol hwnnw yng Nghymru, ac rwy'n bwriadu gwneud cyhoeddiad ar fy mhenderfyniadau yn y maes hwnnw cyn diwedd y tymor hwn.
Will the Cabinet Secretary give way?
A yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn fodlon ildio?
Of course.
Wrth gwrs.
Just on that point, just for clarification around this adjustment, is that specifically an adjustment under the fiscal framework to take into account the impact of introducing this tax on an England-and-Wales basis, before you have a chance to adjust as regards the new devolved powers next April?
Ynglŷn â'r pwynt hwnnw, dim ond er mwyn deall yr addasiad hwn yn iawn, ai addasiad yn benodol o dan y fframwaith cyllidol yw hynny er mwyn ystyried effaith cyflwyno'r dreth hon ar sail Cymru-a-Lloegr, cyn i chi gael cyfle i addasu o ran y pwerau datganoledig newydd fis Ebrill nesaf?
Llywydd, it is exactly that. It is a one-off consequence of the timetables that will clash this year but won't clash in the future. It does mean that the block grant adjustment moves marginally in our favour. I am looking to see what might be done with that resource. And, as I say, Llywydd, I will make sure that Members are aware of the outcome of that consideration before the end of term.
Llywydd, I do appreciate the less-than-satisfactory nature of providing Members with information in this unavoidably disjointed way. It is a consequence of the interaction between our budget timetable and that of the UK Government. I hope Members will agree that the plan I've set out this afternoon is designed to provide the National Assembly with as much information as possible before a final vote is taken on our budget proposals. The alternative, as I've said at Finance Committee, is to adopt the model agreed by the Scottish Parliament, where MSPs will only see the draft budget for the very first time on 14 December, where no opportunity to discuss or scrutinise will be available until after our final budget has been considered here. In its report, our Finance Committee acknowledges the detrimental impact the UK Government's move to a budget with an unspecified date in the autumn has on the Welsh Government's ability to plan fiscal spending and tax policy. The other side of the coin, however, is the considerable benefit for the NHS, local government and other delivery partners in publishing our business plans in October. On balance, members of the committee concluded they preferred the arrangement we have in place here in Wales, and I'm sure that they will agree that while we continue to do things in that way, we should continue to keep in view the processes we have as our fiscal responsibilities develop.
Llywydd, to conclude, we agreed that the new budget process we have started on this year would be a new chapter and that there would be lessons to learn for future years. The report of the Finance Committee is particularly helpful in identifying areas where further progress needs to be made and, as I said at committee, I am always open to looking at the ways in which we can improve the information we provide and to go about discharging our responsibilities in the most effective way.
I thank the committee again for their recommendations, look forward to working with them on them and to hearing the views of Members this afternoon.
Llywydd, dyna'n union ydyw. Mae'n ganlyniad un-tro o'r amserlenni'n gwrthdaro eleni ond ni fyddant yn gwrthdaro yn y dyfodol. Mae'n golygu bod yr addasiad i'r grant bloc yn symud fymryn o'n plaid. Rwyf yn edrych i weld beth y gellid ei wneud gyda'r adnodd hwnnw. Ac, fel y dywedaf, Llywydd, byddaf yn sicrhau bod yr Aelodau yn ymwybodol o ganlyniad yr ystyriaeth honno cyn diwedd y tymor.
Llywydd, rwyf yn sylweddoli nad yw rhoi gwybodaeth i'r Aelodau yn y ffordd ddigyswllt anorfod hon yn gwbl dderbyniol. Mae'n ganlyniad y gwrthdaro rhwng amserlen ein cyllideb ni ac un Llywodraeth y DU. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd yr Aelodau'n cytuno bod y cynllun a amlinellais i y prynhawn yma wedi ei lunio i roi cymaint o wybodaeth â phosib i'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol cyn y cynhelir pleidlais derfynol ar ein cynigion cyllideb. Y dewis arall, fel y dywedais yn y Pwyllgor Cyllid, yw mabwysiadu'r model a gytunwyd gan Senedd yr Alban, lle mae Aelodau Senedd yr Alban yn gweld y gyllideb ddrafft am y tro cyntaf ar 14 Rhagfyr, pan na fydd cyfle i drafod neu graffu hyd nes y bydd ystyriaeth wedi'i rhoi i'n cyllideb derfynol ni yma. Yn ei adroddiad, mae ein Pwyllgor Cyllid yn cydnabod yr effaith niweidiol y mae penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU i gael cyllideb sydd â dyddiad amhenodol yn yr Hydref yn ei chael ar allu Llywodraeth Cymru i gynllunio gwariant cyllidol a pholisi treth. Yr ochr arall i'r geiniog, fodd bynnag, yw'r budd sylweddol i'r GIG, llywodraeth leol a phartneriaid darparu eraill o ran cyhoeddi ein cynlluniau busnes ym mis Hydref. Ar y cyfan, roedd aelodau'r Pwyllgor wedi dod i'r casgliad bod yn well ganddynt y trefniant sydd gennym ar waith yma yng Nghymru, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddant yn cytuno y dylem barhau i gadw golwg ar y prosesau sydd gennym wrth i'n cyfrifoldebau cyllidol ddatblygu tra byddwn yn parhau i wneud pethau yn y ffordd honno.
Llywydd, i gloi, fe wnaethom gytuno y byddai proses y gyllideb newydd yr ydym ni wedi dechrau arni eleni yn bennod newydd ac y byddai gwersi i'w dysgu ar gyfer y dyfodol. Mae adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn arbennig o ddefnyddiol o ran nodi meysydd lle mae angen gwneud cynnydd pellach ac, fel y dywedais yn y Pwyllgor, rwyf wastad yn fodlon ystyried ffyrdd y gallwn ni wella'r wybodaeth yr ydym ni yn ei darparu a mynd ati i gyflawni ein cyfrifoldebau yn y ffordd fwyaf effeithiol.
Rwy'n diolch i'r Pwyllgor unwaith eto am eu hargymhellion, ac yn edrych ymlaen at weithio gyda nhw arnynt a chlywed barn yr Aelodau y prynhawn yma.
Galwaf ar Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid, Simon Thomas.
I call on the Chair of the Finance Committee, Simon Thomas.
Diolch, Llywydd, ac fel mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros Gyllid newydd amlinellu, dyma'r tro cyntaf yr ydym wedi edrych ar gyllideb yn y modd yma—ffordd gyllidebol newydd gan y Llywodraeth a ffordd newydd o graffu ar y gyllideb hefyd—oherwydd bod Deddf Cymru 2014 wedi datganoli cyllid i Gymru ymhellach sy'n golygu taw ein rôl ni yn y Cynulliad bellach yw dwyn y Llywodraeth i gyfrif, nid yn unig am gynlluniau gwariant, ond hefyd am y ffordd mae'r Llywodraeth yn codi arian drwy fenthyca a thrwy drethi ar eiddo a gwastraff tirlenwi ac, wrth gwrs, treth incwm maes o law yn ogystal. Gyda hynny, cytunwyd i newid y broses o graffu ar y gyllideb i sicrhau bod y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn cael y cyfle i drafod cynigion lefel uchel y Llywodraeth o flaenoriaethau gwariant a refeniw ac, wrth gwrs, fod pob pwyllgor arall yn edrych ar y cyllidebau unigol sy'n perthyn i adrannau'r Llywodraeth. Dyna beth sydd gyda chi fel Cynulliad yn adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cyllid ac adroddiadau'r pwyllgorau eraill heddiw.
Un o'n prif ystyriaethau ni ar y Pwyllgor Cyllid oedd y pwerau newydd ynghylch trethiant, a sut y bydd y pwerau cyllidol newydd yn cael eu defnyddio. Rydym yn ddiolchgar i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ddarparu manylion am ei gyfraddau treth arfaethedig ochr yn ochr â dogfennaeth y gyllideb ddrafft. Roedd y wybodaeth a ddarparwyd ochr yn ochr â chyhoeddi'r cynigion amlinellol ar gyfer y gyllideb yn cynnwys adroddiad y prif economegydd, adroddiad polisi treth Cymru a'r adroddiad gan Brifysgol Bangor. Fel mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi cydnabod, ar y cyfan daethom i'r casgliad bod y wybodaeth a ddarparwyd yn gynhwysfawr ac o gymorth mawr wrth edrych ar y gyllideb. Rydym hefyd yn ddiolchgar i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am gadarnhau munudau yn ôl fod Prifysgol Bangor yn parhau â'r gwaith gan ddiweddaru'r gwaith nawr yn wyneb cyllideb y Deyrnas Gyfunol sydd newydd ei chyhoeddi. Roedd o help mawr i'r pwyllgor i graffu ar y materion lefel uchel hyn.
Mynegwyd rhai pryderon hefyd ynghylch tryloywder y cyllid cyffredinol ar gyfer llywodraeth leol cyn cyhoeddi'r setliad. Yn y dyfodol hoffem weld yr asesiad effaith integredig strategol yn egluro mwy o ran sut cafodd penderfyniadau eu blaenoriaethu a'u gwneud. Hefyd, mater sy'n thema barhaus o'n gwaith craffu llynedd yw'r wybodaeth sydd ar gael yn y gyllideb ddrafft am sut y caiff ymrwymiadau'r Llywodraeth eu blaenoriaethu a'u bwydo i mewn i ddyraniadau yn y gyllideb. Daethom i'r casgliad yr hoffem weld cysylltiadau cliriach rhwng y gyllideb ddrafft, rhaglen y Llywodraeth a'r strategaeth 'Ffyniant i Bawb'—hyn i gyd, wrth gwrs, yn gorwedd o dan y Ddeddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 bondigrybwyll yna.
Nid yw'n ddelfrydol y cyhoeddwyd cyllideb Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol yng nghanol ein gwaith o graffu ar y gyllideb ddrafft. Rydym newydd gael amlinelliad o'r problemau o du'r Llywodraeth gan yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet, ond fel pwyllgor rydym yn dal i gredu ei fod yn ddefnyddiol cael y manylion ynghylch bwriadau Llywodraeth Cymru yn gynnar yn y broses. Roeddem hefyd yn teimlo y byddai'n ddefnyddiol cael ffigurau dangosol ar gyfer y blynyddoedd i ddod, ac er ein bod yn derbyn y gallai hyn fod yn anodd gan ddibynnu ar yr adolygiad gwariant cynhwysfawr, mae'n ddefnyddiol cael y manylion hyn lle bo hynny'n bosibl ac, wrth gwrs, mae wedi digwydd yn y gorffennol.
Thank you, Llywydd, and as the Cabinet Secretary for Finance has just outlined, this is the first time for us to look at the budget in this way—a new approach for the Government and a new approach to budget scrutiny as well—because the Wales Act 2014 introduced fiscal devolution to Wales, meaning that the role of the Assembly now is to hold the Government to account, not only for its spending plans, but also its plans to raise revenue through borrowing and taxation on property and landfill waste, and of course income tax in due course as well. As such, we agreed to change the budget scrutiny process to ensure that the Finance Committee was afforded the opportunity to consider the high-level proposals of the Government in terms of its priority spending and revenue, and of course that every other committee could look at their individual budgets for Government departments. That’s what you have in the Finance Committee report and the reports by the other committees today.
One of our main considerations in the Finance Committee was the new powers around taxation, and how these new fiscal powers will be used. We’re grateful to the Cabinet Secretary for providing details of his proposed tax rates alongside the draft budget documentation. The information provided alongside the publication of the outline budget proposals included the chief economist’s report, the Welsh tax policy report, and the report from Bangor University. As the Cabinet Secretary has acknowledged, on the whole we came to the conclusion we found the information provided to be comprehensive, and this aided our scrutiny of the budget. And we’re also grateful to the Cabinet Secretary for confirming minutes ago that Bangor University will continue their work, and update the work following the budget of the UK Government, which has just been published. It was of great help to committee when scrutinising these high-level issues.
Some concerns were expressed over the transparency of the overall local government funding prior to the publication of the settlement. In future years we would like to see the strategic integrated impact assessment explain more in terms of how decisions had been prioritised and reached. Additionally, one issue that is a continuing theme from our scrutiny last year is the information available within the draft budget in terms of how the Government’s commitments are prioritised and fed into the budget allocations. We concluded that we’d also like to see clearer links between the draft budget, the programme for government and the 'Prosperity for All' strategy—and this, of course, all rests within the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015.
It wasn’t ideal that the UK Government budget was published in the middle of our scrutiny of the draft budget. We’ve just had an outline of the problems faced by the Government from the Cabinet Secretary, but as a committee we still think it’s helpful to have details around the Welsh Government’s intentions at an early stage. We also felt it would be helpful to have indicative figures for future years, although we accept that this may be difficult depending on comprehensive spending reviews; it is helpful to have detail provided where possible, and of course it’s happened in the past.
Yn sgil y newidiadau i gyfraddau’r dreth stamp a gyhoeddwyd gan Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol, dywedodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet y byddai’n ystyried newidiadau i’r cyfraddau arfaethedig yng Nghymru. Roeddwn i'n hanner meddwl efallai y cawn i gyhoeddiad ganddo fe heddiw, ond ddim cweit. Cawn ni glywed maes o law, mae'n debyg. Beth sydd yn bwysig yw ein bod ni'n rhoi'r craffu priodol i'r argymhellion terfynol gan y Llywodraeth. Gwnaethom ni hefyd adrodd yn ein hadroddiad y gallai'r newidiadau hyn ar lefel y Deyrnas Gyfunol arwain at bwysau i gwblhau trafodion ar frys yng Nghymru, gan arwain at ddigolledu Llywodraeth Cymru. Rŷm ni newydd glywed cadarnhad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet bod y digolledu o du y fframwaith cyllidol wedi digwydd. Fel y dywedodd ef, one-off ydy hwn, ac nid ydym yn disgwyl ei weld e yn y blynyddoedd i ddod.
Wrth ystyried cynlluniau’r Llywodraeth ar gyfer trethiant yn ystod y 12 mis nesaf, gwnaethom drafod y rhagolygon a ddefnyddiwyd i ragweld lefel yr incwm o drethi yng Nghymru. Mae tystiolaeth wedi dangos bod diffyg data yn gysylltiedig â Chymru yn benodol, ac roedd tystiolaeth gymysg o ran pa mor hanfodol yw hwn i sicrhau rhagolygon cywir. Fel pwyllgor, rydym yn cydnabod bod achos dros sicrhau bod gwybodaeth am Gymru yn benodol ar gael pan fo'n briodol ac yn rhoi gwerth ychwanegol.
Dyrannwyd cyllid ychwanegol i Gymru fel rhan o gyllideb y Deyrnas Gyfunol, ond roedd llawer iawn o’r cyllid hwn mewn gwirionedd ar ffurf cyfalaf trafodion ariannol—dyna'r tro cyntaf i'r geiriau yna gael eu defnyddio yn Gymraeg; financial transactions capital, mae'n debyg, ydy hynny. Cyfalaf trafodion ariannol: dyma rhywbeth y bydd y pwyllgor yn edrych mewn iddo fe yn ystod y flwyddyn i ddod i weld pa mor effeithiol ydyw ac i weld faint o ddefnydd ydyw, gan fod yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi awgrymu bod y math yma o gyllid yn gallu bod yn gyfyngedig ei ddefnydd yng Nghymru.
Mae dwy thema a ddaeth i’r amlwg yn ystod ein gwaith craffu y llynedd wedi codi eto eleni. Yn gyntaf, mae cyllid ar gyfer iechyd yn parhau i gael ei flaenoriaethu, er nad yw’n ymddangos bod y cyllid hwn yn helpu i wella gwasanaethau na gwaith cynllunio ariannol. Yn aml, mae blaenoriaethu iechyd yn digwydd ar draul meysydd eraill—llywodraeth leol yn benodol. Diddorol oedd nodi bod yr adroddiadau gan y pwyllgor iechyd a’r pwyllgor llywodraeth leol ill dau wedi codi materion tebyg.
Mae’r thema arall yn ymwneud â Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau’r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015. Y llynedd, gwnaethom ganfod taw ychydig o gynnydd oedd wedi’i wneud wrth ddangos sut mae’r Ddeddf wedi’i hymgorffori yn y gyllideb ddrafft, a chlywsom gan yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet sut roedd y Llywodraeth wedi ceisio alinio’r gyllideb ddrafft â’r Ddeddf yn ystod y broses eleni hefyd. Rydym yn gwerthfawrogi y bydd yn cymryd amser i ymgorffori’r dull hwn yn llawn. Fodd bynnag, cawsom ein siomi nad oedd yna ragor o dystiolaeth o’r gwelliannau yr oeddem wedi gobeithio eu gweld. Ond, gallwn weld bod ymdrechion yn cael eu gwneud, yn enwedig drwy weithio gyda'r comisiynydd—Comisiynydd Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol Cymru hynny yw—ym meysydd caffael, datgarboneiddio a chyllidebu cyfranogol, ac rydym yn gobeithio gweld rhagor o welliant yn y dyfodol.
Gwnaethom hefyd drafod y paratoadau ariannol sydd ar y gweill o ran Brexit. Rydym yn pryderu bod ansicrwydd ynghylch Brexit yn effeithio ar benderfyniadau busnesau ar hyn o bryd o ran buddsoddi. Rydym yn awyddus i weld mwy o waith yn cael ei wneud ar barodrwydd ariannol ar gyfer Brexit yng Nghymru a byddwn yn ystyried cynnal ymchwiliad i’r mater hwn yn y dyfodol. Mae hefyd yn faes, wrth gwrs, lle y mae'r Llywodraeth newydd amlinellu rhywfaint o'r arian sydd wedi dod yn y gyllideb sy'n gallu bod yn flaenoriaeth, o bosib, i baratoi'r economi a'r gymuned yng Nghymru ar gyfer Brexit.
Yn olaf, gwnaethom edrych yn fyr ar gynigion ar gyfer trethi newydd a chredwn fod hwn yn gam newydd cyffrous o ran datganoli cyllidol yng Nghymru. Edrychwn ymlaen at weithio gyda'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet yn ystod y flwyddyn nesaf wrth gyflwyno treth ddatganoledig newydd, ac rydym yn cytuno y dylai rôl Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol wrth drafod trethi newydd gael ei chyfyngu i faterion cymhwysedd a’r effaith ar refeniw’r Deyrnas Gyfunol yn unig. Fel pwyllgor, mae gennym ddiddordeb yn y ffordd y bydd y broses newydd yn gweithio, ac rwyf wedi ysgrifennu at y Pwyllgor Busnes yn gofyn iddo ymgynghori â ni ynghylch y gweithdrefnau newydd ar gyfer cyflwyno trethi newydd yng Nghymru.
Dyma’r flwyddyn gyntaf i’n gwaith craffu ar y gyllideb ddrafft ganolbwyntio ar y manylion strategol, tra bod y pwyllgorau polisi wedi adrodd yn ôl i’r Cynulliad ar eu meysydd penodol nhw. Cyn y ddadl ar y gyllideb derfynol, byddwn yn trafod yr adroddiadau hynny, ac rwy’n gobeithio trafod y broses newydd gydag Aelodau eraill hefyd i ystyried a ellir gwneud gwelliannau ar gyfer y flwyddyn newydd. Byddwn i'n croesawu unrhyw sylwadau gan Aelodau ynglŷn â'r ffordd rŷm ni wedi craffu ar y gyllideb eleni a'r ffordd o wella at y dyfodol.
Ac, yn olaf, wrth gwrs, hoffwn ddiolch i bawb sydd wedi cyfrannu at y gwaith craffu eleni, ac, fel pwyllgor, rydym yn hynod ddiolchgar am yr holl bobl sy’n cyfrannu at waith y pwyllgor ac sydd wedi’n cynorthwyo ni i lunio ein canfyddiadau, sydd yn sail i’ch trafodion chi prynhawn yma.
In light of the changes to the stamp duty rates announced by the UK Government, the Cabinet Secretary said that he would consider changes to the proposed rates in Wales. I was half thinking that we might have an announcement from him today, but not quite. We'll hear in due course, it seems. What is important is that we give appropriate scrutiny to the final recommendations by the Government. We also said in our report that these changes at the UK level could lead to pressure to rush through transactions in Wales to completion, which could lead to compensation for the Government. We’ve just heard confirmation from the Government that that compensation from the fiscal framework will happen. And, as he said, that will be a one-off, and we don’t expect to see it in years to come.
In considering the Government’s plans for taxation over the next 12 months, we considered the forecasts used to predict tax returns in Wales. Evidence has shown that there is limited Wales-specific data, and there was mixed evidence as to how vital this is to producing accurate forecasts. As a committee, we recognise that there is a case for ensuring that Wales-specific data is available, and that it is appropriate and gives additional value.
Additional funding was allocated to Wales as part of the UK budget, but a great deal of this was actually in the form of financial transactions capital—and this is the first time those words have been used in Welsh; cyfalaf trafodion ariannol, that is, apparently. Financial transactions capital is something that the committee will look into over the year to come to see how effective it is and to see how much use can be made of it, given that the Cabinet Secretary has suggested that this kind of funding can be restricted in terms of its use in Wales.
Two themes that emerged during our scrutiny last year have also been raised again this year. First of all, health funding continues to be prioritised, although this doesn’t seem to be resulting in service improvement or better financial planning, and often it is at the expense of other areas, notably local government. I was interested to note that the reports from the health committee and the local government committee have both raised similar issues.
The other theme relates to the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015. Last year, we found that limited progress had been made in demonstrating how the Act is embedded in the draft budget, and we heard from the Cabinet Secretary how the Government had tried to align the draft budget and the Act during this year’s process. We appreciate that it will take time to fully embed this approach. However, we were disappointed that there was no further evidence of the improvements that we’d hoped to see. Nevertheless, we can see that efforts are being made, particularly by working with the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales in the area of procurement, decarbonisation and participatory budgeting, and we would hope to see more improvements going forward.
We also considered the financial preparations under way with regard to Brexit, and we are concerned that the uncertainty in terms of Brexit is impacting on the decisions being made by businesses in terms of investment. We are keen to see more efforts on the financial preparedness for Brexit in Wales and we will be looking to hold an inquiry into this area going forward. It’s also an area, of course, where the Government has just outlined some of the funding that has come in the budget that can be a priority, possibly, for preparing the economy and communities in Wales for Brexit.
Finally, we looked briefly at proposals for new taxes and we believe that this is an exciting new stage of fiscal devolution in Wales. We look forward to working with the Cabinet Secretary over the next year in bringing forward a new devolved tax, and we agree that the UK Government’s role in the consideration of new taxes should be limited to issues of competence and the impact on UK revenues. As a committee, we are interested in how the new process will work and I’ve written to the Business Committee asking that we be consulted on the new procedures for bringing forward new taxes in Wales.
This is the first year where our scrutiny of the draft Budget has focused on the strategic details, whilst the policy committees were able to report in their own right to the Assembly. Prior to the final budget debate we will be considering those reports, and I also hope to discuss the new process with other Members in order to consider whether improvements can be made for next year, and I would welcome any comments from Members on the way in which we have scrutinised the budget this year and the way of improving that for the future.
Finally, of course, I'd like to thank everyone who has contributed to this year’s scrutiny. As a committee, we are very grateful to all of the people who contribute to the work of the committee and who have assisted us in terms of drawing up our findings, which will be the basis of your discussion this afternoon.
Rwyf wedi dethol y gwelliant i'r cynnig, a galwaf ar Nick Ramsay i gynnig gwelliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies—Nick Ramsay.
I have selected the amendment to the motion, and I call on Nick Ramsay to move amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies—Nick Ramsay.
Gwelliant 1 Paul Davies
Dileu popeth a rhoi yn ei le:
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru:
Yn credu nad yw cyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer 2018-2019 yn diwallu anghenion pobl Cymru yn ddigonol.
Amendment 1 Paul Davies
Delete all and replace with:
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales:
Believes that the Welsh Government's draft Budget 2018-2019 fails to adequately meet the needs of the Welsh people.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1.
Amendment 1 moved.
Diolch, Llywydd. I think the primary question, Cabinet Secretary, that I'd like to pose at the start of my contribution this afternoon is: what is this budget seeking to achieve? Is it simply trying to allocate funding to different budgets—in the past once perfectly acceptable? Or is it trying to do more than that, to address longer term challenges and to seek a real fundamental transformational economic change to the Welsh economy? I assume, given the changes to revenue to this place and the advent of tax powers to this Assembly, that the latter would be the preferred option.
Can I firstly concur with a number of the issues raised by the Chair of the Finance Committee? I've spent many hours alongside him on that committee considering many of these complex issues—well, from complex to some impossible issues, I think. It's been a very interesting time, and I think we've done our best—all the members of the committee across all parties—to scrutinise the budget as best we can.
Recommendation 1 of the Finance Committee's report calls for greater attention to be given to the way commitments are prioritised, and I would certainly agree with that. It's key that the priorities of the Welsh Government reflect the priorities and the needs of the people of Wales, and, as I said before, those needs over the medium term.
A number of spending allocations may be welcomed in this budget, but it remains less than clear how many of the current spending allocations reflect the priorities of the programme for government or indeed the extent to which the programme for government, or for that matter the future generations legislation, was referred to at all. It does seem that a number of these strategies are great in principle and at the time that they're being strategised, but they are conveniently discarded or at least put to one side when budget setting and the process gets under way.
We know that some budget lines are disappearing as part of a wider merger and simplification of budget lines in this budget. This has been a consistent concern throughout evidence heard by Assembly committees, and, as we heard, it was all committees that were involved in this budget process this time, not just the Finance Committee.
From 2019-20, there will be a single grant for a number of projects, including Flying Start and Supporting People: the early intervention prevention and support grant. Cymorth Cymru were particularly strong in their evidence to the Public Accounts Committee that the disappearance of a distinct budget line meant that the Welsh Government can no longer be fully held to account on how much they spend on Supporting People. It was also highlighted that it's unclear which services will be cut within the merged budget due to the £30 million savings from the decision.
In health, budget lines have also been changed, so there's also less ability there to scrutinise year-on-year spending. What we do know from the Cabinet Secretary's comments is that it looks like there's been another deal with Plaid Cymru this year—well, before the final dissolution of the compact. I'm sure that the Cabinet Secretary will say that the deal
'secures the whole of our Budget and demonstrates our commitment to working with other parties to deliver shared priorities in the interests of the people of Wales.'
Your words, I believe, Cabinet Secretary, not mine. But questions do have to be asked, I think, about the suitability of these types of short-term deals for putting Wales on a sounder and a more sustainable economic footing, and that isn't just a criticism of this potential deal or Plaid Cymru's actions here. I think that applies to other party's deals as well. You'll know that I was very vocal about the deal that was made between the Liberal Democrats and the Welsh Labour Government in the last Assembly, which led—[Interruption.]—which led us down the road to nowhere on one bit of the Eastern Bay link, still with no signs of the second bit being built. Go for it, Mike.
Diolch, Llywydd. Credaf mai'r cwestiwn sylfaenol, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yr hoffwn i ei ofyn ar ddechrau fy nghyfraniad y prynhawn yma yw: beth mae'r gyllideb hon yn ceisio ei gyflawni? A yw hi'n ceisio gwneud dim mwy na dyrannu arian i gyllidebau gwahanol—a oedd yn berffaith dderbyniol ar un adeg yn y gorffennol? Neu a yw hi'n ceisio gwneud mwy na hynny, yn ceisio mynd i'r afael â heriau mwy hirdymor ac yn ceisio trawsnewid economi Cymru yn sylfaenol? Rwy'n tybio, o ystyried y newidiadau refeniw a ddaeth i'r lle hwn a dyfodiad pwerau trethi i'r Cynulliad hwn, mai'r dewis olaf fyddai'r hoff ddewis.
A gaf i yn gyntaf gytuno â nifer o'r materion y mae Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid wedi eu codi? Rwyf wedi treulio oriau lawer ochr yn ochr ag ef ar y Pwyllgor hwnnw yn ystyried llawer o'r materion cymhleth hyn—wel, o rai materion cymhleth i rai materion amhosibl, rwy'n credu. Bu'n amser diddorol iawn, ac rwy'n credu ein bod wedi gwneud ein gorau—pob aelod o'r Pwyllgor o bob plaid—i graffu ar y gyllideb orau y gallwn.
Mae argymhelliad 1 adroddiad y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn galw am roi mwy o sylw i'r ffordd y caiff ymrwymiadau eu blaenoriaethu, ac rwy'n sicr yn cytuno â hynny. Mae'n allweddol bod blaenoriaethau Llywodraeth Cymru yn adlewyrchu blaenoriaethau ac anghenion pobl Cymru, ac, fel y dywedais o'r blaen, yr anghenion hynny yn y tymor canolig.
Mae'n bosibl croesawu nifer o ddyraniadau gwariant yn y gyllideb hon, ond mae'n dal yn llai nag amlwg faint o'r dyraniadau gwariant presennol sy'n adlewyrchu blaenoriaethau'r rhaglen lywodraethu, neu yn wir i ba raddau y cyfeiriwyd o gwbl at y rhaglen lywodraethu, neu o ran hynny at ddeddfwriaeth cenedlaethau'r dyfodol. Ymddengys bod nifer o'r strategaethau hyn yn wych mewn egwyddor ac ar yr adeg y cânt eu llunio'n strategaeth, ond maent yn cael eu gwaredu'n gyfleus neu o leiaf eu rhoi o'r neilltu wrth ddechrau pennu'r gyllideb a'r broses
Gwyddom fod rhai llinellau cyllideb yn diflannu fel rhan o broses ehangach o uno a symleiddio llinellau gwariant y gyllideb yn y gyllideb hon. Mae hyn wedi bod yn destun pryder cyson drwy gydol y dystiolaeth a glywyd gan bwyllgorau'r Cynulliad, ac, fel y clywsom, roedd yr holl bwyllgorau yn rhan o'r broses gyllideb y tro hwn, nid y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn unig.
O 2019-20, bydd un grant ar gyfer nifer o brosiectau, gan gynnwys Dechrau'n Deg a Chefnogi Pobl: y grant ar gyfer ymyrraeth gynnar, atal a chefnogaeth. Roedd Cymorth Cymru yn arbennig o gryf yn eu tystiolaeth i'r Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus y byddai diflaniad llinell gyllideb benodol yn golygu na fydd modd dwyn Llywodraeth Cymru i gyfrif bellach ynglŷn â faint y maen nhw'n ei wario ar Gefnogi Pobl. Pwysleisiwyd hefyd ei bod yn aneglur pa wasanaethau a gaiff eu torri o fewn y gyllideb gyfunol oherwydd y £30 miliwn o arbedion fydd yn dod yn sgil y penderfyniad.
Yn y maes iechyd, bu newid yn llinellau'r gyllideb hefyd, felly nid yw mor hawdd yn y fan honno chwaith i graffu ar wariant flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn. Yr hyn yr ydym ni yn ei wybod o sylwadau Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yw ei bod yn edrych yn debygol y bu cytundeb arall gyda Phlaid Cymru eleni— wel, cyn diddymiad terfynol y Compact. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn dweud
'bod y Fargen yn sicrhau ein holl Gyllideb ac yn dangos ein hymrwymiad i weithio gyda phleidiau eraill i gyflawni blaenoriaethau ar y cyd er budd pobl Cymru'.
Eich geiriau chi, rwy'n credu, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, nid fy rhai i. Ond mae'n rhaid gofyn cwestiynau, rwy'n credu, ynghylch addasrwydd y mathau hyn o gytundebau tymor byr o ran rhoi Cymru ar dir cadarnach sy'n fwy cynaliadwy yn economaidd, ac nid yw honno'n feirniadaeth o'r fargen bosibl hon nac o weithredoedd Plaid Cymru. Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n berthnasol i gytundebau gyda phleidiau eraill hefyd. Byddwch yn gwybod y bûm i'n llafar iawn am y fargen a wnaed rhwng y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol a Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn y Cynulliad diwethaf, a'n harweiniodd—[torri ar draws.]—a'n harweiniodd ar siwrnai seithug ar hyd un darn o ffordd gyswllt Dwyrain y Bae, lle nad oes unrhyw arwyddion eto o'r ail ddarn yn cael ei adeiladu. Ewch amdani, Mike.
I was going to ask: does that also go for the deal between the Conservatives and the DUP?
Roeddwn yn mynd i ofyn: a yw hynny'n wir hefyd am y fargen rhwng y Ceidwadwyr a'r DUP?
You're just trying to distract me, aren't you, from my budget debate. [Laughter.] I'll speak to you in the tearoom.
Dim ond ceisio tynnu fy sylw yr ydych chi, onid e, oddi ar fy nadl ar y gyllideb. [Chwerthin.] Fe wna i siarad â chi yn yr ystafell de.
Assembly Members: Let's hear the answer.
Aelodau'r Cynulliad: Gadewch i ni glywed yr ateb.
The answer is that it's this Welsh Government that is responsible for running public services in Wales. I don't defend everything that the UK Government do—I never have. I'm sure you don't defend everything that the UK Labour Party—. I know you don't defend everything the UK Labour Party did. [Laughter.] So, we're probably quits on that score. But this is about the budget for Wales and there are certain tools and levers we don't have at our disposal, but we do have levers at our disposal here to improve the economic situation in Wales, not just in the short term, but in the medium and long term, as well.
If I can just move on, we've spoken a lot about process, I'm aware of that, and I understand that that's because we are at a change in the way that the Assembly is dealing with its powers, but it is important to turn to some of the funding allocations in more detail, and, firstly, the health service, which Simon Thomas mentioned.
Of course, we'd all welcome any additional funding for our NHS. Welsh Conservatives have called for that year after year, particularly during the last Assembly, during the real-terms cuts that the Welsh Government made at that time, before they saw the error of their ways. You have to ask: how much of this money—as Simon Thomas did—is simply going into plugging health board deficits? You didn't put it in quite those terms, Simon, but I think I got the drift of what you were saying. You have to look at where that money is going. Is it making up for a lack of sustainable medium-term financial planning, and, if that is the case, then those gaps have to be plugged; we have to make sure that the financial processes that health boards are undertaking are sustainable in the longer term, because, as Mike Hedges often says in committee, you can't simply pile more and more money into the NHS—or into anything in Wales—without making sure that the checks and balances are in place to make sure that that money is being made the most use of.
Prevention hasn't been mentioned yet, at least I don't think it has. The Welsh Government places great emphasis on prevention, understandably, although there doesn't seem to be a hard and fast definition of what is actually meant by 'prevention'. We tried to fathom it out on the committee; we didn't have much luck either. But I would say that has led to sport being grouped with the health portfolio earlier in this Assembly, but, at the same time, cuts to sport and community assets, as a result of cuts to local government budgets, will inevitably harm that goal. So, it does seem that, on the one hand, we're saying very good things about prevention, but, on the other hand, the actions of Welsh Government in this regard aren't entirely going to be bearing fruit. In fact, in the words of the leader of Bridgend council, in Bridgend, the budget we commit to leisure centres and swimming pools is half what it was six years ago, and that's not just Bridgend; that's a common theme across local government. Indeed, the cuts to local government—I believe a cash reduction of around 0.5 per cent in 2018-19—were mentioned by the Chair of the Finance Committee.
Education is, of course, crucial to developing skills—. I'll give way.
Yr ateb yw mai'r Llywodraeth Cymru hon sy'n gyfrifol am redeg gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yng Nghymru. Nid wyf yn amddiffyn popeth y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei wneud—nid wyf erioed wedi gwneud hynny. Rwy'n siwr nad ydych chi'n amddiffyn popeth a wnaeth Plaid Lafur y DU —. Rwy'n gwybod nad ydych chi'n amddiffyn popeth a wnaeth Plaid Lafur y DU. [Chwerthin.] Felly, taw piau hi rhyngom ni fwy na thebyg ynglŷn â hynny. Ond mae hyn yn ymwneud â'r gyllideb ar gyfer Cymru ac mae rhai dulliau nad ydynt wrth law gennym i wella'r sefyllfa economaidd yng Nghymru, nid yn unig yn y tymor byr, ond yn y tymor canolig a hir, hefyd.
Os caf i symud ymlaen, rydym ni wedi siarad llawer am y broses, rwy'n ymwybodol o hynny, ac rwy'n deall bod hynny oherwydd y newid yn y ffordd y mae'r Cynulliad yn ymdrin â'i phwerau. Ond mae'n bwysig troi at rai o'r dyraniadau cyllid yn fwy manwl, ac, yn gyntaf, y gwasanaeth iechyd, y soniodd Simon Thomas amdano.
Wrth gwrs, byddai pob un ohonom yn croesawu unrhyw arian ychwanegol ar gyfer y GIG. Mae'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig wedi galw am hynny flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn, yn arbennig yn y Cynulliad diwethaf, yn ystod y toriadau gwirioneddol a wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru ar y pryd, cyn iddyn nhw weld eu camgymeriad. Mae'n rhaid ichi ofyn— fel y gwnaeth Simon Thomas—: faint o'r arian hwn sy'n cael ei ddefnyddio i wneud iawn am golledion y Bwrdd Iechyd? Nid y rheini oedd eich union eiriau chi, Simon, ond rwy'n credu fy mod wedi deall yr hyn yr oeddech chi'n ei awgrymu. Mae'n rhaid ichi edrych ar ble mae'r arian hwnnw'n mynd. A yw'n gwneud iawn am ddiffyg cynllunio ariannol tymor canolig cynaliadwy, ac, os yw hynny'n wir, mae'n rhaid gwneud iawn am y colledion hynny; mae'n rhaid inni wneud yn siŵr bod y prosesau ariannol y mae'r byrddau iechyd yn eu gweithredu yn gynaliadwy yn y tymor hwy, oherwydd, fel y dywed Mike Hedges yn aml yn y Pwyllgor, ni allwch chi roi mwy a mwy o arian i'r GIG—neu i unrhyw beth yng Nghymru — heb wneud yn siŵr bod trefniadau ar waith i gadw cydbwysedd a sicrhau y gwneir y defnydd gorau o'r arian.
Nid yw atal wedi ei grybwyll eto, o leiaf nid wyf yn credu hynny. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi pwyslais mawr ar atal, mae hynny'n ddealladwy, er nad yw'n ymddangos bod yna diffiniad pendant o'r hyn a olygir mewn gwirionedd gan 'atal'. Rydym ni wedi ceisio dirnad hynny yn yn y Pwyllgor; ni chawsom ni fawr o hwyl arni chwaith. Ond byddwn yn dweud bod hynny wedi arwain at gynnwys chwaraeon gyda'r portffolio iechyd yn gynharach yn y Cynulliad hwn, ond, ar yr un pryd, bydd toriadau i chwaraeon ac asedau cymunedol, o ganlyniad i doriadau i gyllidebau Llywodraeth Leol, yn anochel yn niweidio'r nod hwnnw. Felly, ymddengys, ar y naill law, ein bod yn dweud pethau da iawn am atal, ond, ar y llaw arall, nid yw camau gweithredu Llywodraeth Cymru yn hyn o beth yn mynd i ddwyn ffrwyth yn llwyr. Yn wir, dywedodd arweinydd cyngor Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr bod y gyllideb y maen nhw'n ei ymrwymo i'w canolfannau hamdden a phyllau nofio yn hanner yr hyn ydoedd chwe blynedd yn ôl, ac nid yw hynny'n wir am Ben-y-bont yn unig; mae honno'n thema gyffredin ar draws llywodraeth leol. Yn wir, soniodd Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid am y toriadau i Lywodraeth Leol—gostyngiad arian parod o tua 0.5 y cant yn 2018-19 rwy'n credu.
Mae addysg, wrth gwrs, yn hanfodol er mwyn datblygu sgiliau—. Ildiaf
I'm very grateful to you for making those particular points about the cuts and so on referred to by Bridgend. Do you agree with me, therefore, that there's a desperate need for an end to the UK Government's austerity programme?
Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i chi am wneud y sylwadau penodol hynny am y toriadau ac ati y cyfeiriodd Pen-y-bont ar Ogwr atynt. A ydych chi'n cytuno â mi, felly, bod angen dybryd rhoi terfyn ar raglen gyni Llywodraeth y DU?
Well, it's a shame that the overspending of the previous Labour Government took place at the time it did, and perhaps—[Interruption.]—perhaps—. Go on then; I'm feeling generous.
Wel, mae'n drueni i'r Llywodraeth Lafur flaenorol orwario ar yr adeg y gwnaeth, ac efallai—[torri ar draws.]—efallai—. Ewch ymlaen felly; rwy'n teimlo'n hael.
Well, I just wanted to give you further information, because, you see, the UK national debt at the time that the Tories took over was 50 per cent of GDP. It's now 88 per cent, so, clearly, austerity can't be working.
Wel, dim ond eisiau rhoi gwybodaeth ychwanegol ichi yr oeddwn i oherwydd, welwch i, roedd dyled genedlaethol y DU pan gymerodd y Toriaid yr awenau dros 50 y cant o'r cynnyrch domestig gros. Erbyn hyn mae'n 88 y cant, felly, yn amlwg, ni all cynni fod yn gweithio.
But, of course, it would've been a lot higher had the Conservative policies not been implemented, because you can't turn a supertanker around—[Interruption.] I'm not going to let you have any more interventions; I've been very generous. You can't turn a supertanker around overnight, and the deficit has come down, maybe not as much as we would've liked, I admit that, but there we are, nothing's perfect, but, once you're heading in the right direction, you're heading there, aren't you?
Education is, of course, crucial to developing skills and we do support programmes like the twenty-first century schools programme, delivered across Wales in collaboration with local authorities. That's to be welcomed, but, at the same time, if you look at the fall in part-time students, if you look at cuts to further education budgets, then that cannot be welcomed, and the Wales Audit Office have highlighted that grant funding has been reduced by 13 per cent, in real terms, between 2011 and 2016-17, to further education, so that's not good.
Can I just say, before I close, Presiding—yes, Presiding Officer—we haven't mentioned—? [Interruption.] I just wanted to make sure. We haven't mentioned procurement. The Wales Audit Office has released two reports that are critical of the Welsh Government's approaches to procurement, including the fact that it's had to fund the National Procurement Service, which is underused by the public sector. I think, in the past, procurement hasn't been alluded to enough and I think it's becoming increasingly obvious that, if we want to develop the Welsh economy, then actually procuring on a Welsh basis as much as we can is very important to do, and getting the most out of every Welsh pound that is spent. So, I would like to see a greater focus on that, moving forward.
I knew that the Cabinet Secretary would cite the funding situation from the UK Government. You didn't dwell on it, to be fair, Cabinet Secretary. As I said, I believe that, whilst we're in a difficult situation at a UK level, which does feed in to the squeeze on your budget here—I think we all appreciate that—at the same time, we do need to address what we can do here to make the situation better.
You mentioned last week the—I think I've got this right—financial capital transaction. You know the term better than me. I've looked at some of the details of this, and I think that you were concerned that the £1.2 billion coming from the UK Government was not exactly as it seemed, because that capital could not be used across the board, but I think there are certain projects in Wales that have utilised that. I think Help to Buy is one of those and, as Lesley Griffiths the Minister said, and rightly said, in 2015, that's a huge boost to the Welsh construction industry. So, while the economic situation is tight, and we do not have as much money here as we would like to have, I do think that the Government has to recognise that the money coming from the UK Government is to be welcomed.
In conclusion, finally, Presiding Officer, I think that there are aspects to this budget that we would welcome, but, overall, I don't think it pays enough attention to the medium and long term. I don't think it does, long-term, set the Welsh economy on that basis—secure, sustainable and competitive—that we would like to see, and that is why we will not be supporting this budget.
Ond, wrth gwrs, byddai wedi bod yn uwch o lawer pe na bai polisïau'r Ceidwadwyr wedi eu gweithredu, oherwydd ni allwch newid cwrs llong—[torri ar draws.] Nid wyf yn mynd i adael i chi gael ymyriad arall; rwyf wedi bod yn hael iawn. Ni allwch chi newid cwrs llong yn llwyr dros nos, ac mae'r diffyg wedi gostwng, efallai nid cymaint ag y byddem wedi ei ddymuno, rwy'n cyfaddefaf hynny, ond dyna ni, nid oes neb yn berffaith, ond, pan rydych chi'n teithio yn y cyfeiriad cywir, rydych chi'n teithio yno, onid ydych?
Wrth gwrs, mae addysg yn hanfodol er mwyn datblygu sgiliau, ac rydym yn cefnogi rhaglenni fel rhaglen ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, a gyflwynwyd ledled Cymru mewn cydweithrediad ag awdurdodau lleol. Mae hynny i'w groesawu, ond, ar yr un pryd, os edrychwch chi ar y gostyngiad yn nifer y myfyrwyr rhan-amser, os edrychwch chi ar y toriadau i'r cyllidebau addysg bellach, yna does dim modd croesawu hynny, ac mae Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru wedi tynnu sylw at y ffaith bod cyllid grant wedi gostwng 13 y cant, mewn termau real, rhwng 2011 a 2016-17, i addysg bellach, felly nid yw hynny'n dda.
A gaf i ddweud, cyn cloi, Llywydd—ie, Llywydd—nid ydym wedi sôn am—? [Torri ar draws.] Dim ond eisiau gwneud yn siŵr yr oeddwn i. Nid ydym wedi sôn am gaffael. Mae Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru wedi rhyddhau dau adroddiad sy'n feirniadol o ddulliau caffael Llywodraeth Cymru, gan gynnwys y ffaith y bu'n rhaid iddo ariannu'r Gwasanaeth Caffael Cenedlaethol, nad yw'r sector cyhoeddus yn defnyddio digon arno. Credaf, yn y gorffennol, na chyfeiriwyd yn ddigonol at gaffael a chredaf ei bod yn dod yn fwyfwy amlwg, os ydym eisiau datblygu economi Cymru, yna mewn gwirionedd mae caffael yng Nghymru gymaint ag y gallwn ni yn bwysig iawn, ac yn manteisio i'r eithaf ar bob punt Gymreig sy'n cael ei gwario. Felly, hoffwn i weld mwy o bwyslais ar hynny yn y dyfodol.
Roeddwn i'n gwybod y byddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn cyfeirio at y sefyllfa o ran cyllid gan Lywodraeth y DU. Wnaethoch chi ddim cnoi cil gormod drosto, i fod yn deg, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Fel y dywedais, rwy'n credu, er ein bod mewn sefyllfa anodd ar lefel y DU, sydd yn cyfrannu at y wasgfa ar eich cyllideb yma—credaf ein bod ni i gyd yn sylweddoli—ar yr un pryd, fod angen inni fynd i'r afael â beth y gallwn ei wneud yma i wella'r sefyllfa.
Fe wnaethoch chi sôn yr wythnos diwethaf am—rwy'n credu fy mod i wedi cael hyn yn gywir—y trafodion cyfalaf ariannol. Rydych chi'n fwy cyfarwydd â'r term na fi. Rwyf wedi edrych ar rai o'r manylion hyn, ac rwy'n credu eich bod yn bryderus nad oedd y £1.2 biliwn gan Lywodraeth y DU yn union fel yr ymddangosai, oherwydd nad oedd modd defnyddio'r cyfalaf hwnnw ar bob agwedd, ond rwyf yn credu bod rhai prosiectau yng Nghymru wedi manteisio ar hynny. Rwy'n credu bod Cymorth i Brynu yn un o'r rhai hynny ac, fel y dywedodd Lesley Griffiths y Gweinidog, yn gwbl gywir, yn 2015, mae hynny'n hwb mawr i ddiwydiant adeiladu Cymru. Felly, er bod y sefyllfa economaidd yn anodd, ac nad oes cymaint o arian yma ag y buasem yn hoffi ei gael, rwyf yn credu bod yn rhaid i'r Llywodraeth gydnabod bod yr arian sy'n dod gan Lywodraeth y DU i'w groesawu.
I gloi, yn olaf, Llywydd, credaf fod agweddau ar y gyllideb hon y byddem yn eu croesawu, ond ar y cyfan, nid wyf yn credu ei bod yn rhoi digon o sylw i'r tymor canolig a hir. Nid wyf yn credu ei bod, yn y tymor hir, yn gosod economi Cymru ar y sail honno y byddem yn hoffi ei gweld—yn ddiogel, cynaliadwy a chystadleuol, a dyna pam na fyddwn ni'n cefnogi'r gyllideb hon.
Hoffwn i ddiolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am ei ddatganiad heddiw a hefyd diolch iddo fe am y ffordd mae e wedi ymgymryd â'r broses o negodi rhwng ein dwy blaid, a hefyd diolch i'm ffrind Adam Price am arwain y negodi ar ran fy mhlaid i. Mae'n wir, wrth gwrs, fod yna nifer o bethau nad oedd yn bosib i'r Llywodraeth a Phlaid Cymru gytuno arnynt, ond rwy'n hyderus y bydd yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet yn ymwybodol y byddwn ni'n cario ymlaen i graffu ar y Llywodraeth ar y nifer o bwyntiau o anghytundeb cyllidol, ond, wrth gwrs, craffu hefyd ar weithrediad yn y meysydd lle roedd yna gytundeb rhyngom ni.
Drwy gydol y Cynulliad hwn, mae Plaid Cymru wedi defnyddio ein rôl ni fel gwrthblaid mewn modd aeddfed ac adeiladol er budd pobl Cymru. Fel rhan o'r cytundeb rhwng Plaid Cymru a Llywodraeth Cymru, rydym ni wedi llwyddo i sicrhau dros £210 miliwn o wariant ychwanegol, sydd yn golygu ein bod wedi sicrhau bron i £0.5 biliwn o enillion ers dechrau'r Cynulliad yma, enillion a fydd yn cyflawni gwelliannau gwirioneddol i fywydau pobl Cymru ac yn gosod sylfeini ar gyfer dyfodol mwy ffyniannus i'n cenedl.
Mae'r cytundeb yma yn cynnwys £40 miliwn ar gyfer gwella gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl megis gwasanaethau cymorth iechyd meddwl amenedigol, buddsoddiad newydd mewn addysg feddygol yn y gogledd, nyrsys ychwanegol a buddsoddi mewn cysylltu ein cenedl trwy welliannau ffyrdd rhwng y gogledd a'r de. Yn bwysig iawn hefyd, mae addewid i gymryd camau yn sgil Brexit, yn enwedig portal a fydd yn cefnogi busnesau wrth iddyn nhw geisio ymdopi â'r llanast sydd i ddod a'r llanast sydd eisoes ohoni.
Mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi cadarnhau heddiw yn ei gyfraniad ein bod ni mewn trafodaethau pellach gyda'r Llywodraeth er mwyn trafod yr arian ychwanegol a gafodd ei gyhoeddi gan Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig. Byddwn i hefyd eisiau gwybod, fel mae Nick Ramsay eisoes wedi sôn, ynglŷn â'r financial transactional capital. Mae hyn yn elfen sydd ddim yn newydd, ond mae maint yr elfen o arian ychwanegol sy'n deillio o hyn yn weddol newydd, a byddwn i'n gwerthfawrogi mwy o esboniad gan yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet ynglŷn â natur yr arian yma.
Y gwirionedd, wrth gwrs, yn nhermau'r sefyllfa fiscal ehangach, yw bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gweld toriad bob blwyddyn—flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn—yn ei chyllid ers 2010. Mae'n debyg bod rhagor o doriadau er eu ffordd o Lundain. Wythnos diwethaf, cawsom ni gyfle i ddadlau cynnwys cyllideb y Deyrnas Unedig a gyhoeddwyd ar 22 Tachwedd. Nid wyf i am ddefnyddio fy holl amser heddiw i aildrafod cynnwys y gyllideb honno, ond mae'n bwysig deall y cyd-destun economaidd a fiscal ehangach a gafodd y gyllideb honno ei chreu ynddo a'i effaith ar gyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru yn y dyfodol.
I’d like to thank the Cabinet Secretary for his statement today, and also to thank him for the way that he’s undertaken this process of negotiating the budget between our two parties. I’d also like to thank my colleague Adam Price for leading the negotiations on behalf of my party. It’s true to say that there are a number of things that Plaid Cymru and the Government couldn’t agree on, but I am confident that the Cabinet Secretary will be aware that we will continue to scrutinise Government on many of those points of disagreement. But we will also be scrutinising the implementation in those areas where there was agreement between us.
Throughout this Assembly, Plaid Cymru has used our role as an opposition party in a mature and constructive manner for the benefit of the people of Wales. As part of the agreement between Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Government, we have managed to secure over £210 million of additional expenditure, which means that we have secured almost £0.5 billion from the beginning of this Assembly. This will deliver real improvements to the lives of the people of Wales and will set the foundation for a more prosperous future for our nation.
This agreement includes £40 million for improvements to mental health services, such as perinatal mental health support, new investment in medical education in north Wales, additional nurses, and investment in linking our nation by making improvements between north and south. And very importantly too, there is a pledge to take steps as a result of Brexit, particularly a portal that will support businesses as they try and cope with the mess that is to come and the mess that’s already been created.
The Cabinet Secretary has confirmed today in his contribution that we are in further negotiations with the Government to discuss the additional funding that was announced by the UK Government, and as Nick Ramsay has already mentioned, I would want to know about the financial transactional capital. This isn’t a new element, but the scale of the additional funding emerging from this is relatively new, and I would appreciate further detail from the Cabinet Secretary on the nature of that funding.
The truth, of course, in terms of the broader fiscal position, is that the Welsh Government has seen an annual cut—a year-on-year cut—in its budget since 2010, and it’s likely that further cuts are in the pipeline from London. Last week, we had an opportunity to debate the content of the UK Government’s budget, which was announced on 22 November. I don’t want to use all of my time today rehearsing the content of that budget, but it’s important to understand the economic and fiscal context, and the broader sense in which that budget was announced, and its impact on the Welsh Government budget for the future.
The UK economy is currently growing more slowly than all its economic competitors in the club of advanced economies. By comparing OBR forecasts with International Monetary Fund forecasts for the other G7 economies, the productivity slowdown has limited growth, weighed on living standards, and put the UK behind most of its peers in the G7 group of leading industrial economies. Britain's economy will also trail the eurozone for each of the coming three years at least, as its growth falls to the bottom of the European Union's 28 member states. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's forecast for 2018 and 2019 is even below the downgraded estimate issued previously by the OBR, and also highlights how the organisation believes Brexit will weigh heavily on the state's future—[Interruption.] No, I will not give way—economic performance.
It is also important to put on the record that we should all consider the OBR's economic forecasts as the very best-case scenario. They incorporate the impact of any tax and spending measures announced in the budget statement by the UK Chancellor and the effect on economic growth for subsequent years. However, they are forecast based on the status quo in terms of the trading relationship the UK currently enjoys with various markets around the world. The current trading relationship we enjoy with the European Union we know will change. We, of course, cannot be sure today what the nature of that change will be, but I think experience of the last 48 hours suggests that the trading relationship we currently enjoy will not be that of the future. Any changes in that relationship through additional tariffs and non-tariff barriers imposed on UK export will mean those forecasts will inevitably be downgraded further due to the negative effect it would have on the UK's balance of trade.
But crucially, Llywydd, taking away the Brexit dimension, what has become abundantly clear, and what was confirmed in the United Kingdom budget, is that extreme fiscal contraction—austerity—is self-defeating. The last Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr Osborne, told us that a budget balance or surplus would be achieved after five years of deep fiscal contraction. The OBR tells us that budget surpluses are now not to be expected until well into the next decade. Citizens everywhere, therefore, will rightly ask what on earth all this pain was for. Why have our communities been asset-stripped? Why have essential services been cut to the bone? Why have those with the least paid the price for the mistakes of the few at the top? It is also worth repeating, too, that part of the reason for the UK's failure to produce sustainable long-term economic growth that rebalances the economy and that is spread outside the London city state is because of the refusal of the UK Government to restructure the UK economy in favour of re-industrialisation and prosperity to all parts. The UK is not just constitutionally flawed; again, as we've seen in the last 24 hours, it is fundamentally flawed as an economic construct too.
Ar hyn o bryd mae economi'r DU yn tyfu yn arafach na'i holl gystadleuwyr economaidd o blith y gwledydd gyda'r economïau datblygedig. Drwy gymharu rhagolygon y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol gyda rhagolygon y Gronfa Ariannol Ryngwladol ar gyfer economïau eraill gwledydd y G7, mae'r ffaith bod cynhyrchiant wedi arafu wedi cyfyngu ar dwf, pwyso ar safonau byw, a rhoi y DU tu ôl i'r rhan fwyaf o'i chyd-wledydd yn y grŵp G7 o economïau diwydiannol mwyaf blaenllaw. Bydd economi Prydain hefyd ar waelod ardal yr ewro ar gyfer pob un o'r tair blynedd nesaf o leiaf, wrth i'w dwf ddisgyn i waelod y rhestr o 28 aelod-wladwriaeth yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae rhagolygon y Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd ar gyfer 2018 a 2019 hyd yn oed yn is na'r amcangyfrif israddedig a gyhoeddwyd yn flaenorol gan y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol, a hefyd yn amlygu sut mae'r sefydliad yn credu y bydd Brexit yn pwyso'n drwm ar ddyfodol y wladwriaeth—[ Torri ar draws.] Na wnaf, ni ildiaf—o ran perfformiad economaidd.
Mae hefyd yn bwysig rhoi ar gofnod y dylai pob un ohonom ystyried rhagolygon economaidd y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol fel y sefyllfa orau bosibl. Maen nhw'n ymgorffori effaith unrhyw fesurau treth a gwariant a gyhoeddodd Canghellor y DU yn y datganiad cyllideb a'r effaith ar dwf economaidd ar gyfer blynyddoedd dilynol. Fodd bynnag, mae'r rhagolygon yn seiliedig ar y sefyllfa bresennol o ran y berthynas fasnachu y mae'r DU yn ei mwynhau ar hyn o bryd gyda gwahanol farchnadoedd ledled y byd. Gwyddom y bydd y berthynas fasnachu bresennol yr ydym ni'n ei mwynhau gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn newid. Ni allwn, wrth gwrs, fod yn siŵr heddiw beth fydd natur y newid hwnnw, ond rwy'n credu bod profiad y 48 awr diwethaf yn awgrymu na fydd y berthynas fasnachu yr ydym ni'n ei mwynhau ar hyn o bryd yn ymestyn i'r dyfodol. Bydd unrhyw newidiadau yn y berthynas honno drwy'r tollau ychwanegol a'r rhwystrau di-dariff a osodir ar allforion y DU yn golygu y caiff y rhagolygon hynny yn anochel eu hisraddio ymhellach oherwydd yr effaith negyddol y byddai hynny yn ei chael ar gydbwysedd fasnach y DU.
Ond yn hollbwysig, Llywydd, gan roi y dimensiwn Brexit o'r neilltu, yr hyn sydd wedi dod yn gwbl amlwg, a'r hyn a gafodd ei gadarnhau yng nghyllideb y Deyrnas Unedig, yw bod crebachu cyllidol eithafol—cynni—yn hunandrechol. Dywedodd Canghellor diwethaf y Trysorlys, Mr Osborne, wrthym y byddai'r gyllideb yn cydbwyso neu y byddai arian dros ben ar ôl pum mlynedd o grebachu cyllidol sylweddol. Dywed y Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol wrthym na allwn ddisgwyl gweld arian dros ben yn y gyllideb yn awr tan ganol y degawd nesaf. Felly, bydd dinasyddion ym mhobman yn gofyn yn gwbl briodol beth ar y ddaear oedd diben yr holl boen hwn. Pam mae ein cymunedau wedi cael eu hysbeilio o'u hasedau? Pam mae gwasanaethau hanfodol wedi cael eu torri hyd at yr asgwrn? Pam mae'r rheini sydd â'r lleiaf wedi talu'r pris am gamgymeriadau yr ychydig ar y brig? Mae hefyd yn werth ailadrodd mai rhan o'r rheswm dros fethiant y DU i gynhyrchu twf economaidd hirdymor a chynaliadwy sy'n ailgydbwyso'r economi ac sy'n cael ei ledaenu y tu allan i ddinas wladwriaeth Llundain yw oherwydd bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrthod ailstrwythuro economi'r DU o blaid ail-ddiwydiannu a ffyniant i bob rhan o'r DU. Nid yn unig y mae'r DU yn ddiffygiol yn gyfansoddiadol; unwaith eto, fel y gwelsom yn y 24 awr diwethaf, mae'n sylfaenol ddiffygiol fel adeiledd economaidd hefyd.
Cyn i mi orffen, hoffwn i droi tuag at un pwynt a gododd Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn ei gyfraniad ef. Nid yw gweithredoedd y Llywodraeth yn cyd-fynd bob tro gyda'i rhethreg o fod eisiau rhedeg gwasanaeth iechyd mewn ffordd strategol a chynaliadwy. Rydym yn gwario, am resymau da iawn, gyfran enfawr o'r gyllideb genedlaethol ar y gwasanaethau iechyd—yn aml iawn i gost, fel sydd wedi cael ei ddweud, llywodraeth leol. Ac mae Canolfan Llywodraethiant Cymru wedi amcangyfrif y gallai'r gyfran o gyllideb refeniw Llywodraeth Cymru y mae'r gwasanaeth iechyd yn ei dderbyn godi 56 y cant os bydd Gweinidogion yn canfod yr arian sydd ei angen i gadw at y twf a ragwelir yn y galw. Mae'n rhaid, felly, mynd i'r afael â'r problemau strwythurol sydd yn bodoli yn y gwasanaeth iechyd, megis diffyg cynllunio yn y gweithlu.
Ond i gloi, Llywydd, fy nghanfyddiad i yw bod rhaid i ni fynd ati yn ddifrifol i edrych ar ddulliau newydd o allu codi arian ein hunain o fewn Cymru. Mae'r wlad yma wedi ailddechrau ar y siwrnai o fod yn endid fiscal, ond mae peth pellter i fynd eto. Bydd angen i ni fynd ati nawr er mwyn amddiffyn ein dinasyddion, ond hefyd er mwyn cyflawni potensial ein gwlad.
Before I conclude, I would like to turn to one of the points raised by the Chair of the Finance Committee in his contribution. The actions of the Government don’t always accord with its rhetoric of wanting to run the health service in a strategic and sustainable manner. We are spending a large proportion of the national budget on health services for a very good reason, and very often it’s at the expense of local government. The Wales Governance Centre has estimated that the proportion of Welsh Government revenue funding received by the health service could go up to 56 per cent of the budget if Ministers find the funding required to deal with the increase in demand. We must therefore tackle the structural problems that exist within the health service, such as lack of workforce planning.
But to conclude, Llywydd, my perception is that we must work in earnest to find new ways of raising our own funds within Wales. This nation has recommenced the journey of being a fiscal entity, but there is some distance to travel yet. We must now safeguard our citizens, but also achieve the potential of our nation.
I welcome the Labour-Plaid Cymru budget, and Steffan Lewis gave a list of the changes that he says are due to the influence of Plaid Cymru. The DUP in Northern Ireland has got an extra £1 billion for Northern Ireland out of their support for the Government at Westminster, and Plaid Cymru has managed to redirect £500 million out of the £15 billion that the Labour Government here has to spend. I've got no objection to any of the changes that have been made, because that's what coalition-type arrangements are about, and nobody, therefore, can complain about the way in which the DUP has used its position at Westminster, because it's happening here in Cardiff in the same way. What would be quite interesting to know, of course, is what the Government would have spent the £500 million on if they hadn't been in hock to Plaid Cymru. Then we would be able to have a proper debate on priorities, which is what the Finance Committee recommended.
Rwy'n croesawu cyllideb Llafur-Plaid Cymru, a rhoddodd Steffan Lewis restr o'r newidiadau y dywed ef sy'n ganlyniad dylanwad Plaid Cymru. Mae'r DUP yng Ngogledd Iwerddon wedi cael £1 biliwn yn ychwanegol ar gyfer Gogledd Iwerddon oherwydd eu cymorth i Lywodraeth San Steffan, ac mae Plaid Cymru wedi llwyddo i ailgyfeirio £500 miliwn o'r £15 biliwn sydd gan y Llywodraeth Lafur yma i'w wario. Nid oes gennyf unrhyw wrthwynebiad i unrhyw un o'r newidiadau a wnaed, oherwydd dyna natur trefniadau clymbleidiol eu naws. Ac felly, ni all neb gwyno am y ffordd y mae'r DUP wedi defnyddio ei sefyllfa yn San Steffan, oherwydd mae'n digwydd yma yng Nghaerdydd yn yr un modd. Beth fyddai'n eithaf diddorol cael gwybod yw, wrth gwrs, ar beth fyddai'r Llywodraeth wedi gwario'r £500 miliwn ychwanegol pe na bai hi'n wystl i Blaid Cymru. Yna byddai modd inni gael dadl briodol ar flaenoriaethau, sef yr hyn a argymhellodd y Pwyllgor Cyllid.
We need to know much more about the Government's priorities and how they conform to the spending plans that they've announced. In this context, I would like to thank the Chairman of the Finance Committee—who speaks for me in this respect if in no other—for the exemplary way in which he's chaired the committee, and indeed the unfailing courtesy of the finance Secretary in his appearances before us towards all Members.
There is a certain air of unreality about these budget debates, as I pointed out in my speech on the draft budget, in as much as the finance Secretary is constrained by the expenditure that is inevitable. The scale of discretionary spending is actually quite small, although that should increase in years to come, when we start exercising our power over devolved taxes and also have a relatively limited but nevertheless important power to borrow for spending on capital projects. But what has happened in this budget, by and large, is that the health budget has been increased at the expense of everything else. That, I suppose, in a way, is inevitable as well because, as we know, health inflation is greater than the rate of inflation generally. We have an ageing population and, with advances in medical science, more conditions become treatable, people live longer, so there is inevitably going to be a huge increase in the health budget at UK level and in the Welsh budget.
So, I have enormous sympathy with the finance Secretary in his difficult task of having to reconcile all the claims upon him. But it is interesting that some budgets have been cut by much more than others. The environment budget has taken a particularly big hit of something like 15 per cent in real terms, whilst the health budget has gone up only by a small amount in percentage terms, but nevertheless, as it's part of a very large budget, by a significant sum—an extra £166 million.
All that is very welcome, but what is troubling about the health service in Wales is not so much the amount of money that we're spending on it, but the laxity of some of the health boards in what they do with the money that they're given. We know the problems of the deficits that are in existence at the minute, particularly in Hywel Dda and Betsi Cadwaladr. Betsi Cadwaladr bumps along; two years ago it had a significant deficit, that came down, and this year it looks as though it's going up again. So, we don't seem to be making a great deal of progress in that respect, and until we get the problems of the heath boards that are in special measures or targeted intervention properly under control, this is going to be an intractable problem for the finance Secretary.
There are other issues that I think we should turn our attention to. I've been particularly interested to look at the amount of money that is spent on enterprise zones. I think enterprise zones are a very good idea, and they do have a capacity to kick-start the economy in areas that have got otherwise very long-term problems. But when you look at how many jobs have actually been created or safeguarded relative to the amount of money that has been spent on them, we have to ask ourselves whether this is value for money. That's not to say I want to cut off these sums, but what I would like to see is that we get more bang for our buck, as it were.
To take the Ebbw Vale enterprise zone, for example, ignoring the vast costs of the Heads of the Valleys road development, which would be included in the expenditure in that area, if you look back to the pre-2016 position, we had about 400 jobs in total that were created or safeguarded in Ebbw Vale at a cost of nearly £20 million. Now, I don't think that's terribly good value for money. If you go through the rest of the enterprise zones as well, some are doing a lot better than others, and job-creation costs are much better in some than others. So, I think we really need to look in greater detail at whether we are getting value for money out of these projects, because although the idea behind them is certainly laudable, we need to ask ourselves whether they are actually performing for us.
One other element of the budget, which Nick Ramsay referred to a moment ago, actually, was about prevention, and of course there is tremendous pressure to spend upon current needs, but if we are to cut costs or to improve performance in the longer term, we have to take the longer-term view. We discussed this with the future generations commissioner in the Finance Committee, and I know it's difficult for the finance Secretary—I'm not unaware of the conundrum that he has to solve—but we do need to spend more upon looking ahead to future problems and anticipating them, hence reducing the future costs that are going to press in upon us.
We've had the usual complaints about so-called austerity, of course, and I've many times responded to this in the Chamber. With the national debt now approaching £2 trillion compared with the £1 trillion that it was only five years ago, nobody can credibly say that the Westminster Government has been doing anything other than spraying money at the economy. The problem is that, very often, it's been spent on the wrong things. Again, I've gone through that in the past and I don't intend to repeat myself today.
But, the borrowing requirement this year is nearly £50 billion compared with £83 billion last year. The national debt is 85.6 per cent of GDP this year—that's 3 per cent higher than it was in 2015-16. The national debt is still rising, and it is rising as a proportion of GDP, and that means, looking ahead to future generations, that this is a millstone around the neck of children and grandchildren and beyond. Of course, borrowing goes up and down over the cycle, but we're now in the tenth year after the financial crisis of 2008 and we should really have made much more progress in cutting borrowing than we have done, because you can't just borrow forever.
Venezuela is now discovering this, as Zimbabwe and many other countries around the world have, and indeed Britain discovered in the 1970s. Indeed, after every Labour Government, there is usually to be found a significant economic problem that has to be solved. I don't absolve the Conservative Government from some of the blame here, but the truth of the matter is, as Nick Ramsay pointed out in response to Mick Antoniw earlier on, that after 13 years of Labour Government to 2010, they'd squandered the legacy that was left by Kenneth Clarke; after the first Blair administration, they took off the brakes on spending, and the result was, instead of mending the roof when the sun was shining, we found we had great gaping holes in it at a time when the rain was coming down in torrents after—[Interruption.] I will, certainly.
Mae angen inni wybod llawer mwy am flaenoriaethau'r Llywodraeth a sut maen nhw'n cydymffurfio â'r cynlluniau gwariant a gyhoeddwyd ganddynt. Yn y cyd-destun hwn, hoffwn ddiolch i Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid—sy'n siarad drosof yn hyn o beth os nad mewn unrhyw beth arall—am y ffordd ardderchog y mae wedi cadeirio'r Pwyllgor, ac yn wir am gwrteisi di-ball yr Ysgrifennydd Cyllid tuag at bob Aelod wrth iddo ymddangos ger ein bron.
Mae awyrgylch penodol o ddiffyg realiti am y dadleuon hyn ynglŷn â'r gyllideb, fel y dywedais yn fy araith ar y gyllideb ddrafft, oherwydd mae'n anorfod bod yr Ysgrifennydd Cyllid wedi ei gyfyngu gan y gwariant. Mae maint y gwariant dewisol mewn gwirionedd yn eithaf bach, er y dylai hynny gynyddu yn y blynyddoedd i ddod, wrth inni ddechrau arfer ein pŵer dros drethi datganoledig a hefyd ein pŵer cymharol gyfyngedig ond pwysig serch hynny i fenthyca ar gyfer gwariant ar gyfalaf prosiectau. Ond yr hyn sydd wedi digwydd yn y gyllideb hon, ar y cyfan, yw bod y gyllideb iechyd wedi'i chynyddu ar draul popeth arall. Mae hynny, mae'n debyg, mewn ffordd, yn anochel hefyd oherwydd, fel y gwyddom, chwyddiant iechyd yn fwy na'r gyfradd chwyddiant yn gyffredinol. Mae gennym boblogaeth sy'n heneiddio ac, oherwydd datblygiadau mewn meddygaeth, mae modd trin mwy o gyflyrau, ac mae pobl yn byw'n hirach, felly mae'n anochel y bydd cynnydd anferth yn y gyllideb iechyd ar lefel y DU ac yng nghyllideb Cymru.
Felly, mae gennyf gydymdeimlad mawr â'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid yn ei swyddogaeth anodd o orfod cydbwyso'r holl hawliadau. Ond mae'n ddiddorol bod rhai cyllidebau wedi'u torri'n fwy o lawer nag eraill. Mae cyllideb yr Amgylchedd wedi cael ergyd arbennig o drom, tua 15 y cant mewn termau real, tra bod y gyllideb iechyd wedi gweld cynnydd o swm bach yn unig o safbwynt canran, ond serch hynny, fel rhan o gyllideb fawr iawn, o swm sylweddol—£166 miliwn ychwanegol.
Mae hynny i gyd i'w groesawu'n fawr, ond yr hyn sy'n peri gofid am y gwasanaeth iechyd yng Nghymru yw nid cymaint faint o arian yr ydym ni'n ei wario arno, ond afradlonedd rhai o'r byrddau iechyd o ran yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud gyda'r arian a gânt. Rydym yn gwybod am y problemau o ran y diffygion ariannol sy'n bodoli ar y funud, yn enwedig ym Myrddau Iechyd Hywel Dda a Betsi Cadwaladr. Mae Betsi Cadwaladr yn hercian yn ei blaen; ddwy flynedd yn ôl roedd diffyg sylweddol, gwelwyd gostyngiad, ac eleni mae'n edrych fel petai'n codi eto. Felly, ymddengys nad ydym yn gwneud rhyw lawer o gynnydd yn hynny o beth, a hyd nes y cawn ni reolaeth briodol dros broblemau'r byrddau iechyd sydd mewn mesurau arbennig neu'n derbyn ymyrraeth wedi'i thargedu, mae hyn yn mynd i fod yn broblem anhydrin i'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid.
Mae materion eraill y credaf y dylem ni droi ein sylw atynt. Roedd edrych ar faint o arian sy'n cael ei wario ar ardaloedd menter o ddiddordeb arbennig imi. Rwy'n credu bod ardaloedd menter yn syniad da iawn, ac mae ganddyn nhw'r gallu i roi hwb i'r economi mewn ardaloedd sydd â phroblemau hirdymor sylweddol fel arall. Ond pan rydych chi'n edrych ar faint o swyddi sydd wedi eu creu neu eu diogelu mewn gwirionedd o'i gymharu â faint o arian sydd wedi'i wario arnynt, mae'n rhaid inni ofyn inni ein hunain a yw hynny yn werth am arian. Nid yw hynny'n golygu fy mod eisiau gweld y symiau hyn y cael eu diddymu, ond hoffwn i weld ein bod yn cael mwy o werth am ein harian.
Os edrychwn ni ar ardal fenter Glynebwy, er enghraifft, gan anwybyddu costau anferthol datblygiad ffordd Blaenau'r Cymoedd, a fyddai wedi ei gynnwys yn y gwariant yn y maes hwnnw. Os edrychwch yn ôl i'r sefyllfa cyn 2016, cafodd cyfanswm o tua 400 o swyddi eu creu neu eu diogelu yng Nglyn Ebwy ar gost o bron £20 miliwn. Nawr, nid wyf i'n credu bod hynny'n werth da iawn am arian. Os ewch chi drwy weddill y parthau menter hefyd, mae rhai yn gwneud yn llawer gwell nag eraill, ac mae costau creu swyddi yn well o lawer mewn rhai nag eraill. Felly, credaf fod gwir angen inni edrych yn fanylach ar a ydym ni'n cael gwerth am arian o'r prosiectau hyn, oherwydd er bod y syniad y tu ôl iddyn nhw yn sicr yn ganmoladwy, mae angen inni ofyn i ni ein hunain a ydyn nhw mewn gwirionedd yn perfformio i ni.
Roedd un elfen arall yn y gyllideb, y cyfeiriodd Nick Ramsay ati funud yn ôl, mewn gwirionedd, yn ymwneud ag atal, ac wrth gwrs mae pwysau aruthrol i wario ar anghenion presennol. Ond os ydym yn mynd i dorri costau neu wella perfformiad yn y tymor hirach, rhaid inni ystyried pethau'n fwy hirdymor. Buom yn trafod hyn gyda chomisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn y Pwyllgor Cyllid, ac rwy'n gwybod ei bod hi'n anodd i'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid—rwyf yn ymwybodol o'r anawsterau sydd ganddo i'w datrys—ond mae angen inni wario mwy ar edrych ymlaen at broblemau'r dyfodol a'u rhagweld, a thrwy hynny leihau'r costau sy'n mynd i ddod ar ein gwarthaf yn y dyfodol.
Rydym ni wedi clywed y cwynion arferol am y cynni honedig, wrth gwrs, ac rwyf wedi ymateb i hyn yn y Siambr lawer gwaith. Gyda'r ddyled genedlaethol bellach yn agosáu at £2 triliwn o'i gymharu ag £1 triliwn fel yr oedd hi bum mlynedd yn ôl, gall neb ddweud gydag unrhyw hygrededd fod Llywodraeth San Steffan wedi gwneud unrhyw beth heblaw am chwistrellu arian at yr economi. Y broblem yw, yn aml iawn, ei fod yn cael ei wario ar y pethau anghywir. Unwaith eto, rwyf wedi traethu ynghylch hynny yn y gorffennol ac nid wyf yn bwriadu ailadrodd fy hun heddiw.
Ond, mae'r gofyniad benthyca eleni bron yn £50 biliwn o'i gymharu â £83 biliwn y llynedd. Mae'r ddyled genedlaethol yn 85.6 y cant o'r cynnyrch domestig gros eleni—sef 3 y cant yn fwy nag ydoedd yn 2015-16. Mae'r ddyled genedlaethol yn dal i godi, ac yn codi fel cyfran o'r cynnyrch domestig gros, ac mae hynny'n golygu, wrth edrych ymlaen at genedlaethau'r dyfodol, bod hyn yn faen melin am wddf ein plant a'n hwyrion a thu hwnt. Wrth gwrs, mae benthyca yn mynd i fyny ac i lawr wrth i'r rhod droi, ond rydym bellach yn y ddegfed flwyddyn ers argyfwng ariannol 2008 ac fe ddylen ni mewn gwirionedd fod wedi gwneud llawer iawn mwy o gynnydd yn torri benthyca nag yr ydym ni wedi'i wneud, oherwydd ni allwch chi fenthyca am byth.
Mae Venezuela yn awr yn darganfod hyn, fel y mae Zimbabwe a llawer o wledydd eraill ledled y byd, ac yn wir roedd Prydain wedi darganfod hynny yn y 1970au. Yn wir, ar ôl pob Llywodraeth Lafur, gwelir fel arfer bod problem economaidd sylweddol y mae'n rhaid ei datrys. Nid wyf yn esgusodi'r Llywodraeth Geidwadol o rywfaint o'r bai yma, ond y gwir amdani yw, fel y nododd Nick Ramsay wrth ymateb i Mick Antoniw yn gynharach, ar ôl 13 blynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur hyd at 2010, roedden nhw wedi gwastraffu'r gwaddol a adawyd gan Kenneth Clarke; ar ôl gweinyddiaeth gyntaf Blair, fe wnaethon nhw ryddhau'r ffrwyn ar wariant, a'r canlyniad oedd, yn hytrach na thrwsio'r to pan oedd yr haul yn tywynnu, canfuwyd fod tyllau mawr ynddo ar adeg pan oedd y glaw yn arllwys yn ddidrugaredd ar ôl—[torri ar draws .] Gwnaf, yn sicr.
That point is just factually incorrect. The actual percentage of borrowing compared with GDP at the time of the financial crisis was 37.2 per cent—about 0.2 per cent higher than it was when Labour came into Government in the first place. The only difference was the increase to 50 per cent, which was effectively the steps taken by Gordon Brown to actually save the UK economy from collapsing. What you've had now, as a result of austerity measures under this Tory Government and the cut-back in capital investment, is the fact that the percentage is now 88 per cent.
Mae'r pwynt hwnnw yn ffeithiol anghywir. Canran gwirioneddol benthyca o'i gymharu â chynnyrch domestig gros ar adeg yr argyfwng ariannol oedd 37.2 y cant—tua 0.2 y cant yn uwch nag yr oedd pan ddaeth Llafur i Lywodraeth yn y lle cyntaf. Yr unig wahaniaeth oedd y cynnydd i 50 y cant, sef y camau a gymerwyd gan Gordon Brown i achub economi'r DU mewn gwirionedd rhag dymchwel. Yr hyn sydd gennych chi bellach, o ganlyniad i fesurau cyni o dan y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd hon a'r toriadau mewn buddsoddiad cyfalaf, yw'r ffaith bod y ganran bellach yn 88 y cant.
I think, if the Member examines the record, he will find that, under the first Blair Government, they reduced the proportion of debt in GDP up to 2001, and from 2001 to 2010 it rose steadily every year until the explosion after 2008. I haven't got the figures with me today, but I'm happy to send them. He'll find them in the House of Commons library research paper, which gives them. So, that's the reality of the background to the budget.
We can't just magic away the macro-economic problems that the UK faces. If we attempt to do so, then we will make things even worse for us in the future. What we need to do is to grow the economy. In the United States now, there are plans for substantial reductions in corporation tax. This is being mirrored in France, in Germany, in Italy, in Switzerland, and this is what we need for Britain. I'm very much in favour of devolving corporation tax to Wales so that we can take our own course in this respect as well, but I appreciate that that's a debate for another day. So, whilst I welcome the budget, I recognise the limitations that the finance Secretary is bound by, and I think there are things that we can do to tweak things at the margins, but his scope for action is very little more than that.
Credaf, os yw'r aelod yn edrych ar y cofnod, y bydd yn canfod, o dan Lywodraeth cyntaf Blair, y gwnaethon nhw leihau cyfran y ddyled mewn cynnyrch domestig gros hyd at 2001, a rhwng 2001 a 2010 fe gododd yn raddol bob blwyddyn tan y ffrwydrad ar ôl 2008. Nid yw'r ffigurau gyda mi heddiw, ond rwyf yn fodlon eu hanfon. Daw o hyd iddyn nhw yn y papur ymchwil yn Llyfrgell Tŷ'r Cyffredin, sy'n rhoi'r ffigurau. Felly, dyna realiti'r cefndir i'r gyllideb.
Ni allwn ni ddefnyddio hudlath i wneud i'r problemau macro-economaidd y mae'r DU yn eu hwynebu ddiflannu. Os ydym ni'n ceisio gwneud hynny, yna byddwn yn gwneud pethau hyd yn oed yn waeth i ni yn y dyfodol. Yr hyn y mae angen inni ei wneud yw tyfu'r economi. Yn yr Unol Daleithiau erbyn hyn, mae cynlluniau i ostwng y dreth gorfforaeth yn sylweddol. Adlewyrchir hyn yn Ffrainc, yn yr Almaen, yn yr Eidal, yn y Swistir, a dyma'r hyn sydd ei angen ar gyfer Prydain. Rwyf i o blaid datganoli'r dreth gorfforaeth i Gymru fel y gallwn ni lunio ein llwybr ein hunain yn hyn o beth hefyd. Ond rwy'n sylweddoli bod hynny'n ddadl ar gyfer diwrnod arall. Felly, er fy mod i'n croesawu'r gyllideb, rwy'n cydnabod y cyfyngiadau sy'n llyffetheirio'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid, ac rwy'n credu bod yna bethau y gallwn ni eu gwneud i addasu pethau ar y cyrion, ond ni all wneud fawr mwy na hynny.
Whilst supporting the Welsh Government budget, I acknowledge the budget is inadequate for the needs of Wales. This is not a criticism of either the finance Secretary or the Welsh Government; this is due to the inadequate block grant from the Tories in Westminster. As the year progresses—and we've heard some of it already—I expect Tory calls for, 'More money for health', 'More money for education' and then to oppose any cut backs that are being forced upon local authorities by the reduction in their block grants whilst facing increasing need for social care and children services.
Austerity is failing as an economic policy. That should surprise nobody because it's always failed; it's been tried many times and it's failed every single time. But for the Conservatives at Westminster, it's not an economic policy, it's an ideology: shrink the state; reduce public expenditure; reduce public services; make people who can financially afford it use the private sector.
The failure to distinguish between capital and revenue expenditure is another major problem. To put in terms that the Conservatives will understand: revenue is the equivalent of borrowing for food and energy, and would be a problem for any family. Capital is borrowing to buy a car and a house: as long as it's affordable, it's something many of us have done and currently do. Releasing money for capital is wonderful in terms of your economy: it reflates the economy; it gets people back into full-time work. Everyone benefits, and it's just releasing borrowing for things like building houses and other revenue-raising construction projects. Building things and getting the money in from building them: it works, it's always worked. Unfortunately, instead of building things for use, we've been building war machines in the past in order to reflate our economy at the end of a recession. Fortunately, we're not in that sort of world now so let's learn from the past and reflate the economy.
On the detail of the Welsh budget: additional money for the health service, reductions for everyone else. Health continues to increase its share of the Welsh budget. When giving evidence to the Finance Committee, Michael Trickey of the Public Policy Institute for Wales identified when it would get to 60 per cent of the total expenditure in Wales. He was not prepared—despite me asking him—to extrapolate as to when it would reach 100 per cent of the Welsh budget.
Of course, 'For health, see hospitals', seems to be common belief, and that more people treated in hospital is a sign of success. I disagree with that belief. We need to reduce hospital demand—that's something that was said by the future generations commissioner—by promoting positive lifestyle choices: no smoking; increased exercise; reduce obesity levels and drug taking. Also, improved housing quality, improved diet and increased social care. People are ending up in hospital just because their social needs have not been met, and as such, they become ill. What we want to do is ensure that we have fewer people going into hospital.
Finally, I would like to highlight some key issues identified by the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee. In order to demonstrate how the Wellbeing of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 informs the budget process, the Welsh Government should incorporate in its impact assessment process an assessment against its well-being objectives. The Welsh Government must, in discussion with Natural Resources Wales, keep under review the capacity of NRW to fulfil its duties. I think this is one of the things—you can't keep on taking money out of organisations like NRW and keep on expecting them to do the same and more. If they're going to have less money, then they have to have less things to do. Expecting them to do more with less is only going to end up with lots of things not being done very well and things being missed out.
Scrutiny of the Welsh Government draft budget responsibilities and statutory functions is something that has been carried out by the climate change committee, and the Welsh Government should work with national parks to explore how they can raise revenue. This should include support to develop plans to realise their potential for income generation. Far too often, parts of the public sector seem to think that income generation is something that shouldn't happen, that everything should be met by Government grants. We're not in that sort of world any more. People need to look at how they can raise money from what they do. What can they do to raise more money? What can they charge for? What charges can they increase? Increased charges are never popular, but I think if you want to keep a service going, then if the amount of money coming in from grant is going down, the only thing you can do is increase charges. When times are hard, difficult decisions need to be made.
As I've only got 28 seconds left, can I make a plea? Many children in Wales get free breakfasts and free school meals during school term time. Unfortunately, when it comes to the summer holidays, they get six weeks of no free breakfasts and no free lunches. This causes huge strain upon many families in my constituency, and I'm sure in many others. I would like to see an attempt made to extend these free meals for pupils outside term time, especially during the long summer holidays, which cause so much upset to so many parents.
Er fy mod i yn cefnogi cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru, rwy'n cydnabod bod y cyllid yn annigonol ar gyfer anghenion Cymru. Nid yw hyn yn feirniadaeth ar yr Ysgrifennydd Cyllid na chwaith ar Lywodraeth Cymru; mae hyn oherwydd y grant bloc annigonol gan y Torïaid yn San Steffan. Wrth i'r flwyddyn fynd rhagddi—ac rydym wedi clywed rhywfaint ohono eisoes—rwy'n disgwyl clywed y Torïaid yn galw am 'Fwy o arian ar gyfer iechyd', 'Mwy o arian ar gyfer addysg' ac yna i wrthwynebu unrhyw doriad sy'n cael ei orfodi ar awdurdodau lleol gan y gostyngiad yn eu grantiau bloc sydd hefyd yn wynebu angen cynyddol am ofal cymdeithasol a gwasanaethau plant.
Mae cynni yn methu fel polisi economaidd. Dylai hynny beri syndod i neb oherwydd methu fu ei hanes erioed; rhoddwyd sawl cynnig arni ac mae wedi methu bob tro. Ond i'r Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan, nid polisi economaidd mohono, mae'n ideoleg: crebachu'r wladwriaeth; cwtogi gwariant cyhoeddus; cwtogi gwasanaethau cyhoeddus; gwneud i bobl sy'n gallu fforddio hynny'n ariannol ddefnyddio'r sector preifat.
Mae methu â gwahaniaethu rhwng gwariant cyfalaf a gwariant refeniw yn broblem fawr arall. I roi hynny mewn termau y bydd y Ceidwadwyr yn ei ddeall: mae refeniw yn cyfateb i fenthyca ar gyfer bwyd ac ynni, a byddai hynny'n broblem i unrhyw deulu. Cyfalaf yw benthyca i brynu car a thŷ: cyhyd ag y bo'n fforddiadwy, mae'n rhywbeth y mae llawer ohonom wedi ei wneud ac yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd. Mae rhyddhau arian ar gyfer cyfalaf yn wych o ran eich economi: mae'n rhoi gwynt yn ôl yn hwyliau'r economi; mae'n fodd i bobl ddychwelyd i waith llawn amser. Mae pawb yn elwa, ac mae'n rhyddhau benthyca ar gyfer pethau fel codi tai a phrosiectau adeiladu eraill sy'n codi refeniw. Adeiladu pethau a chael yr arian am eu hadeiladu: mae'n gweithio, mae wastad wedi gweithio. Yn anffodus, yn hytrach nag adeiladu pethau i'w defnyddio, rydym wedi bod yn adeiladu peiriannau rhyfel yn y gorffennol er mwyn ailchwyddo ein heconomi ar ddiwedd cyfnod o gynni. Yn ffodus, nid ydym yn byw yn y math hwnnw o fyd bellach, felly gadewch i ni ddysgu o'r gorffennol ac ailchwyddo'r economi.
Ynglŷn â'r manylion am gyllideb Cymru: arian ychwanegol ar gyfer y gwasanaeth iechyd, gostyngiadau ar gyfer pawb arall. Mae iechyd yn parhau i hawlio cyfran gynyddol o gyllideb Cymru. Wrth roi tystiolaeth i'r Pwyllgor Cyllid, nododd Michael Trickey o'r Sefydliad Polisi Cyhoeddus i Gymru pryd y byddai'n cael 60 y cant o gyfanswm y gwariant yng Nghymru. Nid oedd yn barod—er imi ofyn iddo—i ymhelaethu ynghylch pryd y byddai'n cyrraedd 100 y cant o gyllideb Cymru.
Wrth gwrs, ymddengys bod 'Ar gyfer iechyd, gweler ysbytai', yn gred gyffredin, a bod mwy o bobl yn cael eu trin yn yr ysbyty yn arwydd o lwyddiant. Rwy'n anghytuno â'r gred honno. Mae angen inni leihau'r galw am wasanaethau ysbyty—mae hynny'n rhywbeth a ddywedwyd gan y comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol— drwy hyrwyddo dewisiadau ffordd o fyw cadarnhaol: dim ysmygu; mwy o ymarfer corff; lleihau lefelau gordewdra a chymryd cyffuriau. Hefyd, ansawdd tai gwell, deiet gwell a mwy o ofal cymdeithasol. Mae pobl yn gorfod mynd i'r ysbyty dim ond oherwydd na ddiwallwyd eu hanghenion cymdeithasol, ac fel y cyfryw, maen nhw'n mynd yn sâl. Yr hyn sydd angen ei wneud yw sicrhau bod llai o bobl yn mynd i'r ysbyty.
Yn olaf, hoffwn dynnu sylw at rai materion allweddol a nodwyd gan y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig. Er mwyn dangos sut mae Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 yn dylanwadu ar broses y gyllideb, dylai Llywodraeth Cymru gynnwys, yn ei broses asesu effaith, asesiad yn erbyn ei amcanion llesiant. Mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru, wrth drafod gyda Chyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, barhau i adolygu gallu Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru i gyflawni ei ddyletswyddau. Credaf fod hyn yn un o'r pethau—allwch chi ddim dal ati i gymryd arian oddi ar sefydliadau fel Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru a dal i ddisgwyl iddyn nhw gyflawni'r un peth a mwy. Os ydyn nhw'n mynd i gael llai o arian, mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw gael llai o bethau i'w gwneud. Mae disgwyl iddyn nhw wneud mwy gyda llai yn mynd i arwain yn y pen draw at sefyllfa lle nad oes llawer o bethau'n cael eu gwneud yn dda iawn a bydd pethau'n cael eu hesgeuluso.
Mae craffu ar gyfrifoldebau a swyddogaethau statudol cyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhywbeth y mae'r Pwyllgor ar Newid Hinsawdd wedi ei wneud, a dylai Llywodraeth Cymru weithio gyda'r Parciau Cenedlaethol i ystyried sut y gallan nhw godi refeniw. Dylai hyn gynnwys cymorth i ddatblygu cynlluniau i wireddu eu potensial o ran cynhyrchu incwm. Yn rhy aml o lawer, ymddengys fod rhannau o'r sector cyhoeddus yn credu bod cynhyrchu incwm yn rhywbeth na ddylai ddigwydd, y dylai popeth gael ei fodloni gan grantiau'r Llywodraeth. Nid ydym yn byw mewn byd o'r fath bellach. Mae angen i bobl edrych ar sut y gallan nhw godi arian o'r hyn y maen nhw yn ei wneud. Beth allan nhw ei wneud i godi mwy o arian? Beth allan nhw godi tâl amdano? Pa daliadau y gallan nhw eu cynyddu? Nid yw taliadau uwch byth yn boblogaidd. Ond rwy'n credu os ydych eisiau cadw gwasanaeth i fynd, yna os yw'r arian sy'n dod i mewn o'r grantiau yn lleihau, yr unig beth y gallwch ei wneud yw codi mwy o dâl am y gwasanaeth. Pan mae pethau'n anodd, mae angen gwneud penderfyniadau anodd.
Gan mai dim ond 28 eiliad sydd ar ôl gennyf, a gaf i wneud apêli? Mae llawer o blant yng Nghymru yn cael brecwast am ddim a phrydau ysgol am ddim yn ystod tymor yr ysgol. Yn anffodus, pan ddaw gwyliau'r haf, maen ganddyn nhw chwe wythnos heb frecwast am ddim a heb brydau ysgol am ddim. Mae hyn yn achosi straen enfawr ar lawer o deuluoedd yn fy etholaeth i, ac rwy'n siŵr mewn llawer o etholaethau eraill. Hoffwn weld ymgais i ymestyn y prydau am ddim hyn ar gyfer disgyblion y tu hwnt i amser tymor yr ysgolion, yn enwedig yn ystod y gwyliau haf hir, gan ei fod yn peri cymaint o loes i gymaint o rieni.
Cabinet Secretary, I welcome the involvement of the standing committees in the way that the scrutiny of the Welsh Government budget is conducted, although it has to be said that following the money has proven, as ever, a challenge, as moneys have been moving around budget allocations, and have, in some instances, made direct year-on-year comparisons extremely difficult.
I do want to make it clear that I understand the budget is finite, and I also note the funding allocated to the NHS has increased in real terms by 0.5 per cent on the previous year. However, at the current run rate and scale of practice, this is merely enough to keep the operation going. My concerns revolve around how the money within the health service MEG is deployed, and whether that deployment enables positive outcomes in line with the Welsh Government's programme for government.
I have three specific areas I wish to raise with you. My first concern lies with general practice. You'll be aware that the Cabinet Secretary for health is putting an enormous emphasis on dealing with ill health at a community level—it reflects what Mike Hedges has just been saying—in order to prevent referrals to secondary care, where the costs tend to rise exponentially. This also ties in to the findings highlighted in the interim report from the parliamentary review of health and social care, which are a good indication of the likely recommendations they're going to make.
The benefits of using doctors, nurses, physiotherapists, occupational therapists, chronic condition nurses and mental health specialists in a community setting are not merely financial. We know that it is beneficial for the patient to be seen locally, treated locally and followed up locally, yet by any measure the Welsh Government budget is not putting enough resources into supporting primary care. The lowest percentage share of the NHS budget in any home nation is borne by Welsh GPs. In 2015-16, general practice received only 7.24 per cent of NHS spend, but they are expected to do the bulk of the heavy lifting in terms of the prevention of ill health and the management of co-morbidity.
The Welsh Government must also recognise that many GP surgeries have inadequate facilities and find it very difficult to offer a plethora of clinics and services in conditions that are either archaic or simply too small for the demand that they face. In my own constituency, I have surgeries saying that they cannot offer some of the vital preventative care clinics that are required because they simply do not have the room and the staff. The Welsh health estate needs financial support to bring it into line with modern-day requirements, and this is a point that the Health, Social Care and Sport Committee picked up on in our scrutiny of the budget. So, Cabinet Secretary, could you please tell us how GPs are going to be able to offer such transformational services with such a small share of NHS resource?
That brings me to my second area of concern. We've all made a political commitment to enable the parliamentary review to take a long hard look at what needs to be done to transform our NHS into one that's capable of facing the challenges of the future, but I don't see how the costs of this are allowed for in the budget going forward. In fact, reviewing evidence from both the Cabinet Secretary for health and you, it was very clear that the 0.5 per cent increase provides barely enough to keep the wheels turning, so how can you expect health boards and GP practices to transform the way that they work without clear funding streams to enable and support that transformational programme? Recommendations 1 and 2 of the health committee report are very clear on this.
The third area I would like to briefly raise with you is the mental health ring fence, which will increase by some £20 million in 2018-19. However, despite being ring-fenced since 2008, the ways in which health boards have interpreted the ring fence are a cause for concern, with precious funding being absorbed by carrying out routine treatments. For example, if somebody with a mental health issue needs a new hip operation, it comes out of the mental health budget, and I cannot see the logic or fairness in that. So, Cabinet Secretary, I wonder whether you have any plans to review all of the ring-fenced areas of the Welsh Government budget to see if they are still absolutely applicable and doing what they were intended to do in the first place.
Finally, Cabinet Secretary, a general point in regard to health board deficits. All of the foregoing is impossible if these health board deficits continue. In answers to written questions you've said there's no bailout for health boards, and yet the reality is that we need to look at how those health boards are funded because I'm not, and I want to make this crystal clear, I'm not asking for any more money for the NHS out of that Welsh Government budget, but what I am questioning is the deployment of the current funds, including the 0.5 per cent increase, and whether or not we have to make, or you have to make and your colleagues have to make, some tough decisions about where we have to move money from temporarily in order to effect that transformational change. Otherwise, we will not have a health service that can keep those wheels on and keep going for the people of Wales in the future.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, rwy'n croesawu cyfraniad y Pwyllgorau Sefydlog yn y ffordd y creffir ar gyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru, er mae'n rhain dweud bod olrhain yr arian wedi profi, fel erioed, yn her, oherwydd mae arian wedi bod yn symud o'r naill ddyraniad cyllideb i'r llall, ac, mewn rhai achosion, wedi gwneud cymariaethau uniongyrchol flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn yn eithriadol o anodd.
Hoffwn ei gwneud hi'n glir fy mod yn deall bod y gyllideb yn gyfyngedig, ac rwyf hefyd yn sylwi bod y cyllid a ddyrennir i'r GIG wedi cynyddu mewn 0.5 y cant mewn termau real o'i gymharu â'r flwyddyn flaenorol. Fodd bynnag, ar ystod a graddfa bresennol y gwasanaeth, dim ond digon yw hyn i'w chynnal. Mae fy mhryderon ynglŷn â sut y defnyddir yr arian o fewn Prif Grŵp Gwariant y gwasanaeth iechyd, ac a yw'r defnydd hwnnw yn arwain at ganlyniadau cadarnhaol yn unol â rhaglen lywodraethu Llywodraeth Cymru.
Mae gennyf dri maes penodol yr hoffwn i ddwyn i'ch sylw. Mae a wnelo fy mhryder cyntaf â meddygfeydd teulu. Byddwch yn ymwybodol bod yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros Iechyd yn rhoi pwyslais enfawr ar ymdrin ag iechyd gwael ar lefel gymunedol—mae'n adlewyrchu'r hyn mae Mike Hedges newydd fod yn ei ddweud— er mwyn atal cyfeiriadau i ofal eilaidd, lle mae costau yn tueddu i godi fwyfwy. Mae hyn hefyd yn gysylltiedig â'r canfyddiadau a amlygwyd yn yr adroddiad interim sy'n deillio o'r arolwg seneddol o iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, sy'n arwydd da o'r argymhellion tebygol y byddant yn eu gwneud.
Mae manteision defnyddio meddygon, nyrsys, ffisiotherapyddion, therapyddion galwedigaethol, nyrsys cyflyrau cronig ac arbenigwyr iechyd meddwl yn y gymuned yn fwy na rhai ariannol. Rydym yn gwybod ei bod hi'n fuddiol i'r claf gael ei gweld yn lleol, ei drin yn lleol a bod y dilyniant yn lleol, ac eto nid yw cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru ar unrhyw gyfrif yn rhoi digon o adnoddau i gefnogi gofal sylfaenol. Meddygon Teulu Cymru sy'n cael y canran lleiaf o gyllideb y GIG o unrhyw un o'r gwledydd cartref. Yn 2015-16, derbyniodd meddygfeydd teulu dim ond 7.24 y cant o wariant y GIG yn gwario, ond disgwylir iddyn nhw wneud y rhan fwyaf o'r gwaith caib a rhaw o ran atal iechyd gwael a rheoli cyflyrau lluosog.
Mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru hefyd gydnabod bod gan lawer o feddygfeydd gyfleusterau annigonol a'u bod yn ei chael hi'n anodd iawn cynnig llu o glinigau a gwasanaethau mewn amgylchiadau sydd naill ai'n hynafol neu yn rhy fach ar gyfer y galw sy'n eu hwynebu. Yn fy etholaeth fy hun, mae gennyf feddygfeydd sy'n dweud na allan nhw gynnig rhai o'r clinigau gofal ataliol hanfodol sydd eu hangen oherwydd does ganddyn nhw mo'r lle na'r staff. Mae Ystadau Iechyd Cymru angen cymorth ariannol fel ei fod yn cyfateb â gofynion cyfoes, ac mae hyn yn bwynt y sylwodd y Pwyllgor Iechyd, Gofal Cymdeithasol a Chwaraeon arno wrth inni graffu ar y gyllideb. Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni os gwelwch yn dda sut mae meddygon teulu yn mynd i allu cynnig gwasanaethau trawsnewidiol o'r fath gyda chyfran mor fach o adnoddau'r GIG?
Daw hynny â mi at yr ail faes sy'n peri pryder imi. Rydym ni i gyd wedi gwneud ymrwymiad gwleidyddol i alluogi'r Arolwg Seneddol i ystyried yn ddwys beth sydd angen ei wneud i drawsnewid ein GIG yn un sy'n gallu wynebu heriau'r dyfodol, ond nid wyf yn gweld sut mae'r gyllideb yn darparu ar gyfer y costau hyn wrth symud ymlaen. Yn wir, wrth adolygu tystiolaeth gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a gennych chithau, roedd hi'n amlwg iawn bod y cynnydd o 0.5 y cant yn darparu prin ddigon i gadw'r olwynion yn troi, felly sut y gallwch chi ddisgwyl i fyrddau iechyd a meddygfeydd i drawsnewid y ffordd maen nhw'n gweithio heb ffrydiau ariannu clir i alluogi a chefnogi'r rhaglen drawsnewidiol honno? Mae argymhellion 1 a 2 adroddiad y Pwyllgor Iechyd yn glir iawn ynglŷn â hyn.
Y trydydd maes yr hoffwn i gyfeirio ato'n fyr yw'r arian sydd wedi ei glustnodi ar gyfer iechyd meddwl, a fydd yn cynyddu tua £20 miliwn yn 2018-19. Fodd bynnag, er gwaethaf cael ei glustnodi ers 2008, mae'r ffyrdd y mae byrddau iechyd wedi dehongli'r clustnodi hwnnw yn destun pryder, gyda thriniaethau rheolaidd yn llyncu arian gwerthfawr. Er enghraifft, os oes rhywun â phroblem iechyd meddwl angen clun newydd, daw hynny allan o'r gyllideb iechyd meddwl, ac ni allaf weld y rhesymeg na'r tegwch yn hynny. Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, tybed a oes gennych chi unrhyw gynlluniau i adolygu'r holl feysydd lle mae cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei glustnodi i weld a ydynt nhw'n dal yn gwbl berthnasol ac yn gwneud yr hyn yr oeddent i fod i'w wneud yn y lle cyntaf.
Yn olaf, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, pwynt cyffredinol o ran diffygion ariannol byrddau iechyd. Mae pob un o'r uchod yn amhosibl os bydd y diffygion ariannol hyn yn y Byrddau Iechyd yn parhau. Mewn atebion i gwestiynau ysgrifenedig rydych wedi dweud nad oes unrhyw arian i achub croen byrddau iechyd, ac eto, y gwir amdani yw bod angen inni edrych ar sut mae'r byrddau iechyd hynny yn cael eu hariannu oherwydd nid wyf i, ac rwyf eisiau gwneud hyn yn gwbl glir, nid wy'n gofyn am fwy o arian ar gyfer y GIG o gyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru, ond yr hyn yr wyf yn ei gwestiynu'r yw defnyddio'r cyllid presennol, gan gynnwys y cynnydd o 0.5 y cant, a pha un ai a oes angen i ni wneud, neu a oes angen i chi wneud ac angen i'ch cyd-Aelodau wneud rhai penderfyniadau anodd ynghylch o ble mae angen inni symud arian dros dro er mwyn i'r newid trawsffurfiol hwnnw ddigwydd. Fel arall, ni fydd gennym ni wasanaeth iechyd sy'n gallu cadw dau ben llinyn ynghyd a pharhau i weithio ar gyfer pobl Cymru yn y dyfodol.
I'm very pleased to speak in this debate on the draft budget for 2018-19. It does mark a new era for this Assembly in terms of our powers and responsibilities with the new fiscal framework, and it's good to see this include the outcome of the reform of the Barnett formula as it applies to Wales at long last, resulting in an additional £69 million over this draft budget period. And the Cabinet Secretary has embraced these new fiscal responsibilities with characteristic skill, but I'm chiefly supportive because of the robust approach he's taken to ensure that Welsh Labour commitments are prioritised in this budget. This approach is underpinned by his commitment to promote social justice, tackle inequality and support our public services against a backdrop of austerity and cuts.
He's been vocal and consistent in his opposition to austerity, but in this respect he's not alone. Last year, economists from the International Monetary Fund warned that austerity policies can do more harm than good and warned that increased inequality hurts the level and sustainability of growth—and how right they were, with the Office for Budget Responsibility forecast downgrading growth over the coming years.
The negative fiscal impact of austerity is clear. Our Welsh Government budget has been cut by 7 per cent over the past decade. Despite this, our Cabinet Secretary has crafted a budget that secures the Welsh Labour manifesto commitments on health, housing, social care and education, and negotiated a two-year budget agreement with Plaid Cymru, with economic and social benefits for Wales.
The scrutiny of this draft budget has been subject to an enhanced budgetary process, resulting in a report from the Finance Committee, of which I'm glad now to be a member, which is both fair and firm, and it's good to see many shared priorities emerging that accord with the Welsh Government's draft budget. In this context, I want to focus on two areas of shared priorities, social care and housing.
I was surprised there was no reference to social care in the UK budget, although it featured as a key issue in their March statement when the UK Government actually passed the buck to local government in England to up council tax to meet the deepening gaps in social care. In contrast, the Welsh Labour Government has been consistent in its support for social care over the past eight years of austerity and reducing budgets. Recent figures published by the UK Government show spending on health and social services in Wales is 8 per cent higher than in England and growing faster than in any other part of the UK in 2016-17. And, in the draft budget we're debating, social care will receive an extra £42 million in 2018-19, rising to £73 million in 2019-20. That's welcome, but I'm aware of two areas of policy development that are relevant: firstly, the opportunity to integrate health and social care and follow through the findings of the parliamentary review on health and social care due to be published in the new year. The Health and Social Care Committee makes this a key recommendation in the draft budget report, calling for fully costed plans to take forward transformational change in health and social care.
Rwy'n falch iawn o siarad yn y ddadl ar y gyllideb ddrafft ar gyfer 2018-19. Mae hwn yn nodi cyfnod newydd ar gyfer y Cynulliad hwn o ran ein pwerau a'n cyfrifoldebau gyda'r fframwaith cyllidol newydd, ac mae'n dda gweld hyn o'r diwedd yn cynnwys canlyniad diwygio fformiwla Barnett fel y mae'n gymwys i Gymru, gan arwain at £69 miliwn ychwanegol dros gyfnod y gyllideb ddrafft hon. Ac mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi croesawu'r cyfrifoldebau cyllidol newydd gyda'i sgiliau nodweddiadol, ond rwy'n bennaf gefnogol oherwydd y ffordd gadarn yr aeth ati i sicrhau bod ymrwymiadau Llafur Cymru yn cael eu blaenoriaethu yn y gyllideb. Yn ategu'r dull hwn o weithredu y mae ei ymrwymiad i hyrwyddo cyfiawnder cymdeithasol, mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldeb a chefnogi ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus mewn cyfnod o galedi a thoriadau.
Mae wedi bod yn llafar ac yn gyson yn ei wrthwynebiad i galedi, ond nid ef yw'r unig un yn hyn o beth. Y llynedd, rhybuddiodd economegwyr o'r Gronfa Ariannol Ryngwladol y gall polisïau llymder wneud mwy o niwed nag o les, ac fe wnaethon nhw rybuddiodd bod mwy o anghydraddoldeb yn andwyol i lefel a chynaliadwyedd twf—ac roedden nhw yn llygaid eu lle, gyda'r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol yn israddio twf dros y blynyddoedd nesaf.
Mae effaith ariannol negyddol cynni yn glir. Torrwyd ein cyllideb yma yn Llywodraeth Cymru 7 y cant dros y degawd diwethaf. Er gwaethaf hyn, mae ein Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi llunio cyllideb sy'n sicrhau ymrwymiadau maniffesto Llafur Cymru ar iechyd, tai, gofal cymdeithasol ac addysg, a negododd gytundeb cyllideb dwy flynedd gyda Phlaid Cymru, gyda manteision economaidd a chymdeithasol i Gymru.
Wrth graffu ar y gyllideb ddrafft hon defnyddiwyd proses gyllidebol fwy trylwyr, gan arwain at adroddiad gan y Pwyllgor Cyllid, yr wyf yn falch bellach o fod yn aelod ohono, sy'n deg ac yn gadarn, ac mae'n dda gweld nifer o flaenoriaethau ar y cyd yn dod i'r amlwg sy'n cyd-fynd â chyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru. Yn y cyd-destun hwn, hoffwn i ganolbwyntio ar ddau faes o flaenoriaethau ar y cyd, sef gofal cymdeithasol a thai.
Roeddwn yn synnu nad oedd cyfeiriad at ofal cymdeithasol yng nghyllideb y DU, er ei fod yn fater allweddol yn eu datganiad ym mis Mawrth pan wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU mewn gwirionedd roi'r baich ar Lywodraeth Leol yn Lloegr i godi treth y cyngor i lenwi'r bylchau cynyddol ym maes gofal cymdeithasol. Mewn cyferbyniad, mae Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi bod yn gyson ei chefnogaeth i ofal cymdeithasol dros yr wyth mlynedd diwethaf o galedi a lleihau cyllidebau. Mae'r ffigurau diweddar a gyhoeddwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU yn dangos bod gwariant ar iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol yng Nghymru 8 y cant yn uwch nag yn Lloegr ac yn tyfu'n gyflymach nag yn unrhyw ran arall o'r DU yn 2016-17. Ac, yn y gyllideb ddrafft yr ydym yn ei thrafod, bydd gofal cymdeithasol yn cael swm ychwanegol o £42 miliwn yn 2018-19, gan godi i £73 miliwn yn 2019-20. Mae hynny i'w groesawu, ond rwy'n ymwybodol o ddau faes datblygu polisi sy'n berthnasol: yn gyntaf, y cyfle i integreiddio iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, a gweithredu ar ganfyddiadau'r arolwg seneddol ar iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol y disgwylir ei gyhoeddi yn y flwyddyn newydd. Mae'r Pwyllgor Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol yn gwneud hyn yn argymhelliad allweddol yn adroddiad y gyllideb ddrafft, ac yn galw am gynlluniau wedi eu prisio'n llawn er mwyn creu newidiadau a fydd yn trawsffurfio iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol.
Thank you very much for taking the intervention. You mentioned earlier the March statement in which the UK Government, of course, committed £2 billion towards social care and, of course, this place will have had the Barnett consequential from that. Would you like to see that used primarily in the integration agenda or some other aspect of social care?
Diolch yn fawr iawn am dderbyn yr ymyriad. Fe wnaethoch chi sôn yn gynharach am ddatganiad mis Mawrth pan wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU, wrth gwrs, neilltuo£2 biliwn tuag at ofal cymdeithasol, ac, wrth gwrs, bydd y lle hwn yn elwa ar y goblygiadau fydd yn deillio o hynny drwy'r fformiwla Barnett. Hoffech chi weld hynny'n cael ei ddefnyddio yn bennaf ar gyfer yr agenda integreiddio neu ryw agwedd arall ar ofal cymdeithasol?
I was going on to say that a very important vehicle for integrating health and social care is, of course, our integrated care fund. And, in fact, going back to parties working together, that was devised by three parties in the Assembly in the fourth session—Labour with Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Liberal Democrats—when we were negotiating a budget agreement. It did result in a bespoke fund to integrate health, social care and housing, and that's been sustained over the past four years, delivering outcomes throughout Wales, standing at £50 million in this budget. I think it's also important that we look at who pays for social care, and I look forward to engaging the Finance Committee's inquiry into the cost of social care for an ageing population.
I want to finally say that also Mark Drakeford has focused on housing. Last week, we had a robust debate, and again this afternoon, in terms of our commitment to the abolition of the right to buy. But across this Chamber there was recognition that addressing housing need must be a priority. Let's contrast the two budgets that affect us today. Philip Hammond's budget did nothing for social housing, but Mark Drakeford has released capital as part of a £1.4 billion investment towards building 20,000 homes and, crucially, he's committed an extra £10 million to tackle homelessness in each year. I welcome that, as did Shelter when they came to my constituency and discussed local housing needs. So, we must recognise that this draft budget is going to support our public services, secure the money from the UK Government to lift the pay gap, protect our most vulnerable people in Wales and boost the economy by investing in our infrastructure, especially in social housing.
Roeddwn yn mynd i ddweud mai cyfrwng pwysig iawn ar gyfer integreiddio iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yw, wrth gwrs, ein cronfa gofal integredig. Ac, mewn gwirionedd, i fynd yn ôl at y sylw am bleidiau yn cydweithio, cafodd hynny ei ddyfeisio gan dair plaid yn y Cynulliad yn y pedwerydd sesiwn—Llafur gyda Phlaid Cymru a Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol Cymru—pan roeddem ni'n negodi cytundeb y gyllideb. Arweiniodd hynny at gronfa bwrpasol i integreiddio iechyd, gofal cymdeithasol a thai, a gwnaed hynny dros y pedair blynedd diwethaf, gan arwain at fanteision ledled Cymru, sy'n gyfwerth â £50 miliwn yn y gyllideb hon. Credaf hefyd ei bod yn bwysig inni ystyried pwy sy'n talu am ofal cymdeithasol, ac edrychaf ymlaen at roi sylw i ymchwiliad y Pwyllgor Cyllid i gost gofal cymdeithasol ar gyfer poblogaeth sy'n heneiddio.
Yn olaf, hoffwn i ddweud bod Mark Drakeford hefyd wedi canolbwyntio ar dai. Yr wythnos diwethaf, fe gawsom ni ddadl drylwyr, ac eto y prynhawn yma, o ran ein hymrwymiad i ddiddymu'r hawl i brynu. Ond roedd cydnabyddiaeth o bob rhan o'r Siambr hon fod angen mynd i'r afael â'r angen am dai fel blaenoriaeth. Gadewch inni gyferbynnu'r ddwy gyllideb sy'n effeithio arnom ni heddiw. Ni wnaeth cyllideb Philip Hammond unrhyw beth ar gyfer tai cymdeithasol, ond mae Mark Drakeford wedi rhyddhau cyfalaf fel rhan o fuddsoddiad o £1.4 biliwn tuag at adeiladu 20,000 o gartrefi, ac yn hollbwysig, mae wedi ymrwymo £10 miliwn ychwanegol i fynd i'r afael â digartrefedd ym mhob blwyddyn. Rwy'n croesawu hynny, fel y gwnaeth Shelter Cymru pan ddaethon nhw i'm hetholaeth i drafod anghenion tai yn lleol. Felly, mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod bod y gyllideb ddrafft hon yn mynd i gefnogi ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, sicrhau arian gan Lywodraeth y DU i godi'r bwlch cyflog, diogelu ein pobl fwyaf agored i niwed yng Nghymru a rhoi hwb i'r economi drwy fuddsoddi yn ein seilwaith, yn enwedig mewn tai cymdeithasol.
Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Iechyd, Gofal Cymdeithasol a Chwaraeon, Dai Lloyd.
Chair of the Health, Social Care and Sport Committee, Dai Lloyd.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Wrth gwrs, gyda ryw jest dros 49 y cant o holl gyllideb y Cynulliad yn disgyn yn y maes iechyd—rhyw £7.3 biliwn allan o gyllideb o £15 biliwn—yn naturiol, bu i aelodau'r pwyllgor iechyd fynd ati i graffu gyda brwdfrydedd heintus ar yr holl arian yna sydd yn cael ei wario yn y maes o dan y drefn newydd rydym ni wedi clywed amdani. A allaf i ddiolch i fy nghyd-Aelodau am eu gwaith a hefyd i'r clercod a'r ymchwilwyr am eu cefnogaeth?
Cafwyd proses casglu tystiolaeth sylweddol o fis Mehefin ymlaen—craffu ariannol o dan adain Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ac wedyn, drwy fis Medi a'r Hydref, tystiolaeth ysgrifenedig a thystiolaeth lafar gan bob bwrdd iechyd yng Nghymru. Yn Hydref, cawsom Gymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru a Chymdeithas Cyfarwyddwyr Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol o'n blaenau yn y pwyllgor, a hefyd, ym mis Tachwedd, tystiolaeth ychwanegol gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol a'r Gweinidog Gofal Cymdeithasol a Phlant hefyd o'n blaenau ni.
Sawl prif thema: newid trawsffuriol ydy'r prif thema. Mae trawsnewid y gwasanaeth yn sylweddol yn ganolog i lwyddiant hirdymor gwasanaeth iechyd sy'n ariannol hyfyw, ochr yn ochr â chyllid i alluogi'r newid yma. Os na fydd hyn yn digwydd, byddwn yn parhau mewn sefyllfa lle mae symiau ychwanegol o arian Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael eu defnyddio ar gyfer cynnal y modelau cyflawni presennol yn unig, heb ddim newid trawsffurfiol. Dywedodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wrthym am y buddsoddiad ychwanegol o ryw £450 miliwn yn y gwasanaeth iechyd yng Nghymru dros y ddwy flynedd nesaf. Rhaid defnyddio'r dyraniadau hyn i'r gwasanaeth iechyd er mwyn galluogi newid hirdymor.
Argymhelliad y pwyllgor ydy y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru sicrhau, ar ôl cyhoeddi’r adolygiad seneddol o iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol ym mis Ionawr flwyddyn nesaf, ei bod yn prisio’n llawn gynlluniau i ddatblygu newid trawsffurfiol o ran iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Rhaid i gyllid ychwanegol ar gyfer y GIG fod yn seiliedig ar gyflawni newid. Dylai Llywodraeth Cymru ymhellach nodi ffyrdd y mae trawsnewid a chyllid ar gyfer trawsnewid yn cael ei flaenoriaethu ac ar gael i sefydliadau'r gwasanaeth iechyd o gyllidebau presennol.
Yn troi at gyllid y byrddau iechyd, gwyddom fod y gyfran fwyaf o gyllid Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer gwasanaeth iechyd Cymru yn mynd yn uniongyrchol i fyrddau iechyd, a cheisiodd y pwyllgor edrych yn fanwl ar eu sefyllfa ariannol bresennol. Eleni, rydym wedi canolbwyntio'n benodol ar fyrddau iechyd. Rydym yn nodi nad yw uchelgeisiau Deddf Cyllid y Gwasanaeth Iechyd Gwladol (Cymru) 2014 wedi cael eu gwireddu'n llawn gan holl gyrff y gwasanaeth iechyd. Mae'n siomedig bod pedwar o'r saith bwrdd iechyd lleol wedi nodi diffyg yn un o leiaf o'r tair blynedd flaenorol. Mae'n destun pryder, yn benodol, bod bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr a bwrdd iechyd Hywel Dda wedi nodi diffyg bob blwyddyn o 2014 ymlaen.
Dylai Llywodraeth Cymru, felly, adolygu'r dull presennol o bennu cyllidebau byrddau iechyd a chyhoeddi ei chanfyddiadau. Gwyddom fod y Sefydliad Iechyd wedi dweud bod y gwasanaeth iechyd yng Nghymru yn wynebu'r cyfnod mwyaf ariannol heriol yn ei hanes ac felly yn edrych am arbedion o ryw £700 miliwn, fel sydd wedi cael ei sôn o’r blaen. Dylai Llywodraeth ddatblygu rhaglen effeithlonrwydd Cymru gyfan er mwyn sicrhau bod arferion da lleol yn cael eu troi yn newid ar draws yr holl wasanaethau ledled Cymru.
Arian ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol: yn hanfodol bwysig dylid darparu gofal cymdeithasol cynaliadwy ac o safon. Rydym ni’n sôn mewn argymhelliad bod angen dull gweithredu system gyfan o ran iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Rhaid iddi gynllunio i sicrhau bod arian ychwanegol ar gael flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol a’i fod yn ddigonol i fodloni gofynion cynyddol. Bydd colli gofal cymdeithasol yn golygu colli’r gwasanaeth iechyd yn gyfan gwbl.
Troi at chwaraeon, roedd y pwyllgor yn synnu gweld y newid diweddaraf i bortffolios Llywodraeth Cymru—nid oes gyda fi amser i fynd i mewn i’r manylion, dim ond nodi bod hyn wedi symud o un portffolio i’r llall. Dylem ni, fel sydd wedi cael ei sôn eisoes, flaenoriaethu cyllid cyfalaf ar gyfer gofal sylfaenol yn y gymuned, a sicrhau ei bod yn gwella'r gallu yn nhermau adeiladau yn y gymuned ar gyfer gweithio'n amlddisgyblaethol ac yn hyrwyddo modelau gofal newydd. Dylai Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd gynnal adolygiad pellach o'r arian sydd wedi'i neilltuo ar gyfer iechyd meddwl, i asesu a yw wedi arwain at wariant effeithiol a phriodol ar iechyd meddwl ac ar sicrhau canlyniadau gwell i gleifion. Dylai Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd edrych ar y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol yn ariannu iechyd carcharorion, achos nid ydym ni'n derbyn hanner digon o bres.
Ac i orffen, felly, mae angen ystyried y swm sylweddol y mae gwasanaeth iechyd Cymru yn ei wario ar staff asiantaeth, a dylai Llywodraeth Cymru gomisiynu adolygiad o'r holl anghysonderau a’r cymhellion gwrthnysig ar draws y trefniadau asiantaeth.
Felly, hoffwn feddwl bod y craffu mwyaf manwl erioed ar y gyllideb iechyd yn mynd i esgor ar y newidiadau angenrheidiol yn y gwariant ar y gyllideb yna er mwyn gwella gwasanaethau iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol i bobl Cymru. Diolch yn fawr.
Thank you very much, Llywydd. With just over 49 per cent of the whole Assembly budget falling in the health sector—some £7.3 billion of a budget of £15 billion—then, naturally, members of the health committee scrutinised the budget very enthusiastically in terms of all the funds spent in this sector under the new system that we’ve already discussed. May I thank my fellow Members for their work and the clerks and researchers for their support?
There was a substantial evidence-gathering process from June onwards—in-year financial scrutiny with the Cabinet Secretary, and then, through September and October, written and oral evidence from all health boards in Wales. In October, we took evidence from the WLGA and the ADSS, who appeared in committee, and, in November, we took additional evidence from the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services and the Minister for Children and Social Care—they all appeared before the committee.
A number of themes emerged: transformative change is the main theme. Transformation of the service is central to the long-term success of a financially viable NHS, alongside funding to lever this change. If this does not happen, we will remain in a position where additional sums of Welsh Government funding are being used to maintain current delivery models, without any transformative change. The Cabinet Secretary told us about the additional investment of a further £450 million in the Welsh NHS over the next two years. These allocations to the NHS must be used to lever long-term change.
The committee’s recommendation is that the Welsh Government should ensure, following the publication of the parliamentary review of health and social care in January of next year, that it fully costs plans to take forward transformational change in terms of health and social care. Additional funding for the NHS must be premised on delivering change. The Welsh Government should identify ways in which transformation and transition funding is prioritised and made available for NHS organisations from within existing budgets.
Turning now to health board finances, we know that the largest proportion of the Welsh Government’s funding for the NHS in Wales goes directly to the health boards, and the committee sought to examine the current financial position in detail. This year, we have focused specifically on health boards. We note that the ambitions of the National Health Service Finance (Wales) Act 2014 have not been fully realised by all NHS bodies. It’s very disappointing that four of the seven local health boards have noted a deficit in at least one of the past three years, and it’s a cause of concern specifically that the Betsi Cadwaladr health board and the Hywel Dda health board have reported a deficit each year from 2014 onwards.
The Welsh Government should therefore review the current methodology of setting health board budgets and publish its findings. We know that the Health Foundation has said that the health service in Wales is facing the most financially challenging period in its history and, therefore, seeking savings of some £700 million, as has already been mentioned. The Welsh Government should develop an all-Wales efficiency programme in order to ensure that local best practice is rolled out across all services throughout Wales.
Funding for social care is crucially important and we should ensure that sustainable, quality social care should be provided. We mentioned in our recommendation that we need a whole-systems approach in terms of health and social care. That must be planned year on year so that additional funding is available for social care and so it is sufficient to reflect increasing demands. Losing social care will mean damage to the health service as a whole.
Turning to sport, the committee was surprised to see the most recent change to the Welsh Government portfolios. I have no time to go into the detail, but just to note that it moved from one portfolio to another. As has already been mentioned, we should prioritise capital investment for primary care in the community and ensure that we enhance capacity in terms of buildings in the community in order for multidisciplinary work to take place and new models of care. The Welsh Government should also undertake a further review of the mental health ring-fenced funds to assess whether it has led to effective and appropriate expenditure on mental health and ensured improved outcomes for patients. The Welsh Government should also look at the way the UK Government funds prisoner health, because we don't receive half enough funds for that.
To conclude, we need to take into account the substantial amount of money spent by NHS Wales on agency staff, and the Welsh Government should commission a review of all the anomalies and perverse incentives across agency and bank arrangements.
Therefore, I'd like to think that the most detailed scrutiny ever on the health budget is going to bring about the necessary changes in expenditure of that budget to improve health and social care services for the people of Wales. Thank you very much.
As the January 2009 Institute for Fiscal Studies publication, 'The public finances under Labour' stated,
'Labour entered the current crisis with one of the largest structural budget deficits in the industrial world and a bigger debt than most OECD countries, having done less to reduce debt and—in particular—borrowing than most since 1997.'
In terms of Keynesianism therefore, they broke the economic cycle. In 2010, the Conservative-led coalition inherited the highest budget deficit in peacetime UK history. But, as every debtor knows, you can't reduce debt until expenditure falls below income. Those high-deficit countries that rejected austerity got it in full measure. Thanks to the hard work of people across the UK, however, the deficit here is down by over two thirds, falling to a level last seen before the financial crisis. But we still need to get our debt down—not for some ideological reason but because excessive debt undermines our economic security, leaving us vulnerable to shocks.
As a senior Bank of England official warned last week,
'Britain cannot afford to borrow more without jeopardising the country's financial stability'.
Now, although £1.2 billion more is coming to the Welsh Government from the UK Treasury, significant Welsh Government funding into communities that are lagging behind has not borne fruit. As the Joseph Rowntree Foundation report released yesterday states:
'Across the four countries of the UK, Wales has consistently had the highest poverty'.
After the Red Cross highlighted the need to ensure financial provision for preventative services, referred to earlier by my colleague Nick Ramsay, I asked the Finance Secretary in October what consideration he'd given to financial provision in the context that community-driven development at local authority level mobilising individuals, associations and institutions to come together and build on their social, cultural and material assets, putting them at the heart of decisions, will prevent care needs from becoming more serious and therefore save money for public authorities. In reply, the Cabinet Secretary agreed with me about the need for all public services
'to make sure that, when people are involved with public services, they are not regarded as problems to be solved, but as joint participants in the business of bringing about improvement.'
That was the Secretary's quote. He added:
'local authorities that seek to engage their citizens in that positive way are likely to be able to make greater impacts with the budgets they have, particularly at the preventative end.'
However, widespread concerns have been raised that this budget takes us in the opposite direction. In your draft budget deal with Plaid Cymru, you agreed to ring-fence Supporting People funding and increase it by £10 million annually for two years. But a subsequent letter to local authority chief executives revealed that local authorities would be given spending flexibility across Supporting People and four other non-housing related grants, meaning that the Supporting People funding is not guaranteed to be protected. If the Welsh Government now removes the funding ring fence and merges the Supporting People grant with other non-housing grants, we would no longer be able to understand how much is being spent on housing-related support services in Wales, or to hold Welsh Government Ministers to account over this.
Representing housing associations and third sector providers, Hafan Cymru has therefore called for the reinstatement of the ring fence and protection of Supporting People funding. Welsh Women's Aid state that plans in this budget to effectively remove the ring fencing of Supporting People and violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence grants will very likely result in the dismantling of our national network of third sector specialist services that provide life-saving and life-changing support.
In the interests of access and inclusion, the Community Transport Association has called for an end to short-term funding cycles, which prevent charitable operators planning for the future, a review of the concessionary fares formula to prevent their financial loss, and budget support for cross-departmental working, which recognises that they are increasingly providing health and social care services, not just transport.
In this debate last year, I warned against a £5.5 million Welsh Government cut to the charity Family Fund and the impact that this would have on the most vulnerable families with disabled children. When the Family Fund presented at the last meeting of the cross-party group on disability, they told us that the number of grants awarded to families had fallen from £5,429 in 2015-16 to just £875 this year, and that the majority of families without grant support said that there was no other support available to them. Well, this is both morally and financially irresponsible, and I urge the Welsh Government to reconsider.
Fel y nododd cyhoeddiad y Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid ym mis Ionawr 2009, 'The public finances under Labour',
Daeth Llafur i’r argyfwng presennol gydag un o'r diffygion cyllideb strwythurol mwyaf yn y byd diwydiannol a dyled fwy na'r rhan fwyaf o wledydd OECD, ar ôl gwneud llai i leihau dyled ac—yn arbennig—benthyca na'r rhan fwyaf ers 1997.
O ran Keynesiaeth felly, nhw a dorrodd y cylch economaidd. Yn 2010, etifeddodd y glymblaid dan arweiniad y Ceidwadwyr y diffyg cyllideb mwyaf yn hanes y Deyrnas Unedig mewn cyfnod o heddwch. Ond, fel mae pob dyledwr yn ei wybod, allwch chi ddim lleihau'r ddyled nes bod gwariant yn is nag incwm. Daeth y gwledydd hynny â diffygion uchel a wrthododd cyni i ddeall hynny’n llawn. Diolch i waith caled pobl ledled y DU, fodd bynnag, mae'r diffyg yma i lawr dros ddwy ran o dair, ac wedi gostwng i lefel nad ydym wedi’i gweld ers cyn yr argyfwng ariannol diwethaf. Ond mae angen inni leihau ein dyled o hyd—nid am ryw reswm ideolegol ond oherwydd bod gormod o ddyled yn tanseilio ein diogelwch economaidd, gan ein gadael yn fregus i siociau.
Fel y rhybuddiodd un o uwch swyddogion Banc Lloegr yr wythnos diwethaf,
All Prydain ddim fforddio benthyca mwy heb beryglu sefydlogrwydd ariannol y wlad.
Bellach, er bod £1.2 biliwn yn fwy yn dod i Lywodraeth Cymru gan Drysorlys y DU, nid yw cyllid sylweddol gan Lywodraeth Cymru i gymunedau sydd ar ei hôl hi wedi dwyn ffrwyth. Fel mae’r adroddiad a ryddhaodd Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree ddoe yn ei nodi:
Ar draws pedair gwlad y DU, Cymru sydd wedi bod â’r mwyaf o dlodi yn gyson.
Ar ôl i’r Groes Goch nodi bod angen sicrhau darpariaeth ariannol ar gyfer gwasanaethau ataliol, rhywbeth y cyfeiriodd fy nghyd-Aelod, Nick Ramsay, ato yn gynharach, gofynnais i'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid ym mis Hydref pa ystyriaeth yr oedd wedi’i rhoi i ddarpariaeth ariannol yn y cyd-destun y bydd datblygiad cymunedol ar lefel awdurdodau lleol i ysgogi unigolion, cymdeithasau a sefydliadau i ddod at ei gilydd ac adeiladu ar eu hasedau cymdeithasol, diwylliannol a materol, gan eu rhoi wrth wraidd penderfyniadau, yn atal anghenion gofal rhag mynd yn mwy difrifol ac felly’n arbed arian i awdurdodau cyhoeddus. Mewn ymateb, cytunodd yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet â mi ynghylch yr angen i bob gwasanaeth cyhoeddus
sicrhau, pan fydd pobl yn ymwneud â gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, nad ydynt yn cael eu gweld fel problemau i'w datrys, ond fel cyfranogwyr ar y cyd yn y busnes o greu gwelliant.
Dyna oedd dyfyniad yr Ysgrifennydd. Ychwanegodd:
mae awdurdodau lleol sy'n ceisio ymgysylltu â’u dinasyddion yn y ffordd gadarnhaol honno’n debygol o allu cael effaith fwy gyda'r cyllidebau sydd ganddynt, yn enwedig mewn modd ataliol.
Fodd bynnag, mae llawer wedi mynegi pryderon bod y gyllideb hon yn mynd â ni i’r cyfeiriad arall. Yn eich bargen cyllideb ddrafft gyda Phlaid Cymru, gwnaethoch chi gytuno i neilltuo arian Cefnogi Pobl a’i gynyddu £10 miliwn bob blwyddyn am ddwy flynedd. Ond datgelodd llythyr dilynol at brif weithredwyr awdurdodau lleol y byddai awdurdodau lleol yn cael hyblygrwydd gwariant ar draws Cefnogi Pobl a phedwar grant arall nad ydyn nhw'n gysylltiedig â thai, sy’n golygu nad oes sicrwydd y bydd cyllid Cefnogi Pobl wedi’i ddiogelu. Os yw Llywodraeth Cymru nawr yn dadneilltuo’r cyllid ac yn uno’r grant Cefnogi Pobl â grantiau eraill nad ydyn nhw'n ymwneud â thai, ni fyddem mwyach yn gallu deall faint sy'n cael ei wario ar wasanaethau cymorth sy'n gysylltiedig â thai yng Nghymru, na dwyn Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru i gyfrif am hyn.
Felly, mae Hafan Cymru, sy’n cynrychioli cymdeithasau tai a darparwyr y trydydd sector, wedi galw am adfer y neilltuo a diogelu cyllid Cefnogi Pobl. Mae Cymorth i Fenywod Cymru yn dweud ei bod yn debygol iawn y bydd y cynlluniau yn y gyllideb hon i roi’r gorau i neilltuo grantiau ar gyfer Cefnogi Pobl a thrais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol yn arwain at chwalu ein rhwydwaith cenedlaethol o wasanaethau arbenigol y trydydd sector sy'n darparu cymorth sy’n achub bywydau ac yn newid bywydau.
Er mwyn mynediad a chynhwysiant, mae’r Gymdeithas Cludiant Cymunedol wedi galw am ddod a chylchoedd ariannu tymor byr i ben, sy'n atal gweithredwyr elusennol rhag cynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol, am adolygiad o'r fformiwla tocynnau teithio rhatach i atal colledion ariannol iddynt, ac am gymorth cyllideb ar gyfer gwaith trawsadrannol, sy'n cydnabod eu bod yn darparu mwy a mwy o wasanaethau iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, nid dim ond cludiant.
Yn y ddadl hon y llynedd, rhybuddiais yn erbyn toriad o £5.5 miliwn gan Lywodraeth Cymru i'r elusen Cronfa'r Teulu a'r effaith a gâi hyn ar y teuluoedd mwyaf agored i niwed sydd â phlant anabl. Yng nghyflwyniad Cronfa'r Teulu yng nghyfarfod diwethaf y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar anabledd, gwnaethant ddweud wrthym bod nifer y grantiau a roddwyd i deuluoedd wedi gostwng o £5,429 yn 2015-16 i ddim ond £875 eleni, a bod y rhan fwyaf o deuluoedd heb gymorth grant wedi dweud nad oedd dim cymorth arall ar gael iddynt. Wel, mae hyn yn foesol ac yn ariannol anghyfrifol, ac rwy’n annog Llywodraeth Cymru i ailystyried.
I listened earlier to Nick Ramsay's question, which was: what is this budget setting out to achieve? And I think that's been answered, certainly from these benches, and the benches on this side of the Chamber, in delivering the Welsh Government's programme. But also, I would say what it is setting out to achieve as well is limiting the damaging effects of his Government in Westminster. That is part of what it is setting out to achieve.
I speak having been a councillor for 10 years and having sat through many budgets in the last 10 years. Through consultation with members of the public, you are able to get an idea of where to cut, but nonetheless, it is incredibly hard to sit through a list of cuts over which you have no control. But, one of the things you are able to tell yourself, as a councillor in Wales, is that it is much worse to be a councillor in England. I think that is one of the credits that this Welsh Government has had over the past 10 years.
The UK Government has had a golden opportunity. I live in a different political world to Neil Hamilton; I just don't understand where he was coming from. And Mark Isherwood seemed to engage in a brilliant piece of doublethink whereby on the one hand he waxes lyrical about austerity, and on the other he calls for more targeted spending. But the UK Government—
Gwrandewais yn gynharach ar gwestiwn Nick Ramsay, sef: beth mae’r gyllideb hon yn ceisio ei gyflawni? Ac rwy’n meddwl bod y cwestiwn wedi cael ei ateb, yn sicr gan y meinciau hyn, a gan y meinciau ar yr ochr hon i'r Siambr, wrth gyflawni rhaglen Llywodraeth Cymru. Ond hefyd, byddwn yn dweud mai’r hyn y mae'n ceisio ei gyflawni hefyd yw cyfyngu ar effeithiau niweidiol ei Lywodraeth ef yn San Steffan. Mae hynny'n rhan o'r hyn y mae'n ceisio ei gyflawni.
Rwy’n siarad ar ôl bod yn gynghorydd am 10 mlynedd ac ar ôl eistedd drwy lawer o gyllidebau yn ystod y 10 mlynedd diwethaf. Drwy ymgynghori ag aelodau o'r cyhoedd, gallwch gael syniad o ble i dorri, ond serch hynny, mae'n anhygoel o anodd eistedd drwy restr o doriadau nad oes gennych unrhyw reolaeth drostynt. Ond, un o'r pethau y gallwch ei ddweud wrthych eich hun, fel cynghorydd yng Nghymru, yw ei bod yn waeth o lawer bod yn gynghorydd yn Lloegr. Rwy’n meddwl mai dyna un o’r pethau da am Lywodraeth Cymru dros y 10 mlynedd diwethaf.
Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi cael cyfle euraid. Rwy’n byw mewn byd gwleidyddol gwahanol i Neil Hamilton; dydw i ddim yn deall ei safbwynt ef. Ac roedd yn ymddangos bod Mark Isherwood wedi gwrthddweud ei hun drwy ganu clodydd cyni ar y naill law, a galw am fwy o wariant wedi'i dargedu ar y llaw arall. Ond mae Llywodraeth y DU—
Will you give way?
A wnewch chi ildio?
Yes, of course.
Gwnaf, wrth gwrs.
Were you not listening? Did you not hear me say that what I was proposing would save further money for the Welsh Government and local services—money that should be helping the people who actually need it?
Oeddech chi ddim yn gwrando? Wnaethoch chi ddim fy nghlywed yn dweud y byddai’r hyn yr oeddwn i'n ei gynnig yn arbed mwy o arian i Lywodraeth Cymru a gwasanaethau lleol—arian a ddylai fod yn helpu'r bobl sydd wir ei angen?
There's no point getting angry about it. I heard what he said, and I think some of what he said should be directed towards the UK Government, actually. I think that some of the things that Nick Ramsay said reflected that, too. We can only do what we can do, and what we want to do, if we have the resources given to us by the UK Government. I'd say to Mark Isherwood: come and take a walk around Caerphilly; come and see the direct impacts of UK Government cuts and see those things that the Welsh Government has done to limit the impacts of those cuts.
I've received correspondence from constituents, particularly Sheila Jones, who has pleaded for AMs not to pass a budget that makes any further cuts to public spending. But you have to act responsibly. I understand my constituents' frustration with ongoing austerity, but the blame for that cannot lie—cannot lie—at the door of this Government. I think the Cabinet Secretary has done superbly well to deal with the resources at his disposal.
On the other things—and I again return to Mark Isherwood—perhaps the way things are done can be better within a limited budget. Universal credit, for example, is a policy that is non-devolved, but the botched introduction by the Tory UK Government is having a very worrying effect on our communities. The UK Government needs to take mitigating steps to speed up universal credit payments to avoid unfair sanctions over Christmas, but, unlike some who want to devolve for the sake of devolution, I don't believe it's for the Welsh Government to use its budget to clean up the mess that's been created by the UK Government. If the Welsh Government were to take on administrative responsibility for benefits and welfare policy without the necessary additional funding from Whitehall, it would potentially worsen the situation by imposing new financial burdens—[Interruption.]—on an already stretched Welsh Government and create unrealistic expectations of more generous payments in Wales.
Does dim pwynt mynd yn ddig am y peth. Clywais i'r hyn a ddywedodd, ac rwy'n meddwl y dylid cyfeirio rhywfaint o'r hyn a ddywedodd at Lywodraeth y DU, a dweud y gwir. Rwy’n meddwl bod rhai o'r pethau a ddywedodd Nick Ramsay yn adlewyrchu hynny, hefyd. Er mwyn gwneud yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud, a'r hyn yr hoffem ei wneud, rhaid inni gael yr adnoddau gan Lywodraeth y DU. Byddwn yn dweud wrth Mark Isherwood: dewch am dro o amgylch Caerffili; dewch i weld effeithiau toriadau Llywodraeth y DU a gweld y pethau hynny y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u gwneud i leihau effaith y toriadau hynny.
Rwyf wedi cael gohebiaeth gan etholwyr, Sheila Jones yn enwedig, sydd wedi erfyn ar ACau i beidio â phasio cyllideb sy'n gwneud rhagor o doriadau i wariant cyhoeddus. Ond rhaid ichi ymddwyn yn gyfrifol. Rwy’n deall rhwystredigaeth fy etholwyr gyda llymder parhaus, ond ni allwn—ni allwn—feio’r Llywodraeth hon am hynny. Rwy’n meddwl bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi gwneud yn wych i ymdrin â’r adnoddau sydd ar gael iddo.
Ar y pethau eraill—ac rwyf eto’n dychwelyd at Mark Isherwood—efallai y gall y ffordd o wneud pethau fod yn well o fewn cyllideb gyfyngedig. Mae credyd cynhwysol, er enghraifft, yn bolisi sydd ddim wedi'i ddatganoli, ond mae carbwl Llywodraeth Dorïaidd y DU wrth ei gyflwyno’n effeithio ar ein cymunedau mewn modd sy'n peri pryder mawr. Mae angen i Lywodraeth y DU gymryd camau lliniaru i gyflymu taliadau credyd cynhwysol er mwyn osgoi cosbau annheg dros y Nadolig, ond, yn wahanol i rai pobl sydd am ddatganoli er mwyn datganoli, nid wyf yn credu mai lle Llywodraeth Cymru yw defnyddio ei chyllideb i lanhau’r llanastr mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi’i greu. Pe bai Llywodraeth Cymru yn cymryd cyfrifoldeb gweinyddol dros bolisi lles a budd-daliadau heb yr arian ychwanegol sydd ei angen gan Whitehall, gallai hynny waethygu'r sefyllfa drwy osod beichiau ariannol newydd—[Torri ar draws.]—ar Lywodraeth Cymru sydd eisoes dan bwysau a chreu disgwyliadau afrealistig o ran taliadau mwy hael yng Nghymru.
Thanks for giving way. I'm just getting my head around what you said a few moments ago. You seem to have been saying to your constituent that you think it's right that the Welsh Government should not spend money it doesn't have and, therefore, act responsibly, but you're quite happy for the UK Government to borrow as much as it wants, so long as the money comes down the line to you. That doesn't seem to be a responsible argument to me.
Diolch am ildio. Rwy’n ceisio deall yr hyn y gwnaethoch ei ddweud ychydig funudau’n ôl. Mae’n ymddangos eich bod wedi bod yn dweud wrth eich etholwr eich bod yn meddwl ei bod yn iawn na ddylai Llywodraeth Cymru wario arian nad oes ganddynt a’u bod, felly, yn ymddwyn yn gyfrifol, ond rydych chi'n ddigon hapus i Lywodraeth y DU fenthyca cymaint ag yr hoffent, cyn belled â bod yr arian yn dod i lawr y lein i chi. Dydy honno ddim yn swnio fel dadl gyfrifol i mi.
Well, that's not a responsible representation of what I said, and what I said is: we are operating within a UK Government budget context in which it has cut back mercilessly, and those merciless cuts have fed back to the Welsh Government. I think that Nick Ramsay knows very well that's exactly what I just said.
I will be supporting this budget this afternoon, because I have every confidence in the Cabinet Secretary. The budget that he has put together under these circumstances is true to Welsh Labour values and reflects the programme for government and does all it can to reduce the impacts of the UK Government strategy. This budget agreement with Plaid Cymru ensures financial stability for Wales over the next two years, something that is much needed, given the ongoing austerity, and it's for these reasons I'll be voting in favour of the budget today.
Wel, dydy hynny ddim yn gynrychiolaeth gyfrifol o'r hyn a ddywedais, a dyma’r hyn a ddywedais: rydym yn gweithredu o fewn cyd-destun cyllideb Llywodraeth y DU sydd wedi gwneud toriadau didrugaredd, ac mae’r toriadau didrugaredd hynny wedi bwydo’n ôl i Lywodraeth Cymru. Rwy’n meddwl bod Nick Ramsay yn gwybod yn iawn mai dyna'n union beth yr wyf newydd ei ddweud.
Byddaf yn cefnogi'r gyllideb hon y prynhawn yma, oherwydd mae gennyf bob hyder yn Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Mae’r gyllideb y mae wedi’i rhoi at ei gilydd o dan yr amgylchiadau hyn yn driw i werthoedd Llafur Cymru ac yn adlewyrchu’r rhaglen lywodraethu, ac yn gwneud popeth a all i leihau effeithiau strategaeth Llywodraeth y DU. Mae'r cytundeb cyllideb hwn â Phlaid Cymru yn sicrhau sefydlogrwydd ariannol i Gymru dros y ddwy flynedd nesaf, rhywbeth sydd ei angen yn ddirfawr, o ystyried y cyni parhaus, ac am y rhesymau hyn byddaf yn pleidleisio o blaid y gyllideb heddiw.
If I could initially respond to Steffan Lewis, who chose not to take an intervention from me earlier. When I was listening to him, he was speaking with great confidence about what will happen in 2020, or what will inevitably happen in 2021. I just think he needs to consider he was referring to forecasts, and however august those bodies are, whether they're the Treasury or the OECD or the OBR, they are just forecasts. The OBR itself admits that it's only 90 per cent sure that growth at that time will be somewhere between -1 per cent and 4 per cent, and the OECD and the Treasury that he quotes, of course, told us there was going to be a severe recession immediately were we to vote to leave the European Union. That has not come to pass.
I would, though, congratulate him and Plaid on the extent to which they've been able to influence the Welsh Government by using their numbers here. It's only a shame that they haven't used their numbers in Westminster to give support to the UK Government there in return for extra money for Wales, which I'm sure would have been welcomed across this Chamber.
I also note that when he talks about the implications of potentially leaving the single market for the budget, his view and mine would be very different, but what I hadn't taken account of is that the First Minister's view was very different just in the session earlier. Again, on this subject, he contradicted himself in answer to questions. When responding to Leanne Wood, he stuck to his usual formulation—and he was responding in English—that he wanted 'full, unfettered access' to the single market, the very carefully crafted phrase he has developed. I've never heard him say in English that he wants to stay in the single market. He's been very careful not to. Yet, when he answered Rhun ap Iorwerth in Welsh, the translation I heard in my headphones at the time, and as I've confirmed with translation since, was very clear. He said:
'What is the answer? Well, it’s quite clear: the United Kingdom should remain within the single market'.
He then went on to say he wanted to leave the EU in a way
'which keeps us in the single market'.
Why is it that the First Minister says one thing in Welsh and another in English? Is it because he wants to disguise the extent to which he is not respecting the result of the referendum? Just as we consider the budget today, the first Minister says, 'We respect the result of the referendum, but—.' Today he has let the cat out of the bag and revealed that Labour's true position is to want to stay within the single market, notwithstanding the result of that referendum.
Cabinet Secretary, this is the first budget in which you have tax-raising and tax-altering powers, and I want to focus the rest of my remarks on the taxation arrangements for Wales as you announced them today. You've emphasised the progressive principles you hold and how you are applying these through the land transaction tax—both through the residential thresholds and rates but also, I'd emphasise, through placing a greater burden on commercial property purchases at the higher rate than is done either in England or in Scotland. With the extent that the economic strategy of the Welsh Government relies on city deals and enterprise zones, which necessitate a certain level of private investment, often from outside Wales, I'm concerned that the Cabinet Secretary's principles run counter to the Government's wider economic strategy. Setting the rate on higher-band commercial properties 1 per cent higher than England and 1.5 per cent higher than Scotland is not going to help us secure private sector investment. It may tip the decision to invest in Wales compared to other parts of the UK. Does this Cabinet Secretary want to strangle the growth in Cardiff commercial property that his colleague Ken Skates is trying to support with an enterprise zone? It seems there is a lack of joined-up thinking between the two departments, whose strategies may be running in direct opposition to each other.
Now, today I detected a difference, at least in the tone from the Cabinet Secretary, to his previous responses to me on the issue of stamp duty and first-time buyers. Before, I had the impression that he was considering how and to what degree he might respond to the UK announcement around first-time buyers and, in particular, whether he would allow a similar concession, potentially—perhaps not so large but nonetheless a concession—within Wales. And as I've said, again, this is a particular issue for first-time buyers in Monmouthshire, close to the border. Could he clarify his position on that, or has he, essentially, decided that he's going to stick with the LTT rates he had before?
He rightly observes that the amount of the block grant will be influenced and corrected for any potential surge in first-time buyer purchases encouraged in Wales through this, and I wonder what he will do with the additional money that he may get for future years, and I ask that he at least considers again that rise to 6 per cent in that commercial stamp duty rate, just because of what that could do to disincentivise internal investment in Wales. The bigger danger, perhaps, though, is if Wales were to take a similar approach to income tax in future, I fear that the Cabinet Secretary's exposition of his progressive principles are such that he will allow, to keep his hands on the tiller, the consequent increases in taxation, which would undermine Welsh competitiveness and keep us on the economic slow lane.
Os caf i ymateb yn gyntaf i Steffan Lewis, a ddewisodd beidio â chymryd ymyriad gennyf yn gynharach. Pan oeddwn i'n gwrando arno, roedd yn siarad yn hyderus iawn am beth fydd yn digwydd yn 2020, neu beth fydd yn anochel yn digwydd yn 2021. Rwy’n meddwl bod angen iddo ystyried y ffaith ei fod yn cyfeirio at ragolygon, a does dim ots pa mor fawreddog yw’r cyrff hynny, y Trysorlys neu’r OECD neu’r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol, dim ond rhagolygon ydyn nhw. Mae'r Swyddfa Cyfrifoldeb Cyllidebol eu hunain yn cyfaddef mai dim ond 90 y cant yw eu sicrwydd y bydd twf ar yr adeg honno rywle rhwng 1 y cant a 4 y cant, a dywedodd yr OECD a'r Trysorlys y mae’n eu dyfynnu, wrth gwrs, wrthym y byddai dirwasgiad difrifol ar unwaith pe byddem yn pleidleisio i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Nid yw hynny wedi digwydd.
Fodd bynnag, byddwn yn ei longyfarch ef a Phlaid Cymru am allu dylanwadu ar Lywodraeth Cymru i’r fath raddau drwy ddefnyddio eu rhifau yma. Yr unig drueni yw nad ydynt wedi defnyddio eu rhifau yn San Steffan i roi cymorth i Lywodraeth y DU yno yn gyfnewid am arian ychwanegol i Cymru; rhywbeth yr wyf i'n siŵr y byddai wedi cael croeso ar draws y Siambr hon.
Rwyf hefyd yn nodi, pan mae'n sôn am oblygiadau’r posibilrwydd o adael y farchnad sengl i’r gyllideb, y byddai ei farn ef a'm barn i’n wahanol iawn, ond yr hyn nad oeddwn i wedi’i ystyried yw bod barn y Prif Weinidog yn wahanol iawn yn y sesiwn gynharach. Unwaith eto, ar y pwnc hwn, mae wedi ei wrth-ddweud ei hun wrth ateb cwestiynau. Wrth ymateb i Leanne Wood, cadwodd at ei ffurf arferol—ac roedd yn ymateb yn Saesneg—ei fod eisiau mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i’r farchnad sengl, yr ymadrodd hwnnw y mae wedi’i saernïo a’i ddatblygu'n ofalus iawn. Nid wyf erioed wedi ei glywed yn dweud yn Saesneg ei fod eisiau aros yn y farchnad sengl. Mae wedi bod yn ofalus iawn i beidio â dweud hynny. Eto, wrth ateb Rhun ap Iorwerth yn y Gymraeg, roedd y cyfieithiad a glywais i yn fy nghlustffonau ar y pryd, ac rwyf wedi cadarnhau hyn gyda'r cyfieithwyr ers hynny, yn glir iawn. Dywedodd:
'Beth yw'r ateb? Wel, mae'n eithaf clir: dylai'r Deyrnas Unedig aros o fewn y farchnad sengl'.
Yna aeth yn ei flaen i ddweud ei fod am adael yr UE mewn ffordd
'sy’n ein cadw yn y farchnad sengl'.
Pam mae’r Prif Weinidog yn dweud un peth yn Gymraeg a rhywbeth arall yn Saesneg? Ai oherwydd ei fod am guddio i ba raddau nad yw’n parchu canlyniad y refferendwm? Dim ond wrth inni ystyried y gyllideb heddiw, mae’r Prif Weinidog yn dweud, 'Rydym yn parchu canlyniad y refferendwm, ond—.' Heddiw mae wedi gollwng y gath o'r cwd ac wedi datgelu mai gwir safbwynt y Blaid Lafur yw yr hoffen nhw aros o fewn y farchnad sengl, er gwaethaf canlyniad y refferendwm hwnnw.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, dyma'r gyllideb gyntaf lle mae gennych bwerau i drethu a newid trethi, ac rwyf am ganolbwyntio gweddill fy sylwadau ar y trefniadau trethu i Gymru yr ydych chi wedi'u cyhoeddi heddiw. Rydych chi wedi pwysleisio'r egwyddorion blaengar sydd gennych a sut yr ydych yn cymhwyso’r rhain drwy’r dreth trafodiadau tir—drwy’r trothwyon a'r cyfraddau preswyl ond hefyd, byddwn yn pwysleisio, drwy roi mwy o faich ar brynu eiddo masnachol ar y gyfradd uwch nag sy’n digwydd yn Lloegr nac yn yr Alban. Gan fod strategaeth economaidd Llywodraeth Cymru yn dibynnu cymaint ar y bargeinion dinesig ac ardaloedd menter, mae angen lefel benodol o fuddsoddiad preifat, yn aml o’r tu allan i Gymru, ac felly rwy’n bryderus bod egwyddorion Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn groes i strategaeth economaidd ehangach y Llywodraeth. Nid yw pennu cyfradd eiddo masnachol band uwch 1 y cant yn uwch nag yn Lloegr ac 1.5 y cant yn uwch nag yn yr Alban yn mynd i’n helpu i sicrhau buddsoddiad sector preifat. Gallai droi'r penderfyniad i fuddsoddi yng Nghymru o gymharu â rhannau eraill o'r DU. A yw'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet hwn am dagu’r twf mewn eiddo masnachol yng Nghaerdydd y mae ei gyfaill Ken Skates yn ceisio ei gefnogi gydag ardal fenter? Mae’n ymddangos bod yma ddiffyg meddwl cydgysylltiedig rhwng y ddwy adran, ac o bosibl bod eu strategaethau’n gwrthwynebu ei gilydd yn uniongyrchol.
Nawr, heddiw synhwyrais wahaniaeth, o leiaf o ran tôn Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, i’w ymatebion blaenorol imi ar fater treth stamp a phrynwyr tro cyntaf. Cyn hyn, roeddwn o dan yr argraff ei fod yn ystyried sut ac i ba raddau y gallai ymateb i gyhoeddiad y DU ynglŷn â phrynwyr am y tro cyntaf ac, yn benodol, a fyddai'n caniatáu consesiwn tebyg, o bosibl—efallai ddim mor fawr, ond consesiwn serch hynny—o fewn Cymru. Ac fel yr wyf wedi’i ddweud, unwaith eto, mae hwn yn fater penodol i brynwyr am y tro cyntaf yn Sir Fynwy, sy'n agos at y ffin. A wnaiff e' egluro ei safbwynt ar hynny, neu a yw, yn y bôn, wedi penderfynu ei fod yn dymuno cadw’r cyfraddau treth trafodiadau tir a oedd ganddo cynt?
Mae’n nodi’n briodol y bydd swm y grant bloc yn cael ei addasu a’i gywiro ar gyfer unrhyw gynnydd posibl yn nifer y prynwyr tro cyntaf sy’n cael eu hannog yng Nghymru drwy hyn, a thybed beth y bydd yn ei wneud â’r arian ychwanegol y gallai ei gael ar gyfer y dyfodol, ac rwy’n gofyn iddo o leiaf ystyried eto y cynnydd hwnnw i 6 y cant yn y gyfradd treth stamp masnachol honno, dim ond oherwydd yr hyn y gallai hynny ei wneud i anghymell buddsoddi mewnol yng Nghymru. Y perygl mwyaf, efallai, fodd bynnag, yw pe byddai Cymru yn dangos agwedd debyg at dreth incwm yn y dyfodol, mae arnaf ofn bod y bydd egwyddorion blaengar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn golygu y bydd yn caniatáu, i gadw ei ddwylo ar y llyw, cynnydd mewn trethiant o ganlyniad i hynny, a fyddai'n tanseilio cystadleurwydd Cymru ac yn ein cadw yn y lôn araf economaidd.
I will do my best to avoid repeating any points that have already been commented on. Can I, first of all, thank the Cabinet Secretary for his report and the sober introduction to it, which recognises the severe impact of UK cuts on our budget? In paragraph 1.5, you say that despite ongoing and severe cuts to the Welsh budget as a result of the UK Government's damaging austerity agenda, the Welsh Government has continued to protect public services from the worst effects of austerity.
You did, in your outline, also refer to some of the circumstances that were particularly affecting the Welsh economy as part of the UK economy: wages are falling and are lower now than in 2010, wage growth is the lowest in Europe bar Greece, economic growth and productivity is the worst for a century, UK investment is lower than every other major economy apart from Greece and Portugal, and the Brexit shambles is causing uncertainty for business and people. And we've recently discussed the absolute shambles over the DUP affair.
Can I contrast your report with that of Her Majesty's Treasury, which, in the economic context, does actually confirm most of those points about the ongoing, long-term economic downcast reporting that's taken place? But then, contrast it with the less-than-sober introduction to the report, which says,
'The United Kingdom has a bright future. The fundamental strengths of the UK economy will support growth in the long term'
and
'the Budget will ensure that every generation can look forward to a better standard of living than the one before'.
It makes you wonder whether that report was written in two parts—the first part by the Chancellor and the second part by people who actually knew something about what was happening in the economy.
One of the points I really wanted to talk about, though, was the impact on the public sector and the public sector pay cap. It particularly affects my constituency of Pontypridd because we have in the region of 15,000 public sector workers in my constituency, the overwhelming majority of whom have not had a wage increase of any consequence whatsoever for the last decade or so. The net effect is that, by 2022, as a result of the UK Government's austerity programme, nurses and firefighters will be £3,400 per annum worse off in real terms, librarians £2,100, paramedics and dieticians £3,800, the police £450 a year worse off, and prison officers £980 a year worse off. One of my constituents, Shirley Nicholls, a Welsh NHS nurse for 30 years, says this:
'I feel we are being squeezed year after year by austerity. Many cannot make ends meet. Many are leaving. Morale is low. It seems it is only the poorest who are being made to pay for austerity. I fear that if Westminster does not end the pay cap and bring austerity to an end, our NHS and public services will not survive.'
I'd ask you to consider, Cabinet Secretary, whether there is more we can do to put pressure on the UK Government to make statutory pay body awards binding, because that seems to me to be the fundamental flaw—that we set a body to determine pay, but the UK Government then refuses to actually pay that.
Can I then refer to a number of matters within the Welsh budget that I'd like to give some consideration to? The first one is the community facilities programme. I very much welcome the additional £6 million and further increases in subsequent years to this programme. It's a programme that has had a significant impact in my constituency, with the Ely Valley Miners sports project and the New Life Church, which provides a whole range of community support programmes. All of these, which have leveraged in other money, seem to be a very effective use of the tackling poverty priorities of the Welsh Government, and I really wonder if there is additional funding that further consideration might be given to, on how that could actually take place.
The second point I'd ask you to consider is really on the section you have in the report on the metro, and what the impact might be in respect of access to European funding, but also access to borrowing in respect of the European Investment Bank, and the impact this might have on some of the projects we want within the metro, such as the proposed new line to Llantrisant in my constituency.
Can I make one further final point, and that is on twenty-first century schools, welcoming the £1.4 billion investment? But it's really to congratulate Rhondda Cynon Taf council, who've already invested under this programme £200 million, and have plans for a further £300 million, with a massive structural transformation of education facilities as a result of this. It'll mean that, over a decade in Rhondda Cynon Taf, the council will have invested in educational facilities almost £0.5 billion. That is an amazing success, I think, and should be recognised.
One final point, then, on new taxes, Cabinet Secretary. I wonder whether in your consideration of items for new taxes there might be an opportunity now to give consideration to resurrecting the asbestos Bill.
Fe wnaf fy ngorau i osgoi ailadrodd unrhyw bwyntiau sydd eisoes wedi cael sylw. A gaf i, yn gyntaf oll, ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei adroddiad a'r cyflwyniad sobr iddo, sy'n cydnabod effaith ddifrifol toriadau’r DU ar ein cyllideb? Ym mharagraff 1.5, rydych chi'n dweud bod Llywodraeth Cymru, er gwaethaf toriadau parhaus a difrifol i gyllideb Cymru o ganlyniad i agenda cyni niweidiol Llywodraeth y DU, wedi parhau i ddiogelu gwasanaethau cyhoeddus rhag effeithiau gwaethaf cyni.
Yn eich amlinelliad, gwnaethoch chi hefyd gyfeirio at rai o'r amgylchiadau a oedd yn cael effaith arbennig ar economi Cymru fel rhan o economi'r DU: mae cyflogau’n gostwng ac yn is nawr nag yn 2010, mae twf cyflogau yr isaf yn Ewrop heblaw yng Ngwlad Groeg, mae twf a chynhyrchiant economaidd ar eu gwaethaf ers canrif, mae buddsoddiad y DU yn is na phob economi fawr arall ar wahân i Bortiwgal a Gwlad Groeg, ac mae llanastr Brexit yn achosi ansicrwydd i fusnesau a phobl. Ac yn ddiweddar rydym wedi trafod traed moch llwyr mater y DUP.
A gaf i gyferbynnu eich adroddiad ag adroddiad Trysorlys ei Mawrhydi, sydd, yn y cyd-destun economaidd, yn cadarnhau'r rhan fwyaf o'r pwyntiau hynny ynghylch yr adroddiadau economaidd digalon parhaus, hirdymor yr ydym wedi’u gweld? Ond yna, cymharwch hynny â chyflwyniad llai na sobr yr adroddiad, sy'n dweud,
Mae dyfodol disglair gan y Deyrnas Unedig. Bydd cryfderau sylfaenol economi’r DU yn cefnogi twf yn y tymor hir
a
bydd y Gyllideb yn sicrhau y gall pob cenhedlaeth edrych ymlaen at safon byw well na’r un o’i blaen.
Mae'n gwneud ichi feddwl tybed a gafodd yr adroddiad hwnnw ei ysgrifennu mewn dwy ran—y rhan gyntaf gan y Canghellor a'r ail ran gan bobl a oedd wir yn gwybod rhywbeth am yr hyn a oedd yn digwydd yn yr economi.
Un o'r pwyntiau yr oeddwn i wir eisiau siarad amdanyn nhw, fodd bynnag, oedd yr effaith ar y sector cyhoeddus a chap cyflogau’r sector cyhoeddus. Mae hyn yn effeithio’n arbennig ar fy etholaeth i, sef Pontypridd, oherwydd mae gennym ni oddeutu 15,000 o weithwyr y sector cyhoeddus yn fy etholaeth i, ac nid yw’r mwyafrif llethol ohonynt wedi cael codiad cyflog o unrhyw bwys o gwbl ers tua degawd. Yr effaith net yw, erbyn 2022, o ganlyniad i raglen cyni Llywodraeth y DU, y bydd nyrsys a diffoddwyr tân yn cael £3,400 y flwyddyn yn llai mewn termau real, llyfrgellwyr £2,100, parafeddygon a dietegwyr £3,800, yr heddlu £450 y flwyddyn yn llai, a swyddogion carchar £980 y flwyddyn yn llai. Mae un o'm hetholwyr, Shirley Nicholls, nyrs GIG Cymru ers 30 mlynedd, yn dweud hyn:
'Rwy’n teimlo ein bod yn cael ein gwasgu flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn gan gyni. Ni all llawer gael deupen llinyn ynghyd. Mae llawer yn gadael. Mae morâl yn isel. Mae'n ymddangos mai dim ond y bobl dlotaf sy’n gorfod talu am gyni. Mae arnaf ofn, os nad yw San Steffan yn dod a'r cap cyflog i ben ac yn rhoi terfyn ar gyni, na wnaiff ein GIG a’n gwasanaethau cyhoeddus oroesi.'
Byddwn yn gofyn ichi ystyried, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a oes mwy y gallwn ni ei wneud i roi pwysau ar Lywodraeth y DU i wneud dyfarniadau cyrff tâl statudol yn rhwymol, oherwydd mae’n ymddangos i mi mai dyna’r gwendid sylfaenol—ein bod yn gosod corff i bennu cyflog, ond bod Llywodraeth y DU yna’n gwrthod talu hynny mewn gwirionedd.
A gaf i wedyn gyfeirio at nifer o faterion yng Nghyllideb Cymru yr hoffwn i roi rhywfaint o ystyriaeth iddyn nhw? Y cyntaf yw’r rhaglen cyfleusterau cymunedol. Rwy’n croesawu’n fawr y £6 miliwn ychwanegol a’r cynyddiadau pellach yn y blynyddoedd dilynol i'r rhaglen hon. Mae'n rhaglen sydd wedi cael effaith sylweddol yn fy etholaeth, gyda'r prosiect chwaraeon Glowyr Cwm Elái a'r Eglwys Bywyd Newydd, sy'n darparu amrywiaeth eang o raglenni cymorth cymunedol. Mae’n ymddangos bod y rhain i gyd, sydd wedi ysgogi arian arall, yn ffordd effeithiol iawn o ddefnyddio blaenoriaethau trechu tlodi Llywodraeth Cymru, ac rwyf wir yn meddwl tybed, pe gellid rhoi ystyriaeth bellach i unrhyw arian ychwanegol, sut y gallai hynny ddigwydd mewn gwirionedd.
Mae’r ail bwynt yr wyf yn gofyn ichi ei ystyried, a dweud y gwir, yn ymwneud â’r adran sydd gennych yn yr adroddiad ar y metro, a sut y gallai hynny effeithio ar yr arian Ewropeaidd sydd ar gael, ond hefyd y benthyca sydd ar gael gan Fanc Buddsoddi Ewrop, a sut y gallai hyn effeithio ar rai o'r prosiectau sydd eu heisiau arnom yn y metro, fel y llinell newydd arfaethedig i Lantrisant yn fy etholaeth i.
A gaf i wneud un pwynt olaf arall, ynglŷn ag ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, i groesawu'r buddsoddiad £1.4 biliwn? Ond a dweud y gwir mae i longyfarch cyngor Rhondda Cynon Taf, sydd eisoes wedi buddsoddi £200 miliwn o dan y rhaglen hon, ac sy’n cynllunio buddsoddi £300 miliwn arall, gan drawsnewid strwythur cyfleusterau addysg yn sylweddol o ganlyniad i hyn. Bydd yn golygu, mewn degawd yn Rhondda Cynon Taf, y bydd y cyngor wedi buddsoddi bron i £0.5 biliwn mewn cyfleusterau addysgol. Mae hynny'n llwyddiant anhygoel, rwy'n meddwl, a dylid cydnabod hynny.
Un pwynt olaf, wedyn, am drethi newydd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Tybed a allai fod cyfle nawr, wrth ichi ystyried eitemau ar gyfer trethi newydd, i ystyried atgyfodi'r Bil asbestos?
I won't be voting for this draft budget. I won't be abstaining. I'll be voting against. This budget is bad.
Wales still has tuition fees to the tune of £9,000. Are we supposed to be grateful for that? It's really not good enough. There are still people in Wales being evicted from their home because of the bedroom tax; the most disadvantaged in our society being thrown out of their homes for the crime of having an extra bedroom. There are not even properties for people to move into. Those parents whose children live with them part of the week, or part of the time, have to give up the extra bedroom, and as a result, in some circumstances, they lose contact with their children because of that tax. There's nothing in this budget to address that.
I'll tell you what, though, there's always money for Labour's friends in the Bay, who seem to earn their living from other people's misfortune.
Dydw i ddim yn mynd i bleidleisio o blaid y gyllideb ddrafft hon. Dydw i ddim yn mynd i ymatal. Rwy’n mynd i bleidleisio yn erbyn. Mae'r gyllideb hon yn ddrwg.
Mae Cymru'n dal i wynebu ffioedd dysgu o £9,000. Ydyn ni i fod i fod yn ddiolchgar am hynny? Nid yw'n ddigon da o bell ffordd. Mae pobl yng Nghymru yn dal i gael eu troi allan o'u cartrefi oherwydd y dreth ystafell wely; y bobl fwyaf difreintiedig yn ein cymdeithas yn cael eu taflu allan o'u cartrefi am y trosedd o fod ag ystafell wely ychwanegol. Does dim eiddo i’r bobl hyn symud i mewn iddo, hyd yn oed. Mae’r rhieni hynny sydd â phlant yn byw gyda hwy am ran o'r wythnos, neu ran o'r amser, yn gorfod colli’r ystafell wely ychwanegol, ac o ganlyniad, o dan rai amgylchiadau, maent yn colli cyswllt gyda'u plant oherwydd y dreth honno. Does dim byd yn y gyllideb hon i unioni hynny.
Ond wyddoch chi beth? Mae arian ar gael bob amser i gyfeillion Llafur yn y Bae; mae’n ymddangos eu bod nhw’n ennill eu bywoliaeth o anffawd pobl eraill.
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi gymryd ymyriad?
No. The amount of money also being wasted is staggering—staggering. Tens of millions of pounds on questionable land deals, questionable business supports—that's where the money goes. And, I'm tired of the dependency culture in Wales. I want to see a budget that demands we stand on our own two feet. I want to see a budget that leads to people being empowered to live their own lives. With a sovereign Parliament, we could do much more, but this Government doesn't want extra powers to change things really.
Wales is a great country and we deserve a great Government, but that's not what we've got. We have a First Minister who's being investigated and his future is in doubt, and there's hardly any new legislation being introduced. Plaid Cymru has been involved in the budget and has made improvements, but only a small fraction of it; 99 per cent of this budget is all Labour, and that really shows.
I'll also be voting against the Conservative motion because, with respect, they've not got a leg to stand on. They've bunged £1 billion to the north of Ireland, whilst projects like rail electrification in Wales get cancelled. And even after sending them all that money, they let a party of religious extremists dictate our future with the European Union.
Wales is full of talent, but there's nothing serious in this budget to stop people having to leave our country to make their future elsewhere. It's been clear for years, but this budget only shows it more clearly: the only way to move Wales forward is by moving Labour out of the way.
Na wnaf. Mae’r swm o arian sydd hefyd yn cael ei wastraffu yn syfrdanol—syfrdanol. Degau o filiynau o bunnoedd ar gytundebau tir amheus, cymorth amheus i fusnesau—dyna ble mae'r arian yn mynd. Ac, rwyf wedi blino ar y diwylliant o ddibyniaeth yng Nghymru. Hoffwn weld cyllideb sy'n gofyn inni sefyll ar ein traed ein hunain. Hoffwn weld cyllideb sy'n arwain at bobl yn cael eu grymuso i fyw eu bywydau eu hunain. Gyda Senedd sofran, gallem wneud llawer mwy, ond dydy’r Llywodraeth hon ddim wir eisiau pwerau ychwanegol i newid pethau go iawn.
Mae Cymru yn wlad wych ac rydym yn haeddu Llywodraeth wych, ond nid dyna beth sydd gennym. Mae gennym Brif Weinidog sy’n destun archwiliad a’i ddyfodol yn ansicr, ac nid oes prin ddim deddfwriaeth newydd yn cael ei chyflwyno. Mae Plaid Cymru wedi cyfrannu at y gyllideb ac wedi gwneud gwelliannau, ond dim ond ffracsiwn bach ohono; mae 99 y cant o'r gyllideb hon i gyd gan Lafur, ac mae hynny i’w weld yn glir.
Byddaf hefyd yn pleidleisio yn erbyn cynnig y Ceidwadwyr oherwydd, gyda phob parch, nid ganddynt goes i sefyll arni. Maent wedi llwgrwobrwyo gogledd Iwerddon â £1 biliwn, a chanslo prosiectau fel trydaneiddio rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru. A hyd yn oed ar ôl anfon yr holl arian hwnnw iddynt, maen nhw'n gadael i blaid o eithafwyr crefyddol benderfynu ar ein dyfodol gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd.
Mae Cymru’n llawn talent, ond does dim byd difrifol yn y gyllideb hon i atal pobl rhag gorfod gadael ein gwlad i wneud eu dyfodol yn rhywle arall. Mae wedi bod yn glir ers blynyddoedd, ond mae’r gyllideb hon yn ei ddangos yn gliriach fyth: yr unig ffordd o symud Cymru ymlaen yw drwy symud Llafur allan o'r ffordd.
Presiding Officer, Wales faces a skills shortage. Too many of our young people are not in education, employment or training. It is a sad fact that people in Wales are more likely to lack qualifications than people in Scotland or England. A lower proportion of people in Wales have a degree than any English region, bar the north-east. Educational attainment at the age of 16 in Wales has long been poorer than elsewhere in the United Kingdom, and indeed internationally. Wales has a higher level of functional illiteracy than England, and around half of adults in Wales lack functional numeracy skills.
We need to improve education and training in Wales for our young people, and also extend the opportunities offered to adults, our ethnic minorities, and the disabled. People from ethnic minority background are more likely to fail to achieve functional literacy and numeracy compared to the indigenous community around them. There is a higher proportion of people with no qualifications among those who are disabled. People with learning disabilities are much more likely to lack basic literacy and numeracy than the rest of the population of the United Kingdom.
The Welsh Government has declared that it aims to instill in everyone a passion to learn throughout their lives, and to inspire them with the ambition to be the best they possibly can, and yet the adult community learning budget will be reduced by £400,000 in 2018-19 and 2019-20. The budget for further education provision will also be reduced over the same period.
Presiding Officer, nearly a quarter of all the jobs open in 2015 were left vacant because employers could not find the people with the right skills and the right abilities to fill them. That is a sad scenario we face because of this Government's policies in the education and skills sector in Wales. We should be doing more now, especially in this Brexit scenario. We need more than 2 million managers—business managers—in the United Kingdom in the next seven years. So, we should be preparing ourselves: our apprenticeships, our skills and our training sector should have fully occupied and senior advisors and officials to teach and learn leadership and managerial skills in Wales to fulfill the vacancies in the United Kingdom, especially in certain areas like transport, education and the agricultural sector, which are devolved, and there's a huge shortage of skills.
We must set targets to achieve our aims. Minister, I think—I've got no doubt in your ability, but I think there is some lack of ambition and some sort of encouragement—. I can't understand. I heard my previous speaker on many areas which he was creating himself in such a way that Labour is not helping this country at all. I do not agree with what he said altogether, but the fact is Labour must invest in education and the training of our young children and young people, able, disabled, and ethnic minorities, which we need to make sure they are the ones who create the economy and money in the future, which we're all saying. And I heard everybody saying that austerity measures and this, that and the other. In true facts, the budget has been reduced by 1p in £1. If you can't survive on £1, 99p doesn't make a difference, but you must learn in life. You must accommodate. Brexit came out of the blue, and the fact is we are not prepared here. In my understanding, we need to invest in our education, our skills and our training sector in Wales and our next generation should be prosperous with only that attitude; otherwise, this budget is not going to fulfill our ambition. Thank you.
Llywydd, mae Cymru yn wynebu prinder sgiliau. Mae gennym ormod o bobl ifanc nad ydyn nhw mewn addysg, cyflogaeth na hyfforddiant. Mae'n ffaith drist bod pobl yng Nghymru’n fwy tebygol o fod heb gymwysterau na phobl yn yr Alban nac yn Lloegr. Mae cyfran is o bobl yng Nghymru wedi cael gradd nag yn unrhyw ranbarth yn Lloegr, heblaw am y gogledd-ddwyrain. Mae cyrhaeddiad addysgol yn 16 oed yng Nghymru wedi bod yn waeth nag mewn mannau eraill yn y Deyrnas Unedig, ac yn wir yn rhyngwladol, ers tro. Mae gan Gymru lefel uwch o anllythrennedd ymarferol na Lloegr, ac mae tua hanner oedolion Cymru heb sgiliau rhifedd swyddogaethol.
Mae angen inni wella addysg a hyfforddiant yng Nghymru i’n pobl ifanc, a hefyd ymestyn y cyfleoedd a gynigir i oedolion, ein lleiafrifoedd ethnig a phobl anabl. Mae pobl o gefndir lleiafrifol ethnig yn fwy tebygol o fethu â chyflawni llythrennedd a rhifedd swyddogaethol o gymharu â’r gymuned gynhenid o'u hamgylch. Mae cyfran uwch o bobl heb gymwysterau ymhlith y rhai sy'n anabl. Mae pobl ag anableddau dysgu’n llawer mwy tebygol o fod heb lythrennedd a rhifedd sylfaenol o gymharu â gweddill y boblogaeth y Deyrnas Unedig.
Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi datgan mai eu nod yw rhoi brwdfrydedd i bawb i ddysgu drwy gydol eu bywydau, a’u hysbrydoli gydag uchelgais i fod cystal â phosibl, ac eto bydd y gyllideb dysgu oedolion yn y gymuned yn lleihau £400,000 yn 2018-19 a 2019-20. Bydd y gyllideb ar gyfer darpariaeth addysg bellach hefyd yn lleihau dros yr un cyfnod.
Llywydd, cafodd bron i chwarter yr holl swyddi a oedd yn agored yn 2015 eu gadael yn wag oherwydd na allai cyflogwyr ddod o hyd i bobl â’r sgiliau iawn a'r galluoedd iawn i'w llenwi. Mae hynny'n sefyllfa drist sy’n ein hwynebu oherwydd polisïau'r Llywodraeth hon yn y sector addysg a sgiliau yng Nghymru. Dylem fod yn gwneud mwy yn awr, yn enwedig yn y senario Brexit hwn. Mae angen mwy na 2 filiwn o reolwyr arnom ni—rheolwyr busnes—yn y Deyrnas Unedig yn y saith mlynedd nesaf. Felly, dylem fod yn ymbaratoi: dylai fod gan ein sector prentisiaethau, sgiliau a hyfforddiant ddigonedd o uwch gynghorwyr a swyddogion i addysgu a dysgu sgiliau arwain a rheoli yng Nghymru i lenwi’r swyddi gwag yn y Deyrnas Unedig, yn enwedig mewn rhai meysydd fel trafnidiaeth, addysg a’r sector amaethyddol, sydd wedi'u datganoli, a lle ceir prinder enfawr o sgiliau.
Mae'n rhaid inni osod targedau er mwyn cyflawni ein nodau. Weinidog, rwy’n meddwl—dydw i ddim yn amau eich gallu, ond rwy’n meddwl bod rhyw ddiffyg uchelgais a rhyw fath o anogaeth—. Dydw i ddim yn gallu deall. Clywais fy siaradwr blaenorol ar nifer o feysydd yr oedd yn eu creu ei hun yn y fath fodd nad yw Llafur yn helpu’r wlad hon o gwbl. Nid wyf yn cytuno â’r hyn a ddywedodd o gwbl, ond y ffaith yw bod rhaid i Lafur fuddsoddi mewn addysgu a hyfforddi ein plant ifanc a’n pobl ifanc, yn abl, yn anabl, ac yn lleiafrifoedd ethnig, ac mae angen hynny er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr mai nhw sy’n creu’r economi ac arian yn y dyfodol; rydym i gyd yn dweud hynny. A chlywais bawb yn sôn am fesurau cyni a hyn a'r llall. Y ffaith wir yw bod y gyllideb wedi cael ei lleihau 1c yn y £1. Os na allwch chi oroesi ar £1, dydy 99c ddim yn gwneud gwahaniaeth, ond rhaid ichi ddysgu mewn bywyd. Rhaid ichi addasu. Daeth Brexit yn ddirybudd, a'r ffaith yw nad ydym yn barod yma. Yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf i, mae angen inni fuddsoddi yn ein sector addysg, sgiliau a hyfforddiant yng Nghymru a dylai ein cenhedlaeth nesaf fod yn ffyniannus gyda dim ond yr agwedd honno; fel arall, nid yw’r gyllideb hon yn mynd i gyflawni ein huchelgais. Diolch.
There's been some very interesting contributions here this afternoon, and I've listened to most of them, some, I have to say, with interest, and others with disbelief, and I'm not going to make any further comments on which are which. But one thing I will say is that this is a joint budget, it has been agreed between Labour and Plaid, and Plaid have come to the table and put forward things that we could agree with so that we could produce a budget today, whereas others have just simply sniped from the sidelines.
I think that what we really need to do when we're looking at a budget for the foreseeable future is actually marry-up those things or join together policies that will make a difference. I have to congratulate the Tory Government that they have produced a growth industry in two areas: one is food banks and the other is homelessness, because their policies have produced, for the first time in my living memory, a massive increase in food banks. I'm sure that some of you will know that I've been on this planet for quite some time, and I have never seen anything quite like the appeals that are everywhere you turn, whether it's in a supermarket or the local press, on Facebook or Twitter, for donations to help feed people, not people who are out of work, but people who are in work. That's the cost of austerity, and I think it's absolutely disgraceful.
And let's be clear about what austerity really is: it's a political choice to reduce funding in the public sector. When they talk about ideology—they very often do talk about ideology—then we also have to talk about the ideological choice that has been made by a Tory Government in Westminster to cut the expenditure in the public sphere. So what does that mean and how should we link that together? Well, it's fairly obvious that if you reduce public spending in areas like Pembrokeshire, where 25 per cent of the population are actually employed in the public sector, you're also going to reduce the capacity to regenerate that area through local spend. It is a fact that, if people aren't working, or if their wages are suppressed because there's been a pay cap, that area will grow and grow in being poor, yet it is the case that the Conservative representatives will come here time and time again asking us to spend more money that we haven't got in those areas.
The other thing that is fairly clear is that, if you bring in universal credit in such a way that people end up owing huge amounts in rent arrears, it will also impact on the ability of those housing providers when they want to borrow money—they become a higher risk. I don't know whether, Cabinet Secretary, you have anything to say on that, but it is the case that the higher the risk that you become to a lender, the higher the cost of borrowing against it. So, when we hear the Conservatives actually saying to us, 'You must build more houses' or 'You must ensure that the housing stock is increased'—if universal credit, which they seem to support, because I haven't heard many of them talk against it, produces a negative impact on those policy areas that they consistently ask us to do something about, then they need to start joining things up. Because the budget doesn't stand in isolation, and Wales is impacted by the austerity that is coming thick and fast from the Westminster Government. When we talk about protecting things, Cabinet Secretary, I'd also ask you, as other people have mentioned here today—when we look at the Supporting People fund, and the fact that I understand that you have quite clearly said that you're going to put all of the money down to local government to make local determinations to save money on red tape, I also ask that you will monitor the spend around Supporting People, particularly in the area of ending violence against women and girls, so that those in most need don't end up not being provided for.
Rydym wedi cael rhai cyfraniadau diddorol iawn yma y prynhawn yma, ac rwyf wedi gwrando ar y rhan fwyaf ohonynt; rhai, rhaid imi ddweud, â diddordeb, ac eraill ag anghrediniaeth, ac nid wyf am wneud dim sylwadau pellach ynglŷn â pha rai yw pa rai. Ond un peth a ddywedaf yw bod hon yn gyllideb ar y cyd, mae Llafur a Phlaid Cymru wedi cytuno arni, ac mae Plaid wedi dod at y bwrdd a chyflwyno pethau y gallem ni gytuno â nhw fel y gallem gynhyrchu cyllideb heddiw, yn hytrach na beirniadu o’r ymylon fel eraill.
Rwy’n meddwl mai’r hyn y mae gwir angen inni ei wneud wrth edrych ar gyllideb ar gyfer y dyfodol rhagweladwy mewn gwirionedd yw cyfuno’r pethau hynny neu uno polisïau a fydd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth. Rhaid imi longyfarch y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd am gynhyrchu diwydiant twf mewn dau faes: un yw banciau bwyd a'r llall yw digartrefedd, oherwydd mae eu polisïau wedi cynhyrchu, am y tro cyntaf i mi allu ei gofio, cynnydd aruthrol mewn banciau bwyd. Rwy’n siŵr y bydd rhai ohonoch yn gwybod fy mod wedi bod ar y blaned hon ers cryn amser, ac nid wyf erioed wedi gweld dim byd tebyg i’r apeliadau hynny ym mhob man yr ydych chi'n troi, boed hynny mewn archfarchnad neu yn y wasg leol, ar Facebook neu Twitter, am roddion i helpu i fwydo pobl, nid pobl sydd allan o waith, ond pobl sydd mewn gwaith. Dyna gost cyni, ac rwy’n meddwl bod hynny’n hollol warthus.
A dewch inni fod yn glir ynghylch beth yw cyni mewn gwirionedd: dewis gwleidyddol i roi llai o arian i’r sector cyhoeddus. Pan maen nhw'n sôn am ideoleg—maen nhw'n aml iawn yn sôn am ideoleg—mae’n rhaid i ninnau sôn am y dewis ideolegol a wnaeth y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan i dorri gwariant yn y maes cyhoeddus. Felly beth mae hynny'n ei olygu a sut y dylem gysylltu hynny gyda'i gilydd? Wel, mae'n weddol amlwg, os ydych chi'n lleihau gwariant cyhoeddus mewn ardaloedd fel Sir Benfro, lle mae 25 y cant o'r boblogaeth wedi’u cyflogi yn y sector cyhoeddus, rydych chi hefyd yn mynd i leihau'r gallu i adfywio'r ardal honno drwy wariant lleol. Mae'n ffaith, os nad yw pobl yn gweithio, neu os yw eu cyflogau wedi’u ffrwyno oherwydd cap cyflog, y bydd yr ardal honno’n mynd yn fwy a mwy tlawd, ac eto bydd y cynrychiolwyr Ceidwadol yn dod yma dro ar ôl tro i ofyn inni wario mwy o arian nad yw gennym yn yr ardaloedd hynny.
Y peth arall sy'n weddol glir yw, os ydych chi'n cyflwyno credyd cynhwysol yn y fath fodd fel bod gan bobl yn y pen draw symiau enfawr o ôl-ddyledion rhent, y bydd hefyd yn effeithio ar allu’r darparwyr tai hynny pan fyddan nhw eisiau benthyca arian—maen nhw'n dod yn fwy o risg. Wn i ddim, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a oes gennych chi unrhyw beth i'w ddweud am hynny, ond mae'n wir mai’r mwyaf o risg yr ydych chi i fenthyciwr, yr uchaf fydd cost benthyca yn ei erbyn. Felly, pan fyddwn yn clywed y Ceidwadwyr yn dweud wrthym, 'Mae'n rhaid ichi adeiladu mwy o dai' neu 'Mae'n rhaid ichi sicrhau bod y stoc tai yn cynyddu'—os yw credyd cynhwysol, rhywbeth y mae’n ymddangos eu bod o’i blaid, oherwydd dydw i heb glywed llawer ohonyn nhw'n siarad yn ei erbyn, yn cynhyrchu effaith negyddol ar y meysydd polisi hynny y maen nhw'n gyson yn gofyn inni wneud rhywbeth amdanynt, bydd angen iddyn nhw ddechrau uno pethau. Oherwydd nid yw'r gyllideb yn sefyll ar wahân, ac mae Cymru’n teimlo effaith y cyni sy’n llifo o Lywodraeth San Steffan. Pan fyddwn yn sôn am ddiogelu pethau, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, byddwn hefyd yn gofyn ichi, fel y mae eraill wedi sôn amdano yma heddiw—pan fyddwn yn edrych ar y gronfa Cefnogi Pobl, a'r ffaith, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf, eich bod wedi dweud yn glir iawn eich bod yn mynd i roi’r arian i gyd i lawr i lywodraeth leol i wneud penderfyniadau lleol i arbed arian ar fiwrocratiaeth, gofynnaf hefyd ichi fonitro’r gwariant o amgylch Cefnogi Pobl, yn enwedig ym maes rhoi terfyn ar drais yn erbyn menywod a merched, i sicrhau ein bod yn darparu ar gyfer y rhai á'r angen mwyaf.
Galwaf ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid i ymateb i'r ddadl—Mark Drakeford.
I call on the Cabinet Secretary for Finance to reply to the debate—Mark Drakeford.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Can I thank almost all of those who have taken part in this debate, and apologise in advance for the fact that I will not be able to respond to some serious points that have been made?
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. A gaf i ddiolch i bron bob un o'r rheini sydd wedi cymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon, ac ymddiheuro ymlaen llaw am y ffaith na fyddaf yn gallu ymateb i rai pwyntiau difrifol a wnaethpwyd?
A gaf i ddechrau drwy ddweud diolch i Simon Thomas am beth ddywedodd e? Rwy'n cydnabod y pwyntiau yr oedd ef yn eu gwneud am y pethau yr ŷm ni eisiau eu gwneud am y flwyddyn nesaf yn well—tryloywder, bod yn glir am y blaenoriaethau a'r berthynas rhwng y blaenoriaethau a'r rhaglen lywodraethu, diffyg data a phethau fel yna. Mae nifer o bethau yr ŷm ni eisiau gweithio arnyn nhw, ac rwy'n cydnabod hynny ar ddechrau fy ymateb.
A gaf i ddweud hefyd fy mod i yn edrych ymlaen at raglen waith y pwyllgor? Roedd lot o'r pethau yr oedd Cadeirydd y pwyllgor wedi'u hamlinellu y prynhawn yma lle fydd y Llywodraeth yn croesawu'r gwaith yna ac yn cymryd diddordeb yn y gwaith—y gwaith y mae'r pwyllgor yn mynd i'w wneud ar financial transaction capital, effaith Brexit ar ein cyllid ni, a threthi newydd datganoledig. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd Cadeirydd y pwyllgor wedi clywed beth ddywedodd Mick Antoniw ar asbestos yng nghyd-destun hynny.
Hefyd, wrth gwrs, ar y broses newydd o graffu sydd gyda ni, rydw i'n gwybod bod y Pwyllgor yn mynd i fynd ar ôl hynny a'n helpu ni i ailfeddwl pethau lle y gallwn ni wneud pethau'n well yn y dyfodol.
May I start by thanking Simon Thomas for what he said? I recognise the point that he made about what we want to do for the next year—better transparency, being clear about our priorities and the relationship between those and the programme for government, the lack of data and so forth. There are a number of things that we want to work on, and I recognise that at the outset of my response.
Could I say also that I’m looking forward to the work programme of that committee? There are many things that the committee Chair outlined this afternoon where the Government will welcome that work and take an interest in it—the work that the committee’s going to do on financial transaction capital, the impact of Brexit on our funding, and new devolved taxation. I’m sure that the committee Chair will have heard what Mick Antoniw said about asbestos in that context.
Also, on the new scrutiny process that we have, I know that the committee is going to pursue that and help us to rethink things so that we can do things better in future.
Nick Ramsay, Llywydd—I should have said in my introductory speech that, of course, we are entering the festive season, and, in line with the Conservative Party's interest in tradition, Mr Ramsay has once again dusted down the amendment that the Conservative Party has laid to this debate over many years now. I accused him last year of simply recycling the identical amendment, and he denied that. Indeed, this year, his amendment does come with the additional insult of a split infinitive, which he managed to avoid last year. [Laughter.] But sadly—
Nick Ramsay, Llywydd—dylwn i fod wedi dweud yn fy araith ragarweiniol; wrth gwrs, rydym ni ar drothwy tymor y Nadolig, ac, yn unol â diddordeb y Blaid Geidwadol mewn traddodiad, mae Mr Ramsay unwaith eto wedi tynnu’r llwch oddi ar y gwelliant y mae’r Blaid Geidwadol wedi’i gynnig yn y ddadl hon dros nifer o flynyddoedd bellach. Cyhuddais ef y llynedd o ailgylchu’r gwelliant heb ei newid o gwbl, a gwadodd hynny. Yn wir, eleni, mae ei welliant yn dod â sarhad ychwanegol ar ffurf berfenw hollt, rhywbeth y llwyddodd i’w osgoi y llynedd. [Chwerthin.] Ond yn anffodus—
Can I just advise you, if you object greatly to split infinitives, please never read Shakespeare or the King James Bible. [Assembly Members: 'Oh'.]
Dim ond gair o gyngor, os ydych chi'n gwrthwynebu berfenwau hollt yn gryf, peidiwch byth â darllen Shakespeare na Beibl y Brenin Iago. [Aelodau'r Cynulliad: 'O'.]
It's always seemed to me, Llywydd, that readers of Conrad would have a greater grasp of English stylistics than that. However, let me say that there are two big themes that I think have run through the debate this afternoon. I want to say something briefly on both of them.
The fundamental debate across the Assembly lies in macroeconomic policy. On the one side of the argument, we have heard from a series of persuasive speakers—Hefin David, Mick Antoniw, Joyce Watson, Mike Hedges, Jane Hutt—all of them lined up between the proposition that Steffan Lewis set out earlier in the debate about the self-defeating nature of austerity. On the other side of the debate, we have a rather more nuanced approach. We have the approach of Nick Ramsay, which is to regret the necessity for austerity. So, he regards it as a necessity, but he regrets it and then goes on to give me a series of advice about places where I could spend money we haven't got as a result of the UK Government. The true voice of austerity is to be found much more in what Mr Hamilton had to say and his echo on the other side of the Chamber, Mark Reckless. His impersonation of Marley's ghost as he came clanking across the Chamber this afternoon I thought was remarkable.
Mae wedi ymddangos i mi erioed, Llywydd, y byddai gan ddarllenwyr Conrad fwy o grap ar arddulleg Saesneg na hynny. Fodd bynnag, dewch imi ddweud bod dwy thema fawr, rwy’n meddwl, wedi rhedeg drwy'r ddadl y prynhawn yma. Hoffwn ddweud rhywbeth yn fyr am y ddwy ohonynt.
Mae'r ddadl sylfaenol ar draws y Cynulliad yn seiliedig ar bolisi macro-economaidd. Ar un ochr i’r ddadl, rydym wedi clywed gan gyfres o siaradwyr darbwyllol—Hefin David, Mick Antoniw, Joyce Watson, Mike Hedges, Jane Hutt—pob un ohonyn nhw wedi’u lleoli rhwng y cynnig a nododd Steffan Lewis yn gynharach yn y ddadl am natur hunandrechol cyni. Ar yr ochr arall i’r ddadl, mae gennym ymagwedd ychydig yn fwy cynnil. Mae gennym ymagwedd Nick Ramsay, sef gresynu wrth reidrwydd cyni. Felly, mae'n ei ystyried yn anghenraid, ond mae'n gresynu hynny ac yna’n mynd ymlaen i roi cyfres o gyngor imi am fannau lle gallwn wario arian nad oes gennym o ganlyniad i Lywodraeth y DU. Mae gwir lais cyni yn llawer agosach at yr hyn a ddywedodd Mr Hamilton a’i adlais ar yr ochr arall i’r Siambr, Mark Reckless. Roedd ei ddynwarediad o ysbryd Marley wrth iddo gloncian ei ffordd ar draws y Siambr y prynhawn yma, roeddwn yn meddwl, yn rhyfeddol.
Will the Cabinet Secretary give way?
A wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ildio?
Yes, of course.
Gwnaf, wrth gwrs.
I wonder if he can confirm whether the Welsh Government's position is that the United Kingdom should remain within the single market, as the First Minister said in Welsh earlier?
Tybed a wnaiff gadarnhau ai safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru yw y dylai’r Deyrnas Unedig aros o fewn y farchnad sengl, fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog yn y Gymraeg yn gynharach?
The exegetical zeal of the Brexit fanatic wanting to pick over individual words in English and Welsh—at least he's bringing that variety to his feast. The First Minister repeated the position that the Welsh Government has adopted since the very beginning, that full, unfettered participation in the single market and continued participation in a customs union would be immensely to the benefit of the Welsh economy, and a sensible UK Government that was interested in putting the needs of our economy first would extend those benefits to Wales, as yesterday it appeared willing to extend them to the island of Ireland.
What Mr Reckless went on to object to was the fact we intend to raise a small number of thousands of pounds on transactions worth large numbers of millions of pounds in order to make sure that 90 per cent of commercial transactions in Wales either pay no tax at all, or don't pay any more tax than they do today. That's because he shares Neil Hamilton's basic view of economics that the only way to make rich people work harder is to make them even richer, and the only way to make poor people work harder is to make sure that they don't have enough to manage on so that they don't relax onto the benefits of the dole.
Brwdfrydedd deongliadol y ffanatig Brexit i bigo dros eiriau unigol yn Gymraeg ac yn Saesneg—o leiaf mae’n dod â rhywfaint o amrywiaeth i’w wledd. Ailadroddodd y Prif Weinidog y safbwynt y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi’i fabwysiadu ers y cychwyn cyntaf, sef y byddai cyfranogi’n llawn a dilyffethair yn y farchnad sengl a pharhau i gyfranogi mewn undeb tollau o fudd enfawr i economi Cymru, ac y byddai Llywodraeth y DU synhwyrol a oedd â diddordeb mewn rhoi anghenion ein heconomi yn gyntaf yn ymestyn y manteision hynny i Gymru, gan ei bod yn ymddangos ddoe ei bod yn fodlon eu hymestyn i ynys Iwerddon.
Yna, aeth Mr Reckless yn ei flaen i wrthwynebu’r ffaith ein bod yn bwriadu codi nifer bach o filoedd o bunnoedd ar drafodion sy’n werth niferoedd mawr o filiynau o bunnoedd er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr bod 90 y cant o drafodion masnachol yng Nghymru naill ai’n talu dim treth o gwbl, neu’n talu dim mwy o dreth nag y maen nhw heddiw. Mae hynny oherwydd ei fod yn rhannu barn sylfaenol Neil Hamilton am economeg, sef mai’r unig ffordd o wneud i bobl gyfoethog weithio'n galetach yw eu gwneud yn gyfoethocach fyth, ac mai’r unig ffordd o wneud i bobl dlawd weithio'n galetach yw gwneud yn siŵr nad oes ganddyn nhw ddigon i ymdopi, fel na fyddan nhw'n ymlacio ar daliadau’r dôl.
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi gymryd ymyriad?
Yes, of course.
Gwnaf, wrth gwrs.
Have you ever discovered where the cross-over point is?
A ydych chi wedi darganfod erioed ble mae’r pwynt croesi?
I haven't, Mike; I look forward to it appearing one day in a report of the Finance Committee where I will be able to pursue it in that way.
The second big debate on the floor of the Assembly this afternoon has been on health policy, and again there are a variety of views here. I make no absolutely no apology for the fact that this Labour Government goes on investing in our health service every year, that we fill the Nuffield gap, that we make sure that our health service has the resources it needs. Let me break a habit and agree with something that Mr Hamilton said here, because he was right when he said that there are new costs in the health service every year that are simply inescapable. No matter how much we want the health service to move in the direction of prevention, no matter how much we want to be determined that the health service should bear down on costs wherever it can, the fact that we have an ageing population, the fact that there are more things every year that the health service is able to do, means that there are in-built additional costs in the health service, and we face those here in Wales and this Government faces them by trying to make sure that we provide the resources that the health service needs to meet those costs.
There was a great deal in what Angela Burns said that I agreed with; her contribution was characteristically thoughtful. Of course my colleague Vaughan Gething wants to make sure that we move the dial of the health service in favour of general practice: it's why we have a new £40 million investment fund in the primary care estate. But she will know—she will know from her own direct experience—how difficult it is in the health service, how difficult it is with the public to persuade them to invest in primary care rather than in a hospital service. You mention the word 'Withybush' in Pembrokeshire, and people will come out on the streets because they think there's something to defend. You mention the term 'primary care', which is where 90 per cent of their contacts come, and it's much, much more difficult to persuade people to have the same sense—[Interruption.] Yes. Yes, of course.
Naddo, Mike; rwy’n edrych ymlaen at y diwrnod pan fydd yn ymddangos yn un o adroddiadau’r Pwyllgor Cyllid er mwyn imi allu ei ddilyn yn y ffordd honno.
Mae’r ail ddadl fawr ar lawr y Cynulliad y prynhawn yma wedi ymwneud â pholisi iechyd, ac eto mae amrywiaeth o safbwyntiau yma. Ni wnaf ymddiheuro o gwbl am y ffaith bod y Llywodraeth Lafur hon yn parhau i fuddsoddi yn ein gwasanaeth iechyd bob blwyddyn, ein bod yn llenwi'r bwlch Nuffield, ein bod yn gwneud yn siŵr bod gan ein gwasanaeth iechyd yr adnoddau sydd eu hangen arno. Dewch imi dorri'r arfer a chytuno â rhywbeth a ddywedodd Mr Hamilton yma, oherwydd roedd yn iawn pan ddywedodd fod costau newydd yn y gwasanaeth iechyd bob blwyddyn na allwn ddianc rhagddyn nhw. Ni waeth faint yr hoffem i’r gwasanaeth iechyd symud i gyfeiriad atal, ni waeth faint yr hoffem fod yn benderfynol y dylai'r gwasanaeth iechyd leihau costau lle bynnag y gall, mae’r ffaith bod gennym boblogaeth sy'n heneiddio, a’r ffaith bod mwy o bethau bob blwyddyn y mae'r gwasanaeth iechyd yn gallu eu gwneud, yn golygu bod costau ychwanegol yn annatod yn y gwasanaeth iechyd, ac rydym yn wynebu’r rheini yma yng Nghymru ac mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn eu hwynebu drwy geisio gwneud yn siŵr ein bod yn darparu'r adnoddau sydd eu hangen ar y gwasanaeth iechyd i dalu’r costau hynny.
Roeddwn yn cytuno â llawer iawn o’r hyn a ddywedodd Angela Burns; gwnaeth ei chyfraniad meddylgar nodweddiadol. Wrth gwrs, hoffai fy nghyd-Aelod Vaughan Gething wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn symud deial y gwasanaeth iechyd o blaid ymarfer cyffredinol: dyna pam mae gennym gronfa fuddsoddi £40 miliwn newydd yn yr ystâd gofal sylfaenol. Ond bydd hi'n gwybod—bydd hi'n gwybod o’i phrofiad uniongyrchol ei hun—pa mor anodd yw hi yn y gwasanaeth iechyd, pa mor anodd yw perswadio’r cyhoedd i fuddsoddi mewn gofal sylfaenol yn hytrach na gwasanaeth ysbyty. Soniwch am y gair 'Llwyn Helyg' yn Sir Benfro, a bydd pobl yn dod allan ar y strydoedd oherwydd eu bod yn meddwl bod yna rywbeth i’w amddiffyn. Soniwch am y term 'gofal sylfaenol', sef lle daw 90 y cant o’u cysylltiadau, ac mae'n llawer, llawer anoddach perswadio pobl i deimlo’r un— [Torri ar draws.] Gwnaf. Gwnaf, wrth gwrs.
Thank you very much, Cabinet Secretary. I absolutely accept the premise that you've just outlined but this is why we have to look at some way of getting some pump-priming. Because if we can actually get those local community services to work and work well—places like Argyle Street; I'm sure it's replicated across Wales—then the public will have much more confidence that they do not need to scurry off to a hospital every time they have a problem.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rwy’n derbyn yn llwyr y dybiaeth yr ydych chi newydd ei hamlinellu, ond dyna pam mae’n rhaid inni edrych ar ryw ffordd o gael arian sefydlu. Oherwydd os gallwn sicrhau bod y gwasanaethau cymunedol lleol hynny’n gweithio ac yn gweithio'n dda—lleoedd fel Stryd Argyle; rwy’n siŵr bod enghreifftiau eraill ledled Cymru—bydd gan y cyhoedd lawer mwy o ffydd nad oes angen iddyn nhw ruthro i'r ysbyty bob tro y mae ganddyn nhw broblem.
Well, I don't disagree with that, Llywydd, where we're able to do that. I didn't disagree with what Mark Isherwood said about the need to make sure we position the citizen as a partner in that process, making sure that we work with citizens in the process of change. It is more difficult to do, we know, in practice than it is to say.
So, on those two big points, Llywydd, you can see that there is a difference of views across the Chamber. In the agreement that we have with Plaid Cymru, let me be clear: I don't regard this as a short-term deal in the way that Nick Ramsay said. I regard it as a significant agreement going on over two years in which we don't agree about everything—of course we don't—but there is a common set of purposes.
Wel, ni wnaf anghytuno â hynny, Llywydd, pan allwn ni wneud hynny. Doeddwn i ddim yn anghytuno â’r hyn a ddywedodd Mark Isherwood am yr angen i wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn gwneud y dinesydd yn bartner yn y broses honno, a gwneud yn siŵr ein bod yn gweithio gyda dinasyddion yn y broses o newid. Mae'n anoddach gwneud hynny, rydym yn gwybod, yn ymarferol yn hytrach na'i ddweud.
Felly, ar y ddau bwynt mawr hynny, Llywydd, gallwch weld bod gwahaniaeth barn ar draws y Siambr. Yn y cytundeb sydd gennym â Phlaid Cymru, gadewch imi fod yn glir: dydw i ddim yn gweld hyn fel cytundeb tymor byr fel y dywedodd Nick Ramsay. Rwy’n ei weld fel cytundeb sylweddol sy’n para am dros ddwy flynedd lle nad ydym yn cytuno ynghylch popeth—wrth gwrs nad ydym ni—ond mae yna gyfres gyffredin o ddibenion.
When I'm talking about the longer term, I am thinking about longer than two years and I know that in your heart of hearts as well, Cabinet Secretary, you would ideally like to think longer than two years as well but your hands have been tied by this deal you've had to make. And I'm sorry you don't like my amendment, but I always was a Star Trek fan so I like to split the odd infinitive.
Wrth sôn am y tymor hwy, rwy’n golygu mwy na dwy flynedd, ac rwy’n gwybod y byddech chithau, a dweud y gwir, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn ddelfrydol, yn hoffi meddwl am gyfnod hwy na dwy flynedd hefyd ond mae eich dwylo wedi'u clymu gan y fargen hon yr ydych chi wedi gorfod ei tharo. Ac mae'n ddrwg gennyf nad ydych chi'n hoffi fy ngwelliant, ond rwy’n ddilynwr Star Trek erioed felly rwy'n hoff o hollti ambell i ferfenw.
Well, you have boldly gone, once again, in laying your amendment, I know. Llywydd, my hands are tied, not by doing a two-year deal with Plaid Cymru but by the fact that we do not have a comprehensive spending review from his Government, so I don't have a budget for the Welsh Government for more than two years ahead. That is what's making me unable to do anything beyond that.
There was a series, Llywydd, of very specific things raised in the debate. Mike Hedges, I know, is an enthusiast for the SHEP programme and what we're able to do with the £0.5 million we've set aside in each year of the budget to help families during the school holidays. I hope we can do more. I hope we can do more in Swansea.
Can I just clear up one point that's been raised by a number of Members and then I will finish, Chair, and that's Supporting People? Because I know there have been concerns about it. Let me just read out to you two sentences from a letter sent by my colleague, Rebecca Evans, to Bethan Jenkins in clearing up this matter. First of all, the Minister makes it clear that no decisions have been taken as yet as to whether an early intervention and prevention grant will be created in 2019-20. The Minister awaits the evidence from the work that is already going on before coming to that conclusion. When she does come to make determinations there, she says in the letter, regardless of that work, 'I would like to reiterate that, as a result of a budget agreement reached with Plaid Cymru, there will be no cuts available in funding for the Supporting People grant in either 2018-19 or 2019-20', and I hope that those Members who have had anxieties this afternoon will take comfort from that very clear statement.
Wel, rydych chi wedi mynd ati’n fentrus, unwaith eto, wrth osod eich gwelliant, mi wn. Llywydd, mae fy nwylo wedi’u clymu, nid oherwydd ein cytundeb dwy flynedd gyda Phlaid Cymru ond oherwydd y ffaith nad oes gennym adolygiad cynhwysfawr o wariant gan ei Lywodraeth ef, felly does gen i ddim cyllideb ar gyfer Llywodraeth Cymru am fwy na dwy flynedd ymlaen. Dyna pam nad wyf yn gallu gwneud dim byd y tu hwnt i hynny.
Cafodd cyfres, Llywydd, o bethau penodol iawn eu codi yn y ddadl. Rwy’n gwybod bod Mike Hedges yn frwd dros y rhaglen SHEP a’r hyn yr ydym ni'n gallu ei wneud gyda’r £0.5 miliwn yr ydym ni wedi ei neilltuo ym mhob blwyddyn o'r gyllideb i helpu teuluoedd yn ystod gwyliau'r ysgol. Rwy’n gobeithio y gallwn ni wneud mwy. Rwy’n gobeithio y gallwn ni wneud mwy yn Abertawe.
A gaf i egluro un pwynt sydd wedi'i godi gan nifer o Aelodau ac yna byddaf yn gorffen, Cadeirydd, sef Cefnogi Pobl? Oherwydd rwy’n gwybod y bu pryderon amdano. Gadewch imi ddarllen dwy frawddeg ichi o lythyr a anfonwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod, Rebecca Evans, at Bethan Jenkins i egluro’r mater hwn. Yn gyntaf oll, mae'r Gweinidog yn nodi'n glir nad oes dim penderfyniadau wedi'u gwneud hyd yma ynghylch creu grant ymyrraeth gynnar ac atal yn 2019-20. Mae'r Gweinidog yn disgwyl am y dystiolaeth o'r gwaith sy'n mynd rhagddo eisoes cyn dod i'r casgliad hwnnw. Pan fydd hi’n gwneud penderfyniadau ar hynny, meddai yn y llythyr, waeth beth fo'r gwaith hwnnw, 'hoffwn ailadrodd, o ganlyniad i gytundeb cyllideb a drefnwyd â Phlaid Cymru, na fydd toriadau cyllid ar gael ar gyfer y grant Cefnogi Pobl yn 2018-19 nac yn 2019-20’, ac rwy’n gobeithio y bydd yr Aelodau hynny sydd wedi teimlo pryderon y prynhawn yma yn cymryd cysur yn y datganiad clir iawn hwnnw.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn gwelliant 1? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Gohiriaf y bleidlais felly ar yr eitem yma tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
The proposal is to agree amendment 1. Does any Member object? [Objection.] I will defer voting under this item until voting time.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Detholwyd y gwelliannau canlynol: gwelliannau 1, 2, 3, 4 a 6 yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth, a gwelliant 5 yn enw Paul Davies.
The following amendments have been selected: amendments 1, 2, 3, 4 and 6 in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth, and amendment 5 in the name of Paul Davies.
Dyma ni'n cyrraedd yr eitem ar y ddadl ar ansawdd aer. Rwy'n galw ar Weinidog yr Amgylchedd i wneud y cynnig—Hannah Blythyn.
We now move on to the debate on air quality and I call on the Minister for the Environment to move the motion—Hannah Blythyn.
Cynnig NDM6602 Julie James
Cefnogwyd gan Jayne Bryant
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru:
1. Yn cydnabod yr angen am gymryd camau brys, gan gynnwys gweithio ar draws pob adran o Lywodraeth Cymru, i fynd i’r afael ag ansawdd aer gwael sy’n effeithio ar iechyd pobl ac amgylchedd naturiol Cymru
2. Yn cefnogi datblygu cynllun aer glân i Gymru i sicrhau mwy o welliannau na’r lleiafswm cyfreithiol ar gyfer ein holl ddinasyddion, gan gynnwys:
a) llunio fframwaith parth aer glân i sicrhau bod y parthau aer glân yn cael eu cynnal yn gyson ac effeithlon gan yr awdurdodau lleol, lle’r bo’r angen;
b) gwella’r ffordd y mae’r awdurdodau lleol yn adrodd ar faterion sy’n ymwneud ag ansawdd aer yn eu rhanbarthau, a’r ffordd y maent yn mynd i’r afael â nhw;
c) sefydlu canolfan asesu a monitro ansawdd aer Cymru, ar gyfer cynghori llywodraethau lleol a chenedlaethol ar faint o ansawdd aer gwael sydd ac ar effeithiolrwydd camau gweithredu, nawr ac yn y dyfodol;
d) sefydlu ymgyrch barhaus sy’n ymwneud ag ansawdd aer ac ymyriadau eraill i godi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o ansawdd aer gwael ac i newid ymddygiad.
3. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i wireddu ei hymrwymiad i gael gwared ar geir a faniau diesel a phetrol erbyn 2040 drwy osod cerrig milltir penodol i’w cyrraedd cyn y dyddiad hwnnw, gan gyflymu’r newid i system drafnidiaeth dim allyriadau yn y DU a chan sicrhau canlyniadau iechyd y cyhoedd yn gynharach.
Motion NDM6602 Julie James
Supported by Jayne Bryant
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales:
1. Acknowledges the urgent need for action, including work across all parts of the Welsh Government, to tackle poor air quality affecting human health and the natural environment in Wales.
2. Supports the development of a clean air plan for Wales to deliver improvements over and above legal compliance for all our citizens, including through:
a) a clean air zone framework to ensure the consistent and effective implementation of clean air zones by local authorities, wherever they are needed;
b) improvements to local authority reporting on air quality issues in their areas and their plans to deal with them;
c) the establishment of a national air quality assessment and monitoring centre for Wales, to advise local and national government on the extent of poor air quality and the effectiveness of current and future actions;
d) the delivery of an on-going air quality campaign and other interventions to raise public awareness of poor air quality and to change behaviour.
3. Calls on the UK Government to back up its stated commitment of phasing out new petrol and diesel cars and vans by 2040 with a concrete set of milestones to be achieved ahead of that date, accelerating the transition to zero emission road transport in the UK, and bringing forward the associated public health outcomes.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch, Llywydd. Improving air quality is a key priority in the Welsh Government's national strategy, 'Prosperity for All', and it is likewise a key portfolio priority for me. Taking steps to improve our air quality contributes significantly to the majority of the well-being goals in our future generations legislation and I'm firmly committed to taking forward action in this area. The need for urgent action is not just about compliance with the law, it's essential and the right thing to do for the health and well-being of our people and communities. There is not one single solution to the challenge, but there is a collective responsibility on all of us and a role for Government across the piece—local, UK and here in Wales. I hope to use today's debate to take forward the discussion on the cross-Government actions needed to improve the quality of our air in Wales.
Diolch, Llywydd. Mae gwella ansawdd yr aer yn flaenoriaeth allweddol yn strategaeth genedlaethol Llywodraeth Cymru, 'Ffyniant i Bawb', ac yn yr un modd mae'n flaenoriaeth portffolio allweddol i mi. Mae cymryd camau i wella ansawdd yr aer yn cyfrannu'n sylweddol at y rhan fwyaf o'r nodau llesiant yn ein deddfwriaeth cenedlaethau'r dyfodol ac rwyf wedi ymrwymo'n gadarn i weithredu yn y maes hwn. Nid dim ond mater o gydymffurfio â’r gyfraith yw’r angen am weithredu brys; mae'n hollbwysig a dyna’r peth iawn i'w wneud o ran iechyd a lles ein pobl a'n cymunedau. Does dim un ateb syml i'r her, ond mae gan bob un ohonom gyfrifoldeb ar y cyd ac mae gan y Llywodraeth ar bob lefel ran i’w chwarae—yn lleol, yn y DU ac yma yng Nghymru. Rwy’n gobeithio defnyddio dadl heddiw i ddatblygu'r drafodaeth am y camau gweithredu traws-lywodraethol sydd eu hangen i wella ansawdd yr aer yng Nghymru.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer took the Chair.
Today, we do have cleaner air in Wales than in decades past, but as always, we know there is more for us to do. My aim is for us to be a leader in delivering innovative and effective solutions to tackle air pollution, achieving clean air for all. I'm therefore taking immediate action, through a comprehensive cross-Government programme of work, to improve air quality in Wales. This will include the development and publication of a clean air plan for Wales in 2018. The plan will include improvements to local authority reporting on air quality problems and their plans to deal with them, a clean air zone framework for Wales to ensure consistent and effective establishment of clean air zones by local authorities wherever they are needed, the establishment of a national air quality assessment and monitoring centre for Wales, and the delivery of ongoing cross-Government communications and interventions to raise public awareness of poor air quality.
The clean air zone framework will set out our principles for the operation of clean air zones in Wales and our expectations in terms of how they should be established and what they should deliver, with a clear focus on health outcomes. A clean air zone is an area where targeted action is taken to improve air quality. They aim to reduce all types of air pollution, including nitrogen dioxide and particulate matter. The zones are area-specific, so what works in one city or place may not necessarily have the same impact or effectiveness elsewhere. As well as ensuring consistent and effective implementation, the framework will help to make sure that businesses and members of the public have a clear expectation of what a zone is and how they may be affected by one.
In addition, our development of improvements to local authority air quality reporting arrangements will free up their time to focus on the actions needed to deal with the problems they identify. My officials are currently engaging with key stakeholders to design and establish a national air quality assessment and monitoring centre. The centre will be a major step to securing the live information and evidence needed for timely, coherent and effective decision making on air quality matters at both the local and the national Government levels. This centre will provide a continuous focus on achieving compliance with legal limits and specific hotspots, whilst reducing exposure to pollution more widely, and will help target actions to achieve the greatest benefits in terms of public health and well-being.
My officials will also be working closely with colleagues from across the rest of Welsh Government to co-design and deliver sustained and well co-ordinated action to raise public awareness of air pollution and its effects on health. The aim will be to help citizens minimise their emissions and their own exposure to pollution. As part of this work, I can today announce the relaunch of our Air Quality in Wales website later this month. The reinvigorated site will contain improved air quality forecasting capability, new sections for schools and health advice. A new pollution route planner will shortly be added to the site to guide healthier travel across urban centres.
In July this year, in order to tackle air pollution, the UK Government committed to ending the sale of all new conventional petrol and diesel cars and vans by 2040. This is a necessary and positive step to achieving our ambitions, but 2040 remains a long way off, so I'd ask everyone in this place to join together in supporting and calling on the UK Government to develop, with our support and collaboration, clear timescales for a progressive transition to zero-emission road transport.
Today, I'd also like to draw attention to other work being done to achieve what we all want to see to take us forward to the ambitions of a clean air plan for cleaner air in Wales. Regulations have been laid in the Assembly requiring public service boards to take local authorities' air quality progress reports into account when putting together assessments of local well-being. This now paves the way for more collaborative work on air quality between public bodies. Work is under way with environmental health officers and local authorities to strengthen the air quality and soundscape provisions in 'Planning Policy Wales', and my department is making funding available for the single revenue grant for local authorities to support local action on air quality. In addition, our new national noise action plan, due next year, will further integrate noise and air quality policy in Wales.
We can be clear that it is not enough to develop a plan for air quality in a single silo. I want to see air quality embedded in policies on planning, infrastructure, transport, active travel and public health. We must tackle poor air quality from each and every angle, from national and local plans and transport measures to urban design and the well-planned planting of trees and hedgerows. We can, of course, look to strengthen legislative and regulatory measures, and I'm fully prepared to examine strong cases for doing so. A large part of the challenge we face with our air quality can be attributed to transport emissions, but certain types of energy generation and industrial processes, farming and other business practices, and some of the ways in which people heat their homes, are all contributing factors. These are all areas that need to be addressed by concerted and collective effort across Government and using all the tools at our disposal.
Air pollution very often originates in the same activities that are contributing to climate change. So, our efforts to tackle both must be fully integrated, and decarbonisation in respect of power generation and large-scale industries will therefore play a pivotal part in contributing to cleaner air in Wales. The onus is on all of us in Wales to take action and help to make real and lasting improvements to the quality of the air that we all breathe. With a real will and commitment to work together, we can realise these improvements and the opportunities they provide for a healthier, more prosperous and more equal Wales. I look forward to hearing Members' views this afternoon on where we are, where we should be going, and what more they would like to see on air quality during the remainder of this term. Diolch yn fawr.
Heddiw, mae gennym ni aer glanach yng Nghymru nag yn y degawdau diwethaf, ond fel bob amser, rydym ni'n gwybod bod mwy inni ei wneud. Fy nod yw i ni fod yn arweinydd wrth ddarparu atebion arloesol ac effeithiol i fynd i'r afael â llygredd aer, gan sicrhau aer glân i bawb. Rwyf felly'n cymryd camau ar unwaith, drwy raglen waith traws-Lywodraethol gynhwysfawr, i wella ansawdd yr aer yng Nghymru. Bydd hyn yn cynnwys datblygu a chyhoeddi cynllun aer glân ar gyfer Cymru yn 2018. Bydd y cynllun yn cynnwys gwelliannau i brosesau adrodd awdurdodau lleol ar broblemau ansawdd yr aer a'u cynlluniau i ymdrin â nhw, fframwaith parth aer glân ar gyfer Cymru i sicrhau sefydlu parthau aer glân yn gyson ac yn effeithiol gan awdurdodau lleol, lle bynnag y mae eu hangen, sefydlu canolfan asesu a monitro ansawdd yr aer genedlaethol ar gyfer Cymru, a chyflawni cyfathrebu ac ymyraethau traws-Lywodraethol parhaus i godi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o ansawdd aer gwael.
Bydd y fframwaith parthau aer glân yn nodi ein hegwyddorion ar gyfer gweithredu parthau aer glân yng Nghymru a'n disgwyliadau o ran sut y dylid eu sefydlu a beth y dylent ei gyflawni, gyda phwyslais clir ar ganlyniadau iechyd. Parth aer glân yw ardal lle y cymerir camau gweithredu wedi'u targedu i wella ansawdd yr aer. Y nod yw lleihau pob math o lygredd aer, gan gynnwys nitrogen deuocsid a gronynnau. Mae'r parthau yn benodol i ardal, felly ni fydd yr hyn sy'n gweithio mewn un ddinas neu le o reidrwydd yn cael yr un effaith neu effeithiolrwydd mewn mannau eraill. Yn ogystal â sicrhau gweithredu cyson ac effeithiol, bydd y fframwaith yn helpu i wneud yn siŵr bod disgwyliad clir gan fusnesau ac aelodau o'r cyhoedd o beth yw parth a sut y gallai effeithio arnyn nhw.
Yn ogystal â hyn, bydd datblygu gwelliannau i drefniadau adrodd ar ansawdd aer awdurdodau lleol yn rhyddhau eu hamser i ganolbwyntio ar y camau sydd eu hangen i ymdrin â'r problemau y maen nhw'n eu nodi. Ar hyn o bryd, mae fy swyddogion yn gweithio gyda rhanddeiliaid allweddol i gynllunio a sefydlu canolfan genedlaethol i asesu a monitro ansawdd yr aer. Bydd y ganolfan yn gam pwysig i sicrhau'r wybodaeth fyw a'r dystiolaeth sydd ei hangen ar gyfer gwneud penderfyniadau prydlon, cydlynol ac effeithiol ar faterion ansawdd aer ar lefel leol ac ar lefel Llywodraeth genedlaethol. Bydd y ganolfan hon yn rhoi pwyslais parhaus ar sicrhau cydymffurfiad â therfynau cyfreithiol ac ardaloedd penodol lle ceir problemau, gan leihau amlygiad i lygredd yn fwy eang, a bydd yn helpu i dargedu camau gweithredu er mwyn sicrhau'r manteision mwyaf o ran iechyd a lles y cyhoedd .
Bydd fy swyddogion hefyd yn gweithio'n agos gyda chydweithwyr ar draws gweddill Llywodraeth Cymru i gydgynllunio a chyflwyno camau cyson wedi'u cydgysylltu'n dda i godi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o lygredd aer a'i effeithiau ar iechyd. Y nod fydd helpu dinasyddion i leihau eu hallyriadau a'u hamlygiad eu hunain i lygredd. Yn rhan o'r gwaith hwn, gallaf gyhoeddi heddiw ail-lansio ein gwefan Ansawdd Aer yng Nghymru yn ddiweddarach y mis hwn. Bydd y wefan ar ei newydd wedd yn cynnwys gwell gallu i ragweld ansawdd aer, adrannau newydd ar gyfer ysgolion a chyngor iechyd. Bydd cynlluniwr llwybr llygredd newydd yn cael ei ychwanegu at y wefan cyn bo hir i lywio teithio iachach ar draws canolfannau trefol.
Ym mis Gorffennaf eleni, er mwyn mynd i'r afael â llygredd aer, ymrwymodd Llywodraeth y DU i roi terfyn ar werthu pob car a fan petrol a diesel confensiynol newydd erbyn 2040. Mae hwn yn gam angenrheidiol a chadarnhaol i gyflawni ein dyheadau, ond mae 2040 yn parhau i fod ymhell i ffwrdd, felly rwyf yn gofyn i bawb yn y lle hwn ymuno gyda'i gilydd i gefnogi a galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i ddatblygu, gyda'n cefnogaeth a'n cydweithrediad ni, amserlenni clir ar gyfer pontio blaengar i drafnidiaeth ffyrdd di-allyriadau.
Heddiw, hoffwn dynnu sylw at waith arall sy'n cael ei wneud i gyflawni'r hyn yr hoffem ni ei weld yn ein symud ymlaen at uchelgeisiau cynllun aer glân ar gyfer aer glanach yng Nghymru. Mae rheoliadau wedi'u gosod yn y Cynulliad sy'n ei gwneud yn ofynnol i fyrddau gwasanaeth cyhoeddus ystyried adroddiadau ar gynnydd ansawdd aer gan awdurdodau lleol wrth lunio'r asesiadau llesiant lleol. Mae hyn bellach yn paratoi'r ffordd ar gyfer rhagor o waith cydweithredol ar ansawdd aer rhwng cyrff cyhoeddus. Mae gwaith yn mynd rhagddo gyda swyddogion iechyd yr amgylchedd ac awdurdodau lleol i gryfhau'r darpariaethau ansawdd aer a seinwedd yn 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru', ac mae fy adran i'n sicrhau bod arian ar gael ar gyfer grant refeniw sengl i awdurdodau lleol i gefnogi camau gweithredu lleol ar ansawdd aer. Yn ogystal â hyn, bydd ein cynllun gweithredu cenedlaethol newydd ar sŵn, a fydd yn dod y flwyddyn nesaf, yn integreiddio polisïau ansawdd aer a sŵn yng Nghymru ymhellach.
Mae'n amlwg nad yw'n ddigon i ddatblygu cynllun ar gyfer ansawdd aer mewn un maes yn unig. Rwyf i'n dymuno gweld ansawdd aer yn dod yn rhan annatod o bolisïau cynllunio, seilwaith, trafnidiaeth, teithio llesol ac iechyd y cyhoedd. Mae'n rhaid inni fynd i'r afael ag ansawdd aer gwael o bob cyfeiriad, o'r cynlluniau cenedlaethol a lleol a chamau trafnidiaeth i gynllunio trefol a phlannu coed a gwrychoedd mewn modd sydd wedi'i gynllunio'n dda. Fe allwn ni, wrth gwrs, geisio cryfhau'r mesurau deddfwriaethol a rheoliadol, ac rwy'n hollol barod i archwilio achosion cryf dros wneud hynny. Gellir priodoli rhan fawr o'r her a wynebwn gydag ansawdd ein haer i allyriadau trafnidiaeth, ond mae rhai mathau o gynhyrchu ynni a phrosesau diwydiannol, ffermio ac arferion busnes eraill, a rhai o'r ffyrdd y mae pobl yn eu defnyddio i wresogi eu cartrefi, i gyd yn ffactorau cyfrannol. Mae'r rhain i gyd yn feysydd y mae angen mynd i'r afael â nhw drwy ymdrech ar y cyd ar draws y Llywodraeth gan ddefnyddio'r holl arfau sydd gennym.
Mae llygredd aer yn aml iawn yn tarddu o'r un gweithgareddau ag sy'n cyfrannu at newid yn yr hinsawdd. Felly, mae'n rhaid i'n hymdrechion fynd i'r afael â'r ddau fod wedi'u hintegreiddio'n llwyr, ac felly bydd datgarboneiddio yn gysylltiedig â chynhyrchu pŵer a diwydiannau mawr yn chwarae rhan allweddol wrth gyfrannu at aer glanach yng Nghymru. Mae cyfrifoldeb ar bob un ohonom ni yng Nghymru i weithredu ac i helpu i wneud gwelliannau gwirioneddol a pharhaol i ansawdd yr aer yr ydym ni i gyd yn ei anadlu. Gydag ewyllys ac ymrwymiad gwirioneddol i weithio gyda'n gilydd, gallwn wireddu'r gwelliannau hyn a'r cyfleoedd y maen nhw'n eu darparu ar gyfer Cymru iachach, mwy llewyrchus a mwy cyfartal. Edrychaf ymlaen at glywed barn yr Aelodau y prynhawn yma ynghylch ble'r ydym ni, ble dylem ni fod yn mynd, a beth arall y bydden nhw'n hoffi eu gweld o ran ansawdd aer yn ystod gweddill y tymor hwn. Diolch yn fawr.
Thank you. I have selected the six amendments to the motion, and I call on Simon Thomas to move amendments 1, 2, 3, 4 and 6, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth. Simon.
Diolch. Rwyf wedi dethol y chwe gwelliant i'r cynnig, ac rwy'n galw ar Simon Thomas i gynnig gwelliannau 1, 2, 3, 4 a 6, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth. Simon.
Gwelliant 1 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ôl pwynt 1 ac ailrifo yn unol â hynny:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i drin llygredd aer fel mater iechyd y cyhoedd.
Gwelliant 2 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ôl pwynt 1 ac ailrifo yn unol â hynny:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi strategaeth genedlaethol ar lygredd aer.
Gwelliant 3 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ôl pwynt 2 ac ailrifo yn unol â hynny:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi canllawiau i fyrddau iechyd lleol ar hysbysu trigolion ynghylch lefelau llygredd aer.
Gwelliant 4 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ôl pwynt 2 ac ailrifo yn unol â hynny:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi canllawiau i awdurdodau lleol ar sut y dylid monitro ansawdd aer y tu allan i ysgolion ac ar lwybrau teithio llesol.
Gwelliant 6 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Ychwanegu pwynt newydd ar ddiwedd y cynnig:
Yn cydnabod yr angen i ddatgarboneiddio'r sector trafnidiaeth ac yn croesawu'r ddarpariaeth o £2 miliwn tuag at drydanu cerbydau trydan o ganlyniad i'r cytundeb rhwng Plaid Cymru a Llywodraeth Cymru ar y gyllideb.
Amendment 1 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Insert as new point after point 1 and renumber accordingly:
Calls upon the Welsh Government to treat air pollution as a public health issue.
Amendment 2 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Insert as new point after point 1 and renumber accordingly:
Calls upon the Welsh Government to publish a national air pollution strategy.
Amendment 3 Rhun ap IorwerthYnys Môn
Insert as new point after point 2 and renumber accordingly:
Calls upon the Welsh Government to issue guidance to local health boards on alerting residents of air pollution levels.
Amendment 4 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Insert as new point after point 2 and renumber accordingly:
Calls upon the Welsh Government to issue guidance to local authorities on how they should monitor air quality outside schools and on active travel routes.
Amendment 6 Rhun ap Iorwerth
Add as new point at end of motion:
Recognises the need to decarbonise the transport sector and welcomes the provision of £2 million towards electric vehicle charging as a result of Plaid Cymru’s budget agreement with the Welsh Government.
Cynigiwyd gwelliannau 1, 2, 3, 4 a 6.
Amendments 1, 2, 3, 4 and 6 moved.
Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Nid yw Plaid Cymru, wrth gynnig y gwelliannau hyn, yn gwrthwynebu'r cynnig gwreiddiol, na chwaith y rhan fwyaf o gynnwys Gweinidog yr Amgylchedd yn ei haraith gyntaf, rydw i'n meddwl, yn y Siambr o dan ei dyletswyddau newydd. Ond beth rydym ni'n ceisio ei wneud yw rhoi ffocws ar lle'r ydym ni'n credu bod angen gweithredu ar frys er mwyn mynd i'r afael â'r broblem iechyd cyhoeddus hon.
Mae ein gwelliannau ni yn ffocysu ar yr angen i symud oedd wrth gynllun i rywbeth llawer mwy statudol, lle mae yna oblygiadau a dyletswyddau statudol ar gyrff cyhoeddus i fonitro a gweithredu ar lygredd awyr. Gan ein bod ni'n rhannu hen anrhegion Nadolig o'r llynedd, nid wyf i'n mynd i ymddiheuro bod y cynigion hyn yn seiliedig ar y gwelliannau gwnaethom ni drio eu gwneud fel Plaid Cymru i'r Bil iechyd cyhoeddus ryw chwe mis yn ôl. Rydym ni'n aildwymo'r cawl yna achos rydym ni'n meddwl ei fod e'n berthnasol ac angen ei weithredu arno fe.
Ac er fy mod i'n cytuno â'r rhan fwyaf o beth ddywedodd y Gweinidog yn ei sylwadau agoriadol, ni wnaeth hi sôn am y ffaith bod Llywodraeth Cymru, yn ogystal â Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Gyfunol, yn wynebu achos llys nawr gan ClientEarth am fethiannau o ran darparu awyr glân yng Nghymru. Er bod yna ryw ymgais yn yr hyn roedd y Gweinidog yn ei ddweud i fwrw bai ar San Steffan, mae'r maes yma wedi ei ddatganoli yn llwyr, ac mae'r gallu i fynd i'r afael â llygredd awyr yn nwylo Llywodraeth Cymru.
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. Plaid Cymru, in moving these amendments, isn’t opposing the original motion or most of what the Minister for Environment said in what I think is her first speech in the Chamber, given her new duties. But what we are trying to do is to put a focus on where we believe action is needed urgently in order to tackle the public health problem that is air pollution.
Our amendments focus on the need to move away from a plan to a far more statutory approach, where there are statutory duties on public bodies to monitor and take action on air pollution. I make no apologies, as we are sharing Christmas presents from last year, that these proposals are based on the amendments that we as Plaid Cymru sought to make to the public health Bill six months ago. We are rehearsing those issues again because we think it’s relevant and needs action.
And though I agree with most of what the Minister said in her opening remarks, she didn’t mention the fact that the Welsh Government, as well as the UK Government, is facing a court case as we speak by ClientEarth for failings in providing clean air in Wales. Although there is some attempt in what the Minister said to cast blame on Westminster, this is an entirely devolved area, and the capacity to tackle air pollution is in the hands of the Welsh Government.
So, I think, in really taking this seriously, we need to move from a world of plans and a world of ambitions to one of actual statutory delivery and one where we can hold the Government to account. There's no doubt that air pollution is all the environmental problems that have been described, but it's also a real public health problem. It's the second cause of premature death in Wales. It's second only to smoking, which you could say is an air pollution problem of its own, so it's linked. But it's really problematic for children and elderly people with pre-existing chronic illnesses.
It's a social justice issue, and this is something that I think we should take very seriously here. The impact is greatest in the most deprived areas. The richest people in Wales don't live in the areas with air quality problems. They live near open areas with trees and parks and some natural scrubbing, as it were, going on. The 10 per cent most deprived areas, for example, have five times higher levels of carcinogenic air pollution. It's a very clear public health and social justice issue. If we look at those towns and cities, and, famously, Hafod-yr-Ynys Road in Crumlin in Caerphilly, which is one of the UK's most polluted roads, let alone Wales, we see very clearly the association of air quality problems with deprived communities and with communities that are struggling economically as well. So, people are not able to move out of those communities and make their own choices.
I think, in dealing with this, we don't only want to hear what the Minister set out; we want to hear more about what actual targets will be set and what statutory monitoring will be done. I was glad that the Minister mentioned trees and shrubs, but I think we need to hear a little bit more about a specific plan to plant trees—the right kind of trees, because it does actually depend which kind of trees you plant in which areas, as I understand it—to ensure that we have a natural way of trying to clean up our air. But we also need to have a greater emphasis, yes, on the problems created by the transport infrastructure we have, but on the opportunities, as well, to decarbonise that in the most simple way possible, which is to make it easier to walk and cycle—just to make it easier to get around.
Sustrans—[Interruption.] I heard a 'Hear, hear' from a previous Sustrans person there, I think. Sustrans, only in the last couple of weeks, did an examination of the walking and cycling plans for England and Scotland—I couldn't find the one for Wales; I don't know if they did it for Wales or not, but they certainly did it for England and Scotland—that said just if the plans were implemented, not asking for more than the two Governments have said they're going to do anyway, it would reduce deaths from air pollution by more than 13,000 in those two countries over the next 10 years and would save nearly £10 billion. So, we really need to integrate air pollution measures—and clean air measures, to be more positive—into the way we structure our transport system, into the way we build our schools, and where we build our schools. We need, as a temporary measure, certainly, to have a statutory responsibility to monitor air quality outside our schools, because children exposed to severe air pollution are five times more likely to have poor lung development and increased susceptibility to infection.
So, all this, to me, means that air pollution has not had the attention that it deserves from Government to date, and from ourselves as Assembly Members. That's changed over the last year or so. We've started to talk about it more; we've started to take it more seriously. I welcome the fact that the Government is moving towards an action plan, but I don't think we'll address this fully until we put it on our statute book and have a real statutory approach to clean air in Wales.
Felly, rwy'n credu, wrth gymryd hyn wir o ddifrif, bod angen inni symud o fyd o gynlluniau a byd o uchelgais i un o gyflawni statudol gwirioneddol ac un lle y gallwn ddwyn y Llywodraeth i gyfrif. Nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth mai llygredd aer yw pob un o'r problemau amgylcheddol sydd wedi'u disgrifio, ond mae hefyd yn broblem iechyd cyhoeddus wirioneddol. Hwn yw'r ail achos o farwolaeth gynamserol yng Nghymru. Yn ail dim ond i ysmygu, y gallech chi ddweud ei fod yn broblem llygredd aer ei hun, felly maen nhw'n gysylltiedig. Ond mae'n achosi problemau mawr i blant a phobl oedrannus sydd â salwch cronig sy'n bodoli eisoes.
Mae'n fater o gyfiawnder cymdeithasol, ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth yr wyf yn credu y dylem ni wir ei ystyried o ddifrif yn y fan yma. Mae'r effaith fwyaf i'w gweld yn yr ardaloedd mwyaf difreintiedig. Nid yw'r bobl gyfoethocaf yng Nghymru yn byw mewn ardaloedd â phroblemau ansawdd aer. Maen nhw'n byw yn agos i fannau agored gyda choed a pharciau gyda rhywfaint o brysgwydd naturiol, fel petai. Er enghraifft, mae 10 y cant o'r ardaloedd mwyaf difreintiedig â lefelau pum gwaith yn uwch o lygredd aer carsinogenig. Mae'n amlwg iawn yn fater iechyd y cyhoedd ac yn fater cyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Os edrychwn ni ar y trefi a'r dinasoedd hynny, ac, yn enwog, ffordd Hafod-yr-Ynys yng Nghrymlyn yng Nghaerffili, sydd yn un o'r ffyrdd mwyaf llygredig yn y DU, heb sôn am Gymru, rydym ni'n gweld yn glir iawn y cysylltiad rhwng problemau ansawdd aer a chymunedau difreintiedig a chymunedau sy'n cael trafferth i ymdopi yn economaidd hefyd. Felly, nid yw pobl yn gallu symud allan o'r cymunedau hynny a gwneud eu dewisiadau eu hunain.
Rwy'n credu, wrth ymdrin â hyn, nad ydym ni ddim ond eisiau clywed yr hyn y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'i nodi; rydym ni eisiau clywed mwy am ba dargedau yn union a gaiff eu pennu a pha waith monitro statudol fydd yn cael ei wneud. Roeddwn i'n falch bod y Gweinidog wedi sôn am goed a llwyni, ond rwy'n credu bod angen inni glywed ychydig mwy am gynllun penodol i blannu coed—y math iawn o goed, oherwydd mewn gwirionedd mae'n dibynnu pa fath o goed yr ydych chi'n eu plannu ym mha ardaloedd, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf—i sicrhau bod gennym ni ffordd naturiol o geisio glanhau ein haer. Ond mae angen inni hefyd gael mwy o bwyslais, ie, ar y problemau a grëwyd gan y seilwaith trafnidiaeth sydd gennym, ond ar y cyfleoedd hefyd i ddatgarboneiddio hynny yn y ffordd symlaf bosibl, sef ei gwneud yn haws i gerdded a beicio—dim ond ei gwneud yn haws i fynd o gwmpas.
Mae Sustrans—[torri ar draws.] Clywais 'Clywch, clywch' gan gyn berson Sustrans yn y fan yna, rwy'n credu. Mae Sustrans, dim ond yn yr ychydig wythnosau diwethaf, wedi archwilio'r cynlluniau cerdded a beicio ar gyfer Lloegr a'r Alban—ni allwn ddod o hyd i'r un ar gyfer Cymru; Dydw i ddim yn gwybod os gwnaethon nhw un ar gyfer Cymru ai peidio, ond yn sicr fe wnaethon nhw un ar gyfer yr Alban a Lloegr—a oedd yn dweud, dim ond pe byddai'r cynlluniau'n cael eu gweithredu, heb ofyn am fwy nag y mae'r ddwy lywodraeth wedi dweud eu bod yn mynd i'w wneud beth bynnag, y byddai'n lleihau marwolaethau o ganlyniad i lygredd aer gan fwy na 13,000 yn y ddwy wlad honno dros y 10 mlynedd nesaf ac y byddai'n arbed bron i £10 biliwn. Felly, mae gwir angen inni integreiddio mesurau llygredd aer—a mesurau aer glân, i fod yn fwy cadarnhaol—yn y ffordd yr ydym yn strwythuro ein system drafnidiaeth, yn y ffordd yr ydym yn adeiladu ein hysgolion, a lle'r ydym yn adeiladu ein hysgolion. Mae'n rhaid inni gael, fel mesur dros dro, yn sicr, gyfrifoldeb statudol i fonitro ansawdd yr aer y tu allan i'n hysgolion, oherwydd bod plant sy'n agored i lygredd aer difrifol bum gwaith yn fwy tebygol o fod â datblygiad ysgyfaint gwael ac yn fwy tueddol o gael heintiau.
Felly, mae hyn i gyd, i mi, yn golygu nad yw llygredd aer wedi cael y sylw y mae'n ei haeddu gan y Llywodraeth hyd yma, na gennym ninnau fel Aelodau Cynulliad. Mae hynny wedi newid dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. Rydym ni wedi dechrau siarad mwy am y peth; rydym ni wedi dechrau ei gymryd yn fwy o ddifrif. Rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith bod y Llywodraeth yn symud tuag at gynllun gweithredu, ond nid wyf yn credu y byddwn yn ymdrin â hyn yn llawn tan y byddwn wedi ei roi ar ein llyfr statud a bod gennym ymagwedd statudol wirioneddol i aer glân yng Nghymru.
Thank you. I call David Melding to move amendment 5, tabled in the name of Paul Davies.
Diolch. Galwaf ar David Melding i gynnig gwelliant 5, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies.
Gwelliant 5 Paul Davies
Dileu pwynt 3 a rhoi yn ei le:
Yn croesawu'r mesurau arloesol a hyrwyddir gan Lywodraeth y DU, fel cael gwared ar bob injan diesel a phetrol erbyn 2040—ac yn galw am fwy o gysylltiadau partneriaeth rhwng Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU ar y polisi hwn, er mwyn sicrhau'r newid i drafnidiaeth ffordd dim allyriadau yn y DU a chyflwyno'r canlyniadau cysylltiedig iechyd y cyhoedd.
Amendment 5 Paul Davies
Delete point 3 and replace with:
Welcomes the innovative measures promoted by the UK Government, such as phasing out all diesel and petrol engines by 2040—and calls for greater partnership links between the Welsh and UK Government on this policy, to ensure the transition to zero-emission road transport in the UK and bringing forward the associated public health outcomes.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 5.
Amendment 5 moved.
I move the amendment, Deputy Presiding Officer. According to Public Health Wales, ambient air quality in the UK has, on the whole, improved steadily over recent decades, mainly as a result of a reduction in industrial emissions and better regulation and technological advances in clean vehicle fuels and more efficient engines. But it's a great tragedy, really, that against that generally improving air quality, we still have real problems, and much of the gains are offset by the increasing number of road vehicles, and they're often concentrated in particularly deprived areas, as Simon has just outlined. So, I do think we need to return to this and have a targeted approach, a very local approach, and to realise how integrated it is to some of the wider factors like deprivation—and also the heath issues, which I think are very prominent, and I won't repeat them, as Simon covered that. But just to say, as well as the appalling individual costs, the societal costs estimated by DEFRA are very considerable, amounting annually to something like £27.5 billion. Particulates alone are estimated at £16 billion a year, so we clearly need to take action here very forcefully.
Can I just say that the Conservative amendment, I think, is necessary? Just because point 3 of this motion, I think, is a little grudging and unco-operative in its aim. So, I'm trying to put that right, because we do need a co-ordinated effort across parties and across Government, which, in fairness to the Minister, the tone of her speech did reflect. We would very much welcome the substantive measures such as phasing out new petrol and diesel cars and vans by 2040. We should be encouraging a greater partnership with that, ensuring it's effectively enforced, and, possibly, as public opinion perhaps becomes more forceful as well and demanding, then we may even do a bit better than those targets. So, in general, I think that we need to be reflecting the work that has been done in a very pioneering way by the UK Government. I think it's the first to announce these targets, and I do think that that's the type of vision that we should be replicating over the areas under our control.
I welcome, in general, Plaid's amendments, apart from the final amendment, which we'll abstain on because of its self-congratulatory tone, which we don't want to be particularly—[Interruption.] I thought the other amendments were quite constructive; amendment 1 just reiterating those points around the public health aspects. I particularly thought amendment 4 was helpful, in terms of air quality management around schools. If you look at the exposure of children to severe air pollution and the effects that has, it really is quite concerning. I know that a recent freedom of information request submitted by the British Lung Foundation to local authorities found that 57 per cent of them were not monitoring air pollution within 10m of schools. Now, that's a UK-wide issue—I do accept that it's not just Wales. But I think that's a very clear indicator of what we should be doing, really, to ensure that we're driving up standards and particularly protecting the most vulnerable.
Before I conclude, Deputy Presiding Officer, could I quickly speak about the role of towns and cities in these efforts? Wales's urban areas are at the front line of the fight to reduce emissions and to improve air quality. I have recognised this for a long time and called for more significant measures to address this. I am pleased that this is now much higher on the agenda. There was a Conservative minority debate on this very early in this Assembly, in the summer of 2016, because it had not been mentioned in the programme for government—air quality—and we were very concerned about that. So, we did raise the issue then. In fairness to the Welsh Government, they have devoted increasing attention to it, but I think some very pertinent points have already been made by Simon about the need to drive through targets now.
Five towns and cities in Wales—Port Talbot, Chepstow, Cardiff, Newport and Swansea—reported illegal and damaging levels of air pollution in 2016, and it's not difficult to see why and the sort of action that we do need to reduce that in terms of reduced car use and more active travel plans. The problem we have from vehicle emissions is an overriding issue, and these are responsible for about 70 per cent of airborne pollutants. I'm pleased to see a couple of statements of opinion on this, and I have put one down calling for the Welsh Government to pilot a clean air zone in Cardiff. I think that would really be useful. To date, the leading role for local authorities has been front and centre of air quality policy, but we must also recognise the need for national leadership. We've seen that from the UK Government. I think we need to see more now from Welsh Government, but they will have our co-operation when they do the right thing.
Whilst we've amended the motion, I'm sure that we will support whatever the Assembly adopts this afternoon in this important debate. Thank you.
Cynigiaf y gwelliant, Dirprwy Lywydd. Yn ôl Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru, mae ansawdd amgylchynol yr aer yn y DU ar y cyfan, wedi gwella'n gyson dros y degawdau diweddar, yn bennaf o ganlyniad i leihad mewn allyriadau diwydiannol a gwell rheoleiddio a datblygiadau technolegol mewn tanwydd cerbydau glân a pheiriannau mwy effeithlon. Ond mae'n drasiedi fawr, mewn gwirionedd, o ystyried bod ansawdd aer yn gwella ar y cyfan, bod gennym ni broblemau gwirioneddol o hyd, ac mae llawer o'r enillion yn cael eu gwrthbwyso gan y nifer gynyddol o gerbydau ar y ffyrdd, ac maen nhw yn aml yn crynhoi mewn ardaloedd difreintiedig iawn, fel y mae Simon newydd ei amlinellu. Rwy'n credu felly bod angen inni ddychwelyd at hyn a chael dull wedi'i dargedu, ymagwedd leol iawn, ac i sylweddoli pa mor integredig yw hyn â rhai o'r ffactorau ehangach fel amddifadedd—a hefyd y materion iechyd, sy'n amlwg iawn, yn fy marn i, ac ni wnaf eu hailadrodd, gan fod Simon wedi nodi hynny. Ond dim ond i ddweud, yn ogystal â'r costau unigol ofnadwy, mae'r costau cymdeithasol a amcangyfrifwyd gan DEFRA yn sylweddol iawn, sef cyfanswm bob blwyddyn o rywbeth fel £27.5 biliwn. Amcangyfrifir bod gronynnau ar eu pennau eu hunain yn £16 biliwn y flwyddyn, felly mae'n amlwg bod angen inni gymryd camau yn y fan yma mewn modd grymus iawn.
A gaf i ddweud bod gwelliant y Ceidwadwyr, yn fy marn i, yn angenrheidiol? Dim ond oherwydd bod pwynt 3 y cynnig hwn, yn fy marn i, ychydig yn anfoddog ac yn anghydweithredol o ran ei nod. Felly, rwy'n ceisio unioni hynny, oherwydd bod angen ymdrech gydgysylltiedig arnom ar draws y pleidiau ac ar draws y Llywodraeth, yr oedd, er tegwch i'r Gweinidog, tôn ei haraith yn ei adlewyrchu. Byddem yn croesawu'r prif fesurau yn fawr fel cael gwared ar geir a faniau petrol a diesel newydd yn raddol erbyn 2040. Dylem ni fod yn annog partneriaeth gyda hynny, gan sicrhau ei fod yn cael ei orfodi yn effeithiol ac, o bosibl, wrth i'r farn gyhoeddus efallai ddod yn fwy grymus hefyd a heriol, yna gallem ni hyd yn oed wneud ychydig yn well na'r targedau. Felly, yn gyffredinol, rwy'n credu bod angen inni adlewyrchu'r gwaith sydd wedi'i wneud mewn ffordd arloesol iawn gan Lywodraeth y DU. Rwy'n credu mai hi yw'r cyntaf i gyhoeddi'r targedau hyn, ac rwy'n credu mai dyna'r math o weledigaeth y dylem ni fod yn ei hailadrodd yn y meysydd sydd o dan ein rheolaeth.
Yn gyffredinol, rwy'n croesawu gwelliannau Plaid Cymru, ar wahân i'r gwelliant olaf, a byddwn ni'n ymatal ar hwnnw oherwydd ei dôn hunanglodforus, gan nad ydym yn arbennig eisiau bod felly—[torri ar draws.] Roeddwn i o'r farn bod y gwelliannau eraill yn eithaf adeiladol; gwelliant 1 yn ailadrodd y pwyntiau hynny ynghylch yr agweddau ar iechyd y cyhoedd. Roeddwn i'n meddwl yn arbennig bod gwelliant 4 yn ddefnyddiol, o ran rheoli ansawdd aer o amgylch ysgolion. Os edrychwch chi ar amlygiad plant i lygredd aer difrifol ac effeithiau hynny, mae'n codi cryn bryder. Rwy'n gwybod bod cais rhyddid gwybodaeth diweddar a gyflwynwyd gan Sefydliad Prydeinig yr Ysgyfaint i awdurdodau lleol wedi canfod nad oedd 57 y cant ohonyn nhw'n monitro llygredd aer o fewn 10m i ysgolion. Nawr, mae honno'n broblem ledled y DU—rwy'n derbyn nad dim ond yng Nghymru y mae hyn. Ond rwy'n credu bod hynny'n arwydd clir iawn o'r hyn y dylem ni fod yn ei wneud, mewn gwirionedd, i sicrhau ein bod ni'n gwella safonau ac yn amddiffyn y rhai mwyaf agored i niwed yn benodol.
Cyn imi gloi, Dirprwy Lywydd, a gaf i sôn yn gyflym am swyddogaeth trefi a dinasoedd yn yr ymdrechion hyn? Mae ardaloedd trefol Cymru yn rheng flaen y frwydr i leihau allyriadau ac i wella ansawdd aer. Rwyf wedi cydnabod hyn ers amser maith ac wedi galw am fesurau mwy sylweddol i fynd i'r afael â hyn. Rwy'n falch bod hyn yn llawer uwch ar yr agenda erbyn hyn. Roedd dadl leiafrifol Geidwadol ar hyn yn gynnar iawn yn y Cynulliad hwn, yn ystod haf 2016, gan nad oedd wedi ei grybwyll yn y rhaglen lywodraethu—ansawdd aer—ac roeddem ni'n bryderus iawn am hynny. Felly, fe wnaethom godi'r mater bryd hynny. Er tegwch i Lywodraeth Cymru, maen nhw wedi rhoi mwy o sylw iddo, ond rwy'n credu bod rhai pwyntiau perthnasol iawn sydd eisoes wedi'u gwneud gan Simon am yr angen i sefydlu targedau nawr.
Adroddodd pum tref a dinas yng Nghymru—Port Talbot, Cas-gwent, Caerdydd, Casnewydd ac Abertawe—lefelau anghyfreithlon a niweidiol o lygredd aer yn 2016, ac nid yw hi'n anodd gweld pam, a'r math o gamau y mae eu hangen arnom o ran lleihau'r defnydd o geir a mwy o gynlluniau teithio llesol. Mae'r broblem sydd gennym o allyriadau cerbydau yn fater tra phwysig, a dyma sy'n gyfrifol am tua 70 y cant o'r llygryddion yn yr aer. Rwy'n falch o weld un neu ddau o ddatganiadau barn ar hyn, ac rwyf i wedi gosod un yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gynnal cynllun treialu parth aer glân yng Nghaerdydd. Rwy'n credu y byddai hynny'n ddefnyddiol iawn. Hyd yma, mae swyddogaeth arweiniol awdurdodau lleol wedi bod yn rhan amlwg o'r polisi ansawdd aer, ond mae'n rhaid inni hefyd gydnabod yr angen am arweiniad cenedlaethol. Rydym ni wedi gweld hynny gan Lywodraeth y DU. Rwy'n credu bod angen inni weld mwy erbyn hyn gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ond byddant yn cael ein cydweithrediad pan fyddant yn gwneud y peth iawn.
Er ein bod wedi gwella'r cynnig, rwy'n siŵr y byddwn yn cefnogi beth bynnag y bydd y Cynulliad yn ei fabwysiadu y prynhawn yma yn y ddadl bwysig hon. Diolch.
Air quality is certainly a major issue for public health, and also for the environment. I think we've already heard some very important themes that need to be fully addressed if we are to make the sort of progress I'm sure we would all like to see.
Yes, it is a major challenge in urban areas in Wales, in our cities and towns, as well as elsewhere. As far as the towns and cities are concerned, Newport is one of the cities with considerable challenges, and I do think that the sort of issues that have already been raised today are at the heart of making the necessary progress I would like to see in Newport and indeed see across Wales.
I do believe that our Active Travel (Wales) Act 2013 is a major opportunity to make necessary progress. We have local authorities bringing forward their integrated route maps at the moment, and we do need to engage with that legislation, the Act itself, and indeed the action plans, with commitment and enthusiasm. If we do that effectively, Dirprwy Lywydd, we will be making major inroads into vehicle usage, which is at the heart of many of these problems of poor air quality.
We know that, in years to come, we may well see important developments that will help us on this agenda—for example, electric vehicles. But that's not all of the story, because a lot of the problems with particulate matter 2.5, which is smaller than the width of a human hair, come from the brakes and tyres of vehicles. They could be addressed through technological change, but that is outwith the debate around electric vehicles.
So, we need to get vehicle use down, and a major opportunity to do that is through the active travel legislation. So, you know, we really do need to see sustained and re-energised commitment and enthusiasm from Welsh Government, local authorities, and everyone in Wales on that agenda.
I also believe that, again, as has already been mentioned, we could do a lot more in terms of greening urban environments. I agree with Simon Thomas that it is also about the right type of trees, because we have seen examples where trees have been planted in urban areas and have then created issues that weren't foreseen, or if they were foreseen weren't acted upon, and then years later those trees have been removed. We need to do this in a sustainable manner and we need to do our homework beforehand.
Taxi fleets—I think I've mentioned this before, and I know others have as well—is a very practical example of something that could be done. They are a major contributor to the road transport vehicle issues in our urban environments. If, for example, taxi fleets were converted to LPG, with costs that could be recouped on average within two years, that, in the short term, before we get electric vehicles and other helpful developments, could help deal with these issues of urban pollution from vehicles. We could take a practical initiative there that would pay important dividends.
And more widely of course, we need to move faster and more effectively on the integrated transport front. For me, in south Wales, a lot of that is about the metro system, and there are important choices to be made there in terms of the investment that could make that a success more quickly and more extensively versus other uses of available capital moneys.
So, I do agree with many of the themes that Members have already highlighted in this statement today, Dirprwy Lywydd. I think the parameters of this debate and the action that could take place are quite well known and there is probably quite a strong consensus behind what many of us think should happen in Wales. The challenge is obviously to get on and do it, to take these practical steps. And when you consider the issues for public health and our environment, it does have real urgency behind it, and I think we do need to see those practical measures taking place as quickly and as effectively as possible.
Mae ansawdd yr aer yn sicr yn fater pwysig ar gyfer iechyd y cyhoedd, a hefyd ar gyfer yr amgylchedd. Rwy'n credu ein bod eisoes wedi clywed rhai themâu pwysig iawn y mae angen mynd i'r afael â nhw yn llawn os ydym ni am wneud y math o gynnydd yr wyf yn siŵr yr hoffai pawb ohonom ei weld.
Ydy, mae'n her fawr mewn ardaloedd trefol yng Nghymru, yn ein dinasoedd a'n trefi, yn ogystal â mewn mannau eraill. O ran y trefi a'r dinasoedd, mae Casnewydd yn un o'r dinasoedd sydd â heriau sylweddol, ac rwy'n credu bod y math o faterion sydd eisoes wedi eu codi heddiw wrth wraidd gwneud y cynnydd angenrheidiol yr hoffwn i ei weld yng Nghasnewydd ac yn wir ei weld ledled Cymru.
Rwyf i'n credu bod ein Deddf Teithio Llesol (Cymru) 2013 yn gyfle pwysig i wneud cynnydd angenrheidiol. Mae gennym awdurdodau lleol yn cyflwyno eu mapiau llwybrau integredig ar hyn o bryd, ac mae angen i ni ymgysylltu â'r ddeddfwriaeth honno, y Ddeddf ei hun, ac yn wir y cynlluniau gweithredu, gydag ymrwymiad a brwdfrydedd. Os byddwn yn gwneud hynny'n effeithiol, Dirprwy Lywydd, byddwn yn cymryd camau bras i fynd i'r afael â'r defnydd o gerbydau, sydd wrth wraidd llawer o'r problemau ansawdd aer gwael hyn.
Gwyddom, yn y blynyddoedd i ddod, y gallem ni weld datblygiadau pwysig a fydd yn ein helpu o ran yr agenda hon—er enghraifft, cerbydau trydan. Ond nid dyna'r stori gyfan, gan fod llawer o'r problemau o ran mater gronynnol 2.5, sy'n llai na lled blewyn dynol, yn dod o frêcs a theiars cerbydau. Gellid ymdrin â nhw drwy newid technolegol, ond mae hynny yn rhan o'r ddadl ynghylch cerbydau trydan.
Felly, mae angen inni ostwng y defnydd o gerbydau, a cheir cyfle pwysig i wneud hynny drwy'r ddeddfwriaeth teithio llesol. Felly, wyddoch chi, mae gwir angen inni weld ymrwymiad a brwdfrydedd parhaus wedi'i ailfywiogi gan Lywodraeth Cymru, awdurdodau lleol, a phawb yng Nghymru ar yr agenda honno.
Credaf hefyd, unwaith eto, fel y crybwyllwyd eisoes, y gallasem ni wneud llawer mwy o ran gwyrddu amgylcheddau trefol. Rwy'n cytuno â Simon Thomas bod hyn hefyd am y math iawn o goed, oherwydd ein bod wedi gweld enghreifftiau pan fo coed wedi'u plannu mewn ardaloedd trefol a'u bod wedi creu problemau nas rhagwelwyd, neu os y'u rhagwelwyd ni chymerwyd camau ar eu cyfer, ac yna flynyddoedd yn ddiweddarach mae'r coed hynny wedi eu tynnu oddi yno. Mae angen inni wneud hyn mewn modd cynaliadwy ac mae angen inni wneud ein gwaith cartref ymlaen llaw.
Fflydoedd tacsi—rwy'n credu fy mod wedi crybwyll hyn o'r blaen, a gwn bod eraill wedi gwneud hynny hefyd—mae'n enghraifft ymarferol iawn o rywbeth y gellid ei wneud. Maen nhw'n cyfrannu'n sylweddol at y problemau cerbydau trafnidiaeth ffyrdd yn ein hamgylchedd trefol. Os, er enghraifft, y byddai fflydoedd tacsi yn cael eu trosi i LPG, gyda costau y gellid eu hadennill ar gyfartaledd o fewn dwy flynedd, gallai hynny, yn y tymor byr, cyn inni gael cerbydau trydan a datblygiadau eraill defnyddiol, helpu i fynd i'r afael â'r problemau llygredd trefol hyn o gerbydau. Gallem weithredu menter ymarferol yn hynny o beth a fyddai'n talu ar ei ganfed.
Ac yn ehangach wrth gwrs, mae angen inni symud yn gyflymach ac yn fwy effeithiol o ran trafnidiaeth integredig. I mi, yn y de, mae llawer o hyn yn ymwneud â'r system metro, ac mae dewisiadau pwysig i'w gwneud yn hynny o beth o ran y buddsoddiad a allai wneud hynny yn llwyddiant yn gyflymach ac yn fwy helaeth o'i gymharu â mathau eraill o ddefnydd o arian cyfalaf sydd ar gael.
Felly, rwy'n cytuno â llawer o'r themâu y mae'r Aelodau eisoes wedi tynnu sylw atynt yn y datganiad hwn heddiw, Dirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n credu bod ffiniau'r ddadl hon a'r camau a allai ddigwydd yn eithaf hysbys ac mae'n debyg bod consensws eithaf cryf y tu ôl i'r hyn y mae llawer ohonom ni'n gredu y dylai ddigwydd yng Nghymru. Yr her yn amlwg yw bwrw ymlaen a gwneud hynny, i gymryd y camau ymarferol hyn. A pan fyddwch yn ystyried y materion iechyd cyhoeddus a'n hamgylchedd, mae brys gwirioneddol y tu ôl iddo, ac rwyf yn meddwl bod angen i ni weld y mesurau ymarferol hynny yn digwydd mor gyflym ac mor effeithiol â phosibl.
I welcome the opportunity to discuss this important topic. As I highlighted in questions last week, poor air quality is one of the biggest public health challenges facing Wales. This is particularly true in the region I represent, South Wales West, which has some of the dirtiest air in the UK, where PM10s are often well above the safe daily limit, and at schools in my region we have had many days in the last few months where they were double the safe daily limit.
Air pollutants are to blame for the deaths of at least five people per day in Wales, and the biggest contributor to air pollution is transport. Since the UK Labour Government incentivised the switch to diesel, the amount of particulates and nitrogen dioxide in our atmosphere has increased dramatically. In all fairness, the current UK Government has tried to reverse this policy and has introduced a new vehicle tax system to penalise the most polluting vehicles. They have also introduced a new scrappage scheme, designed to get old polluting vehicles off the road, and have made a commitment to move to an all-electric-vehicle future by phasing out all fossil-fuelled engines by 2040. I welcome these moves and will be supporting the amendment put forward by the Welsh Conservatives.
This action by the UK Government needs to be backed up by action by the Welsh Government. As we learnt this morning, the Welsh Government is being taken to court for its lack of action on tackling air pollution. It’s time that they fulfilled their duties to the Welsh public. They can start by taking action to reduce traffic congestion, which amplifies the effect of traffic pollution. I would like to see the Welsh Government ensuring the planning system takes account of the effects new developments will have on traffic congestion.
UKIP will be supporting the majority of Plaid Cymru’s amendments. We have said all along that air pollution is a public health issue and that the Welsh Government must develop a strategy to tackle poor air quality at a national level. I look forward to working with any party—all parties—so that we can help bring about a strategy to help air pollution.
We do agree that there needs to be a reporting system to alert residents to poor air quality, but that this should be done at a national level and not left to local health boards. New developments such as the British-made Sentinel Five P satellite, which monitors air pollutants, could be utilised at a national level to improve forecasting of high levels of air pollution and should be used to warn the public about such events, in much the same way that weather reports feature pollen counts. Welsh and UK Governments need to act upon this urgently. High pollution levels kill. We will, therefore, be abstaining on amendment 3 but will be supporting all of Plaid’s other amendments.
The investment in electric charging is welcome, but we have to consider the huge infrastructure challenges brought by the electrification of transport. How can we deliver charging points to those people not fortunate to have a driveway or a garage? I would urge the Governments, both in Wales and at Westminster, to invest in the development of wireless vehicle charging. Both Governments also need to ensure the roll-out of electric vehicle charging is not impeded by the planning system. We have to tackle this major public health challenge head on. We have to clean up our act. I look forward to seeing the Welsh Government's clean air plans and hope that we can all work together to ensure no-one dies as a result of poor air quality in the future. Thank you.
Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i drafod y pwnc pwysig hwn. Fel y dywedais yn ystod y cwestiynau yr wythnos diwethaf, mae ansawdd aer gwael yn un o'r heriau iechyd cyhoeddus mwyaf sy'n wynebu Cymru. Mae hyn yn arbennig o wir yn y rhanbarth yr wyf i'n ei chynrychioli, Gorllewin De Cymru, sydd â pheth o'r aer butraf yn y DU, lle mae mater gronynnol 10 yn aml yn llawer uwch na'r terfyn dyddiol diogel, ac mewn ysgolion yn fy rhanbarth i rydym ni wedi cael sawl diwrnod yn yr ychydig fisoedd diwethaf pan yr oeddent ddwywaith yn uwch na'r terfyn dyddiol diogel.
Llygryddion aer sydd ar fai am farwolaethau o leiaf pump o bobl bob dydd yng Nghymru, a'r cyfrannwr mwyaf i lygredd aer yw trafnidiaeth. Ers i Lywodraeth Lafur y DU gymell y newid i ddiesel, mae nifer y gronynnau a nitrogen deuocsid yn ein hatmosffer wedi cynyddu'n sylweddol. Er tegwch, mae Llywodraeth bresennol y DU wedi ceisio gwrthdroi'r polisi hwn ac wedi cyflwyno system dreth cerbyd newydd i gosbi'r cerbydau sy'n llygru fwyaf. Maen nhw hefyd wedi cyflwyno cynllun sgrapio newydd, sydd wedi'i gynllunio i dynnu hen gerbydau sy'n llygru oddi ar y ffordd, ac maen nhw wedi gwneud ymrwymiad i symud i ddyfodol â cherbydau trydan yn unig drwy gael gwared ar bob injan tanwydd ffosil yn raddol erbyn 2040. Rwy'n croesawu'r symudiadau hyn a byddaf yn cefnogi'r gwelliant a gyflwynwyd gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig.
Mae angen i'r cam hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU gael ei ategu gan gamau gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Fel y clywsom y bore yma, mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael ei dwyn i'r Llys am ei diffyg gweithredu ar fynd i'r afael â llygredd aer. Mae'n bryd iddyn nhw gyflawni eu dyletswyddau i'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru. Gallen nhw ddechrau drwy gymryd camau i leihau tagfeydd traffig, sy'n chwyddo effaith llygredd traffig. Hoffwn weld Llywodraeth Cymru yn sicrhau bod y system gynllunio yn ystyried effeithiau datblygiadau newydd ar dagfeydd traffig.
Bydd UKIP yn cefnogi y rhan fwyaf o welliannau Plaid Cymru. Rydym wedi dweud o'r dechrau bod llygredd aer yn fater iechyd y cyhoedd a bod yn rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru ddatblygu strategaeth i fynd i'r afael ag ansawdd aer gwael ar lefel genedlaethol. Edrychaf ymlaen at weithio gydag unrhyw blaid—pob plaid—er mwyn i ni allu helpu i sicrhau strategaeth i helpu ym maes llygredd aer.
Rydym ni'n cytuno bod angen system adrodd i rybuddio trigolion am ansawdd aer gwael, ond dylai hyn gael ei wneud ar lefel genedlaethol ac nid ei adael i fyrddau iechyd lleol. Gellid defnyddio datblygiadau newydd fel y lloeren Sentinel Five P a wnaethpwyd ym Mhrydain, sy'n monitro llygryddion aer, ar lefel genedlaethol er mwyn gwella'r modd o ragweld lefelau uchel o lygredd aer a dylid eu defnyddio i rybuddio'r cyhoedd ynghylch digwyddiadau o'r fath, yn yr un modd ag y mae adroddiadau'r tywydd yn cynnwys lefel y paill. Mae angen i Lywodraethau Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU weithredu ar hyn ar fyrder. Mae lefelau uchel o lygredd yn lladd. Byddwn, felly, yn ymatal ar welliant 3 ond byddwn yn cefnogi holl welliannau eraill Plaid Cymru.
Mae buddsoddi mewn gwefru trydan i'w groesawu, ond mae'n rhaid inni ystyried yr heriau seilwaith enfawr sy'n cyd-fynd â thrydaneiddio trafnidiaeth. Sut gallwn ni ddarparu mannau gwefru i'r bobl hynny nad ydyn nhw'n ddigon ffodus i gael dreif neu garej? Byddwn yn annog y Llywodraethau yng Nghymru ac yn San Steffan, i fuddsoddi mewn datblygu modd o wefru cerbyd yn ddi-wifr. Mae angen i'r ddwy Lywodraeth hefyd sicrhau nad yw'r system gynllunio yn amharu ar gyflwyno gwefru cerbydau trydan. Mae'n rhaid inni fynd i'r afael â'r her fawr iechyd y cyhoedd hon yn uniongyrchol. Mae'n rhaid i ni wneud mwy i wella ansawdd yr aer. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at weld cynlluniau aer glân Llywodraeth Cymru ac yn gobeithio y gallwn ni i gyd weithio gyda'n gilydd i sicrhau na fydd unrhyw un yn marw o ganlyniad i ansawdd aer gwael yn y dyfodol. Diolch.
There's a danger that this apparent consensus gives the impression that this is going to be easy, but I'd like to remind you that the car lobby is really powerful, and if we are going to do anything about this, we are going to have to face down the car lobby. I very much welcome the vigour—and, I hope, rigour—with which the new environment Minister is pursuing this important issue, and we now need action, not words.
If we look at how all other modes of transport have been strangled by the dominance of the car: in the early 1950s, 42 per cent of journeys were taken by bus, and that's down to five per cent today, even though this is, obviously, the only mode of transport for most of our poorest citizens. Cycling: 11 per cent in 1952; 1 per cent today. And the car: 27 per cent in the early 1950s, and now over 80 per cent of journeys are taken by car. So, we have a huge problem that is fuelled by the fiscal and transport policies that have been going on for generations. The cost of a car becomes cheaper and cheaper, whilst rail and bus fares continue to rise and rise. In the last five years alone, rail fares have gone up 15 per cent, bus and taxi fares up 14 per cent, and the cost of running a car has decreased by 5 per cent. Little chance of change from the UK Government, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer has yet again frozen the climate change fuel levy, and today we learned that train fares next year will see the largest hike in five years. And all this while wages are stagnant, so it can't be any surprise, really, that four in five commuters into Cardiff—over 60,000 people every day—travel to work by car.
Building more roads just leads to more people shifting to commuting by car. So, the investment we have to make is in better public transport, in increasing our rail capacity, delivering on the metro, and delivering better and more buses in the meantime, which must go hand in hand with tough measures to address this problem well before 2040. Because we have to acknowledge that the reason that this is such a huge public health issue is because one fifth of all cases of low birth weight babies is due to traffic-related air pollution, with the greatest harm occurring in early pregnancy, before women realise they're even pregnant. We think that maternal exposure to benzo[a]pyrene, which is generated by diesel engines, is linked to mental health problems in children and neurocognitive delay. The level of nitrogen dioxide in Cardiff and Vale residential areas, being the highest in Wales—we know that that is linked to an increased risk of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder.
Above all, we need to get across to parents doing what is colloquially called 'the school run' that we need to listen to Professor Sir David King, the former Government chief scientific adviser, who says:
'Children sitting in the backseat of vehicles are likely to be exposed to dangerous levels of air pollution...If more drivers knew the damage they could be doing to their children, I think they'd think twice about getting in the car.'
People are not hearing this message at the moment, and we can see the evidence cluttered around practically all of our primary schools, where people are obviously living within easy walking distance of the school because, otherwise, they wouldn't be able to go that school.
We know the benefit of exercise in improving people's concentration at school, yet we still have the situation we have. It isn't children who need persuading, it's adults. In Cardiff and Vale, a quarter of all adults are inactive, according to the director of public health; that is, they take less than half and hour's physical exercise a week—they just move from the sofa to the car to the desk and back again.
So, we need a massive public education drive to persuade people to do short journeys of less than 2 km—just over a mile—by walking or cycling. We need to get tough with local authorities that fail to implement the Active Travel (Wales) Act 2013. We don't need more legislation—we just need to implement the legislation we've got.
We know that imposing congestion zones—for example, in London—has led to an 80 per cent increase in people using bicycles. So, I think that there's a really clear indicator of what we need to do. We just need to get on and do it.
Mae perygl bod y consensws ymddangosiadol hwn yn rhoi'r argraff bod hyn yn mynd i fod yn hawdd, ond hoffwn eich atgoffa bod y lobi ceir yn bwerus iawn, ac os ydym ni'n mynd i wneud unrhyw beth ynglŷn â hyn, bydd yn rhaid i ni wynebu'r lobi ceir. Rwy'n croesawu'n fawr yr egni—a, gobeithio, y trylwyredd—a ddangosir gan y Gweinidog newydd dros yr amgylchedd wrth fynd ar drywydd y mater pwysig hwn, a bellach mae angen gweithredu arnom, nid geiriau.
Os edrychwn ni ar sut y mae pob math arall o drafnidiaeth wedi ei dagu gan oruchafiaeth y car: yn y 1950au cynnar, roedd 42 y cant o bob taith ar y bws, ac mae hynny i lawr i bump y cant heddiw, er mai hwn yn amlwg yw'r unig fodd o drafnidiaeth ar gyfer y rhan fwyaf o'n dinasyddion tlotaf. Seiclo: 11 y cant yn 1952; 1 y cant heddiw. Ac yn y car: 27 y cant yn y 1950au cynnar, a bellach mae mwy na 80 y cant o deithiau mewn car. Felly, mae gennym ni broblem enfawr sy'n cael ei hybu gan bolisïau cyllidol a thrafnidiaeth sydd wedi bod yn digwydd ers cenedlaethau. Mae cost car yn dod yn rhatach ac yn rhatach, ond mae prisiau tocynnau trên a bws yn parhau i gynyddu a chynyddu. Yn y pum mlynedd diwethaf yn unig, mae tocynnau trên wedi codi 15 y cant, prisiau bysiau a thacsis wedi codi 14 y cant, ac mae'r gost o redeg car wedi gostwng gan 5 y cant. Does fawr o obaith o newid gan Lywodraeth y DU, gan fod Canghellor y Trysorlys unwaith eto wedi rhewi y dreth tanwydd newid yn yr hinsawdd, a heddiw clywsom y bydd prisiau tocynnau trên y flwyddyn nesaf yn gweld y cynnydd mwyaf mewn pum mlynedd. A hyn i gyd tra bod cyflogau yn ddisymud, felly ni all fod yn syndod, mewn gwirionedd, bod pedwar o bob pump cymudwyr i mewn i Gaerdydd—dros 60,000 o bobl bob dydd—yn teithio i'r gwaith mewn car.
Mae adeiladu mwy o ffyrdd yn golygu bod mwy o bobl yn newid i gymudo mewn ceir. Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni fuddsoddi mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus well, cynyddu capasiti ein rheilffyrdd, cyflawni ar y metro, a darparu bysiau gwell a mwy ohonyn nhw yn y cyfamser, sy'n gorfod mynd law yn llaw â mesurau llym i ddatrys y broblem hon ymhell cyn 2040. Oherwydd, mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod mai'r rheswm y mae hon yn broblem iechyd cyhoeddus mor enfawr yw bod un o bob pump o'r holl achosion o fabanod â phwysau geni isel oherwydd llygredd aer yn sgil traffig, a'r niwed mwyaf yn digwydd yn ystod beichiogrwydd cynnar, cyn bod menywod yn sylweddoli eu bod yn feichiog hyd yn oed. Rydym ni'n credu bod amlygiad mamau i benso[a]pyren, a gynhyrchir gan injan ddiesel, yn gysylltiedig â phroblemau iechyd meddwl mewn plant ac oedi niwrowybyddol. Mae lefel nitrogen deuocsid mewn ardaloedd preswyl yng Nghaerdydd a'r Fro yr uchaf yng Nghymru—rydym yn gwybod bod hynny'n gysylltiedig â mwy o risg o anhwylder diffyg canolbwyntio a gorfywiogrwydd.
Yn anad dim, mae angen inni gyfleu i rieni sy'n mynd â'u plant i'r ysgol bod angen inni wrando ar yr Athro Syr David King, cyn brif gynghorydd gwyddonol y llywodraeth, sy'n dweud bod
plant sy'n eistedd yn sedd gefn cerbydau yn fwy tebygol o fod yn agored i lefelau peryglus o lygredd aer. Pe byddai mwy o yrwyr yn ymwybodol o'r difrod y gallent fod yn ei wneud i'w plant, rwy'n credu y bydden nhw'n meddwl ddwywaith am fynd yn y car.
Nid yw pobl yn clywed y neges hon ar hyn o bryd, a gallwn weld y dystiolaeth yn llenwi'r lle o amgylch bron pob un o'n hysgolion cynradd, ac mae'r bobl hyn yn amlwg yn byw o fewn pellter cerdded i'r ysgol oherwydd, fel arall, ni fyddai modd i'r plant fynd i'r ysgol honno.
Gwyddom pa mor fuddiol yw ymarfer corff o ran gwella gallu pobl i ganolbwyntio yn yr ysgol, ac eto mae'r sefyllfa sydd gennym yn dal gennym. Nid plant sydd angen eu perswadio, ond yr oedolion. Yng Nghaerdydd a'r Fro, mae chwarter yr holl oedolion yn anactif, yn ôl cyfarwyddwr iechyd y cyhoedd; hynny yw, maen nhw'n gwneud llai na hanner awr o ymarfer corff yr wythnos—dim ond symud oddi ar y soffa i'r car i'r ddesg ac yn ôl eto.
Felly, mae angen ymgyrch addysg gyhoeddus enfawr i berswadio pobl i wneud teithiau byr o lai na 2 km—ychydig dros filltir—ar droed neu ar feic. Mae angen inni fod yn llym gydag awdurdodau lleol sy'n methu â gweithredu Deddf Teithio Llesol (Cymru) 2013. Does dim angen rhagor o ddeddfwriaeth arnom ni—dim ond angen inni weithredu'r ddeddfwriaeth sydd gennym.
Rydym ni'n gwybod bod gosod parthau tagfeydd—er enghraifft, yn Llundain—wedi arwain at gynnydd o 80 y cant mewn pobl yn defnyddio beiciau. Felly, rwy'n credu bod hwn yn ddangosydd clir iawn o'r hyn y mae angen inni ei wneud. Mae angen inni fwrw ymlaen a gwneud hynny.
I'm very pleased that we're debating air quality in the National Assembly today, and I'd like to take us from the general to the particular, and a journey down Sandy Road in Llanelli. This is the road, for those of you not familiar with the area, leading out of Llanelli towards Burry Port and Kidwelly. Along that road are two schools—Coleg Sir Gâr and Ysgol y Strade—and along it is another school just up Denham Avenue, Ysgol Gymraeg Ffwrnes. It is the main thoroughfare out of Llanelli, in Burry Port there are now continued housing developments and smack along the middle of the road is the massive new Parc y Strade housing development on the site of the old Scarlets rugby ground.
This is an area that already has harmful levels of nitrogen dioxide, and the situation is getting worse. It is an air quality management area, and the residents are getting increasingly desperate about the build-up of traffic in this area. It is an unpleasant place to walk, it is an unpleasant place to live and, through repeated actions, we are compounding the problem rather than alleviating it.
To me, Sandy Road is a classic case study in the policy dilemma that we face, the disjointed approach that we're taking to this project, the prioritisation of short-term needs and the lack of long-term thinking—precisely what we designed the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015 to tackle. This is an example of where such future thinking is desperately needed, because had it been applied in the past, we wouldn't be in this situation now.
I feel desperately sorry for the people on Sandy Road, and I understand their frustration—I understand as well that they're trying to come up with solutions. Sadly, I think many of the solutions will just add to the problem that we've been discussing here this afternoon.
Ray Jones, who lives along Sandy Road, is a doughty campaigner on these issues, and he's pointed out the impact just of creating the new Ysgol Gymraeg Ffwrnes without proper measures to encourage people not to take their cars to drop their children off. He's cited an incident recently where a car knocked into a pram, because, as we know from all schools in our constituencies, there is gridlock outside schools in the morning. His solution, and the solution of nearly 2,000 people who've signed a petition, is to create a bypass along Sandy Road. Again, for those of you who don't know it, the suggested route would be over the Sandy Water Park housing development, which is only some 300m away from the main road, and which is one of the most tranquil areas in the area with lovely nature and close to where two National Eisteddfods were held, where it was rightly complimented as a beautiful place to hold the festival in Llanelli.
So, whilst I understand the desire to alleviate the bottleneck that we have created on Sandy Road, creating an expensive road—we know that roads on average cost £20 million per mile—over an area of tranquility where there is an existing housing development will, I think, not solve the problem; it would simply shift it. I know from speaking to air quality experts at Swansea University—they think, given the location of this likely new road so close to houses and where wind would blow the particulates likely back towards Sandy Road, this would not solve the air quality problem either.
But these are the sort of desperate measures that people are forced to think about, because we're offering them no alternative. And this is the problem I face when I speak to Ray Jones and other residents in the areas. I understand the problem. I don't think this short-term fix would solve this, but what else are we offering people in this situation? They don't believe, frankly, promises of better public transport in the longer term; they think it won't be delivered. And just as we've heard the case made for a bypass in Llandeilo recently on air quality grounds, people want something tangible that is going to solve the problem in the short term.
This is the political leadership dilemma we face in this National Assembly. It is easier for the quick fix than it is the long-term solution. The evidence is plentiful of what we need to do to change this, and Jenny Rathbone before me has touched upon much of that. We need to have behaviour change and we need to invest in alternatives to car use, and stop building houses in areas where there is poor public transport, and put in improvements as part of that. Carmarthenshire County Council have come up with an air quality management area plan that simply talks about possibilities; they don't talk about actions. We're kicking the can down the road constantly, leaving it to future generations. So, I'd ask the Minister to tell us, while we're asking these authorities to set out these plans, what the consequences are for breaching levels of harmful pollution.
It is time that we tackled the causes, not the consequences. We need a whole-scale review into what has worked elsewhere in the UK and abroad to improve air quality, and we must simply, simply stop monitoring failure and start modelling success. Diolch.
Rwy'n falch iawn ein bod yn trafod ansawdd aer yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol heddiw, a hoffwn fynd â ni o'r cyffredinol i'r penodol, a thaith i lawr Heol Sandy yn Llanelli. Dyma'r ffordd, i'r rhai hynny ohonoch chi nad ydych chi'n gyfarwydd â'r ardal, sy'n arwain allan o Lanelli tuag at Borth Tywyn a Chydweli. Ar hyd y ffordd honno ceir dwy ysgol—Coleg Sir Gâr ac Ysgol y Strade—ac wrth ei hymyl ceir ysgol arall i fyny Denham Avenue, Ysgol Gymraeg Ffwrnes. Hon yw'r brif dramwyfa allan o Lanelli, ym Mhorth Tywyn mae datblygiadau tai parhaus a mae'r datblygiad tai Parc y Strade newydd anferth ar safle hen gae rygbi'r Scarlets yng nghanol y ffordd.
Mae hon yn ardal sydd eisoes â lefelau niweidiol o nitrogen deuocsid, ac mae'r sefyllfa yn gwaethygu. Mae'n ardal rheoli ansawdd aer, ac mae'r trigolion yn gynyddol bryderus am y tagfeydd traffig yn yr ardal hon. Mae'n lle annymunol i gerdded, mae'n lle annymunol i fyw a, drwy wneud yr un peth dro ar ôl tro, rydym ni'n gwaethygu'r broblem yn hytrach na'i lliniaru.
I mi, mae Heol Sandy yn astudiaeth achos glasurol yn y cyfyng-gyngor polisi a wynebwn, y dull digyswllt yr ydym ni'n ei ddilyn ar gyfer y prosiect hwn, blaenoriaethu anghenion tymor byr a diffyg meddwl hirdymor—yn union beth y gwnaethom gynllunio Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015 i fynd i'r afael ag ef. Mae hyn yn enghraifft o lle mae gwir angen meddwl am y dyfodol, oherwydd pe byddai hynny wedi digwydd yn y gorffennol, ni fyddem ni yn y sefyllfa hon nawr.
Rwy'n teimlo trueni enbyd dros bobl ar Heol Sandy, ac rwy'n deall eu rhwystredigaeth—rwy'n deall hefyd eu bod yn ceisio meddwl am atebion. Yn anffodus, rwy'n ofni na fydd llawer o'r atebion ond yn ychwanegu at y broblem yr ydym ni wedi bod yn ei thrafod yma y prynhawn yma.
Mae Ray Jones, sy'n byw ar Heol Sandy, yn ymgyrchydd pybyr ar y materion hyn, ac mae ef wedi nodi effaith dim ond creu yr Ysgol Gymraeg Ffwrnes newydd heb fesurau priodol i annog pobl i beidio â defnyddio'u ceir i hebrwng eu plant. Mae ef wedi nodi digwyddiad yn ddiweddar lle y gwnaeth car daro i mewn i bram, oherwydd, fel y gwyddom o'r holl ysgolion yn ein hetholaethau, ceir tagfeydd y tu allan i ysgolion yn y bore. Ei ateb ef, ac ateb bron i 2,000 o bobl sydd wedi llofnodi deiseb, yw creu ffordd osgoi ar hyd Heol Sandy. Unwaith eto, i'r rhai ohonoch chi nad ydych chi'n gwybod, byddai'r llwybr a awgrymir yn mynd dros y datblygiad tai Parc Dŵr Sandy, sydd ddim ond rhyw 300 metr o'r brif ffordd, ac sydd yn un o'r ardaloedd mwyaf tawel yn yr ardal gyda natur hyfryd ac yn agos at y lle y cynhaliwyd dwy Eisteddfod Genedlaethol, y'i canmolwyd yn briodol fel lle hyfryd i gynnal yr ŵyl yn Llanelli.
Felly, er fy mod yn deall yr awydd i liniaru'r tagfeydd yr ydym wedi'u creu ar Heol Sandy, nid wyf i o'r farn y bydd creu ffordd ddrud—rydym ni'n gwybod bod ffyrdd ar gyfartaledd yn costio £20 miliwn y filltir—dros ardal o lonyddwch lle ceir eisoes ddatblygiad tai, yn datrys y broblem; ni fyddai ond yn ei symud. Gwn o siarad ag arbenigwyr ansawdd aer ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe—maen nhw o'r farn, o ystyried lleoliad tebygol y ffordd newydd hon mor agos at dai a lle y byddai'r gwynt yn debygol o chwythu'r gronynnau yn ôl tuag at Heol Sandy, na fyddai hyn yn datrys y broblem ansawdd aer ychwaith.
Ond dyma'r math o fesurau enbyd y caiff pobl eu gorfodi i'w hystyried, gan nad ydym ni'n cynnig unrhyw ddewis arall iddyn nhw. A dyma'r broblem yr wyf i'n ei hwynebu wrth siarad â Ray Jones, a thrigolion eraill yn yr ardaloedd. Rwy'n deall y broblem. Nid wyf i'n credu y byddai'n ateb tymor byr hwn yn datrys hyn, ond beth arall ydym ni'n ei gynnig i bobl yn y sefyllfa hon? A bod yn onest, nid ydynt yn credu'r addewidion hyn ynghylch gwell cludiant cyhoeddus yn y tymor hwy; nid ydynt yn credu y caiff ei gyflawni. Ac yn union fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed yr achos a wnaed ar gyfer ffordd osgoi yn Llandeilo yn ddiweddar ar sail ansawdd aer, mae ar bobl eisiau rhywbeth gwirioneddol sy'n mynd i ddatrys y broblem yn y tymor byr.
Dyma'r cyfyng-gyngor arweinyddiaeth wleidyddol a wynebwn yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn. Mae'r ateb cyflym yn haws na'r ateb tymor hir. Mae digon o dystiolaeth yn dangos bod angen inni wneud y newid hwn, ac mae Jenny Rathbone o fy mlaen i wedi cyffwrdd ar lawer o hynny. Mae angen newid ymddygiad arnom ni ac mae angen inni fuddsoddi mewn dulliau amgen i ddefnyddio ceir, a rhoi'r gorau i adeiladu tai mewn ardaloedd lle mae'r cludiant cyhoeddus yn wael, a chyflwyno gwelliannau yn rhan o hynny. Mae Cyngor Sir Caerfyrddin wedi llunio cynllun ardal rheoli ansawdd aer sydd ond yn sôn am y posibiliadau; nid ydyn nhw'n sôn am gamau gweithredu. Rydym ni'n gohirio'r broblem yn gyson, gan ei gadael i genedlaethau'r dyfodol. Felly, gofynnaf i'r Gweinidog ddweud wrthym, tra ein bod yn gofyn i'r awdurdodau hyn lunio'r cynlluniau hyn, beth yw'r canlyniadau ar gyfer torri lefelau llygredd niweidiol.
Mae'n bryd i ni fynd i'r afael â'r achosion, nid y canlyniadau. Mae angen adolygiad ar raddfa eang i'r hyn sydd wedi gweithio mewn mannau eraill yn y DU a thramor i wella ansawdd yr aer, ac mae'n rhaid, rhaid inni roi'r gorau i fonitro methiant a dechrau modelu llwyddiant. Diolch.
'There is no one to-day who would doubt that air pollution is a social evil and, being a social evil, should be dealt with immediately and drastically.'
Those are the words of Gordon Macdonald, Flintshire-born former miner, MP and Governor of Newfoundland. Macdonald was speaking in the House of Lords, but he was doing so in 1955. As his words show, recognition of the dangers of air pollution are not new. Foremost among these dangers is air pollution’s impact on our physical health, and I am glad the Welsh Government recognises this by linking the two issues in its national strategy.
Members may have seen the briefing from British Lung Foundation Wales containing the stark reality of the matter. Air pollution is linked to lung cancer, and poorer lung function for people with asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Links have been made between air pollution and cardiovascular disease, cognitive decline and type 2 diabetes. Children in particular are at risk, with air pollution affecting development and resistance to infection.
Nearly 1,300 early deaths per year in Wales can be attributed to air pollution. Public Health Wales has described this as a public health crisis, second only to smoking and more concerning than obesity or alcohol. We have good public awareness of the dangers of these, backed up by first-rate public health campaigns. Air pollution must be a similar priority, and I welcome point 2(d) of the motion, which commits the Government to addressing this. I also welcome Plaid Cymru’s amendment 3, as health boards have a key role to play in this locally.
There's also an important social justice dimension to this issue, with poorer communities suffering most from air pollution. Indeed, the 10 per cent most disadvantaged parts of Wales are affected by five times the carcinogenic emissions of the 10 per cent least disadvantaged. A 2016 Journal of Public Health study cited by the BLF concludes that deprivation, health inequalities and air pollution are linked, with air pollution compounding deprivation-health associations.
Again, this is nothing new. If we go back to Gordon Macdonald’s speech, he referred to a journey to the south Wales Valleys. He described a narrow valley, containing two parallel roads and a railway line. In a 2 acre area, he noted
'seven tall chimneys belching forth thick smoke. On the railway there were three railway engines in keen competition, trying to belch more smoke than the seven chimneys; and the hundreds of miners' houses were beating both in belching smoke into this narrow valley.'
This will be a familiar image to anyone who grew up in the industrialised parts of Wales. In Cynon Valley, a particular culprit was the phurnacite plant in Abercwmboi. At its peak, this produced 1 million briquettes of smokeless coal annually. Welsh steam coal was crushed and combined with tar that was then preheated to remove most of the smoke.
Whilst those more affluent communities elsewhere in the UK that could afford it benefited from the phurnacite, it had a ferocious impact on the local community. It was they who suffered from the dust, smoke and fumes belched out into the atmosphere. Many of my constituents who worked there continue to feel the effects of ill health associated with that.
The heavy industry that was once most closely associated with this air pollution has now largely gone. Its absence has led to environmental improvements; the lush greenness throughout much of the Valleys testifies to this. Simultaneously, we have also placed greater importance on protecting our environment. This has been aided by the development of more mature and empathetic legislation from all levels of government. But there are still harmful factors that we must address.
I tabled a statement of opinion on this a few weeks ago. In it, I urged Welsh Government to introduce a network of clean air zones across the most polluted areas of Wales. I am glad that part 2(a) of the motion commits the Welsh Government to this. I look forward to the consultation on the framework that will underpin the clean air plan when it becomes available next year. We must also recognise that this is an issue where our concerns and intervention cannot stop at our borders. Many of the tools needed to really improve our air are held elsewhere. My statement of opinion also called on the Welsh Government to support calls for the UK Government to develop a diesel scrappage scheme. It is good that point 3 of the motion addresses this, and in fact goes beyond it in calling for a system of milestones so that we can monitor progress.
We cannot forget that we do still have progress to make. Air pollution costs the UK £20 billion a year, and hundreds of lives in Wales alone. Groundbreaking legislation like the environment Act and well-being of future generations Act offer a strong, positive framework. But as we withdraw from Europe and the significant role it has held in this field over past decades, our resolve cannot waver and we must strive for continued improvements.
'Nid oes unrhyw un heddiw a fyddai’n amau bod llygredd aer yn ddrwg cymdeithasol ac, o fod yn ddrwg cymdeithasol, y dylid delio ag ef ar unwaith ac yn sylweddol.'
Dyna eiriau Gordon Macdonald, cyn-löwr, AS a Llywodraethwr Newfoundland a aned yn Sir y Fflint. Roedd Macdonald yn siarad yn Nhŷ'r Arglwyddi, ond roedd yn gwneud hynny yn 1955. Fel y dengys ei eiriau, nid yw cydnabod peryglon llygredd aer yn beth newydd. Yn bennaf ymhlith y peryglon hyn mae effaith llygredd aer ar ein hiechyd corfforol, ac rwy'n falch bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn cydnabod hyn drwy gysylltu'r ddau fater yn ei strategaeth genedlaethol.
Efallai y bydd Aelodau wedi gweld y papur briffio gan Sefydliad Prydeinig yr Ysgyfaint Cymru sy'n cynnwys y gwir plaen am y peth. Mae llygredd aer yn gysylltiedig â chanser yr ysgyfaint, a gweithrediad yr ysgyfaint salach i bobl ag asthma a chlefyd rhwystrol cronig yr ysgyfaint. Mae cysylltiadau wedi'u gwneud rhwng llygredd aer a chlefyd cardiofasgwlaidd, dirywiad gwybyddol a diabetes math 2. Mae plant yn arbennig yn wynebu risg, gan fod llygredd yn yr aer yn effeithio ar ddatblygiad ac ymwrthedd i heintiau.
Gellir priodoli bron i 1,300 o farwolaethau cynnar y flwyddyn yng Nghymru i lygredd aer. Mae Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru wedi disgrifio hyn fel argyfwng iechyd cyhoeddus, yn ail dim ond i ysmygu ac sy'n achosi mwy o bryder na gordewdra na alcohol. Mae gennym ymwybyddiaeth gyhoeddus dda o'r peryglon hyn, gan eu bod wedi'u hategu gan ymgyrchoedd iechyd cyhoeddus o'r radd flaenaf. Mae'n rhaid i lygredd aer fod yn flaenoriaeth debyg, ac rwy'n croesawu pwynt 2(d) y cynnig, sy'n ymrwymo'r Llywodraeth i fynd i'r afael â hyn. Croesawaf hefyd welliant 3 Plaid Cymru, gan fod gan fyrddau iechyd swyddogaeth allweddol i'w chyflawni o ran hyn yn lleol.
Hefyd, mae elfen cyfiawnder cymdeithasol pwysig i'r mater hwn, gan mai'r cymunedau tlotaf sy'n dioddef fwyaf o lygredd aer. Yn wir, mae'r 10 y cant o'r rhannau mwyaf difreintiedig yng Nghymru yn cael eu heffeithio gan bum gwaith cymaint o allyriadau carsinogenig na'r 10 y cant lleiaf difreintiedig. Daeth astudiaeth yn y Journal of Public Health yn 2016 a ddyfynnwyd gan Sefydliad Prydeinig yr Ysgyfaint i'r casgliad bod amddifadedd, anghydraddoldebau iechyd a llygredd aer yn gysylltiedig, a bod llygredd aer yn dwysáu cysylltiadau rhwng amddifadedd ac iechyd.
Unwaith eto, nid yw hyn yn rhywbeth newydd. Os awn ni yn ôl at araith Gordon Macdonald, cyfeiriodd at y daith i gymoedd de Cymru. Disgrifiodd gwm cul, yn cynnwys dwy ffordd gyfochrog a rheilffordd. Mewn ardal 2 erw, nododd
saith simdde dal yn gollwng mwg trwchus. Ar y rheilffordd roedd tair injan rheilffordd yn cystadlu â'i gilydd, yn ceisio gollwng mwy o fwg na'r saith simdde; ac roedd y cannoedd o dai glowyr yn curo'r ddau o ran gollwng mwg i mewn i'r cwm cul hwn.
Bydd hon yn ddelwedd gyfarwydd i unrhyw un a fagwyd mewn rhannau diwydiannol o Gymru. Yng Nghwm Cynon, troseddwr penodol oedd y gwaith glo caled yn Abercwmboi. Yn ei anterth, roedd yn cynhyrchu 1 filiwn o frics o lo di-fwg bob blwyddyn. Roedd glo stêm Cymru yn cael ei wasgu a'i gyfuno â thar a gâi wedyn ei gynhesu i waredu'r rhan fwyaf o'r mwg.
Er i'r cymunedau mwy cefnog hynny mewn mannau eraill o'r DU, a allai ei fforddio, elwa ar y glo caled, cafodd effaith ofnadwy ar y gymuned leol. Nhw a ddioddefodd o'r llwch, y mwg a'r mygdarth a ollyngwyd i'r atmosffer. Mae llawer o'm hetholwyr i a oedd yn gweithio yno yn parhau i deimlo effeithiau'r afiechyd sy'n gysylltiedig â hynny.
Mae'r diwydiant trwm a oedd wedi'i gysylltu'n fwyaf agos â'r llygredd aer hwn wedi diflannu i raddau helaeth erbyn hyn. Mae ei absenoldeb wedi arwain at welliannau amgylcheddol; mae'r gwyrddni toreithiog trwy ran helaeth o'r Cymoedd yn dyst i hyn. Ar yr un pryd, rydym hefyd wedi rhoi mwy o bwys ar ddiogelu ein hamgylchedd. Cynorthwywyd hyn gan ddatblygu deddfwriaeth fwy aeddfed ac empathig gan bob lefel o lywodraeth. Ond mae ffactorau niweidiol o hyd y mae'n rhaid inni roi sylw iddyn nhw.
Cyflwynais ddatganiad barn ar hyn ychydig wythnosau yn ôl. Ynddo, roeddwn yn annog Llywodraeth Cymru i gyflwyno rhwydwaith o barthau aer glân ar draws ardaloedd mwyaf llygredig Cymru. Rwy'n falch bod rhan 2(a) o'r cynnig yn ymrwymo Llywodraeth Cymru i hyn. Edrychaf ymlaen at yr ymgynghoriad ar y fframwaith a fydd yn sail i'r cynllun aer glân pan fydd ar gael y flwyddyn nesaf. Mae'n rhaid inni hefyd gydnabod bod hwn yn fater lle na all ein pryderon a'n hymyrraeth ddod i ben ar ein ffiniau. Mae llawer o'r offerynnau angenrheidiol i wella ein haer mewn mannau eraill, mewn gwirionedd. Roedd fy natganiad barn yn galw hefyd ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi'r galwadau ar Lywodraeth y DU i ddatblygu cynllun sgrapio diesel. Mae'n dda bod pwynt 3 y cynnig yn ymdrin â hyn, ac mewn gwirionedd yn mynd y tu hwnt iddo wrth alw am system o gerrig milltir er mwyn i ni allu monitro cynnydd.
Ni allwn anghofio bod gennym lawer o gynnydd i'w wneud o hyd. Mae llygredd aer yn y DU yn costio £20 biliwn y flwyddyn, a channoedd o fywydau yng Nghymru yn unig. Mae deddfwriaeth arloesol fel Deddf yr amgylchedd a Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol yn cynnig fframwaith cryf, cadarnhaol. Ond wrth i ni dynnu allan o Ewrop a'r swyddogaeth sylweddol a fu gan Ewrop yn y maes hwn dros y degawdau diwethaf, ni all ein penderfynoldeb wanhau ac mae'n rhaid inni ymdrechu i wneud gwelliannau parhaus.
Thank you. Can I now call the Minister for Environment to reply to the debate? Hannah Blythyn.
Diolch. A gaf i nawr alw ar Weinidog yr Amgylchedd i ymateb i'r ddadl? Hannah Blythyn.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. You can tell I'm still a novice as I wasn't ready for that then.
I'd like to thank all the Members for their contributions today and I welcome the consensus on this issue and I think that consensus recognises how important an issue it is for us all to tackle, and it's one that should be approached collaboratively and collectively. Simon Thomas was right because this is my first speech—was my first speech as a Minister in this Chamber but I'm not quite convinced by his idea of what a Christmas present is at this point. [Interruption.] Thanks for that. You did note that I cast blame on Westminster, but I was trying to really go for that, actually, the onus is on all of us—all levels of government and across society to take action on this. The Member was right to say that improving our air quality is a matter of social justice, as I think the Member for Cynon Valley recognised—it's a matter of social justice.
You talked about the need to plant trees and you're absolutely right that it has to be the right trees in the right places. I understand there's potential for local authorities in the future to use what is known as the i-Tree software to help them be able to do that and I'm sure this is something we'll debate further, particularly next week in the Chamber, looking at our tree-planting policy in general.
In terms of a statutory approach, we have issued statutory guidance already, but as I said in my opening speech, I am prepared to consider further legislative measures where they seem to be necessary.
I'd like to thank David Melding for his warm words and his contribution to this debate. You're absolutely right that the tone should be across Government and across all different levels of Government as well, because it is right that there's not one single solution and not one single actor in this has the answers to the problems that we face. You mentioned specifically about towns and the role of towns and cities. Cardiff: in terms of the clean air zone framework, the clean air zone framework will be able to guide and facilitate the establishment of clean air zones where they're deemed to be needed, and officials are already working with officials in Cardiff as it has identified the city where a clean air zone could accelerate compliance with EU limit values.
My colleague Jenny Rathbone, thank you for your contribution to this debate. I know that this is an issue that you feel passionate about and I know you're very passionate about how we achieve a modal shift in terms of the transport that we use and how we encourage that behavioural change a well. The issues you raised about the need to look at the development of the metro and buses are things that I've already considered taking forward. I plan to meet the Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport to discuss those very issues and how we work together on those, and when considering infrastructure and transport investment that these things are taken into account when we do that.
My colleague Lee Waters, thank you for your contribution. The dilemmas you raised just show the scale of the challenge that we face and you're right that we need to bring all strands together and take a much more longer term view of things in terms of achieving behavioural change. I expect the upcoming initiatives in terms of behavioural change that we're looking to as part of the air quality plans to tie into our active travel strategy as well, so that we make sure that we actually do bring these things together across Government, across communities. Like I said, we can't just do this from one approach and one aspect alone.
Vikki Howells, you're right to say that public awareness is a major public health issue of our time, and that's one of the things that we should look at again, across Government, to work with the Cabinet Secretary for health and social care to make sure that all these factors are taken into account and the network of—. I did note your motion and the introduction of a network of clean air zones. The consultation, I hope that you will be encouraging people to contribute to the consultation on this framework and putting forward your ideas and the ideas of the people that you've worked with there. You're absolutely right: we still have progress. Progress has been made. We have cleaner air than we've had in the past, people have more awareness of the risks, but we do still have a long way to go, but I can assure you that I'm absolutely committed in this role to continuing to put that work forward and actually not just come up with a plan, but to actually see action.
This plan and this action, going forward, can be whatever we make it and it's by no means limited to the initiatives that I've announced earlier and I'd welcome all Members' contributions on what else should be considered, and I will consider all options going forward. Diolch yn fawr.
Diolch ichi, Dirprwy Lywydd. Gallwch chi ddweud fy mod i'n dal yn ddibrofiad gan nad oeddwn i'n barod am hynna nawr.
Hoffwn i ddiolch i'r holl Aelodau am eu cyfraniadau heddiw ac rwy'n croesawu'r consensws ar y mater hwn ac rwy'n credu bod consensws yn cydnabod pa mor bwysig yw'r mater hwn i ni i gyd fynd i'r afael ag ef, ac mae'n un y dylid rhoi sylw iddo mewn modd cydweithredol ac ar y cyd. Roedd Simon Thomas yn iawn oherwydd hon yw fy araith gyntaf—oedd fy araith gyntaf fel Gweinidog yn y Siambr hon, ond nid wyf wedi fy argyhoeddi'n llwyr gan ei syniad o beth yw anrheg Nadolig ar hyn o bryd. [Torri ar draws.] Diolch am hynna. Fe wnaethoch chi nodi fy mod i'n rhoi bai ar San Steffan, ond yr hyn yr oeddwn i'n ceisio ei bwysleisio, mewn gwirionedd, yw bod cyfrifoldeb ar bob un ohonom—ar bob lefel o lywodraeth ac ym mhob rhan o'r Gymdeithas i weithredu ar hyn. Roedd yr Aelod yn iawn i ddweud bod gwella ein hansawdd aer yn fater o gyfiawnder cymdeithasol, fel rwy'n credu y cydnabu'r Aelod dros Gwm Cynon—mater o gyfiawnder cymdeithasol yw hwn.
Fe wnaethoch chi sôn am yr angen i blannu coed ac rydych chi yn llygaid eich lle bod yn rhaid cael y coed iawn yn y lleoedd iawn. Rwy'n deall bod potensial i awdurdodau lleol yn y dyfodol ddefnyddio'r hyn a elwir y feddalwedd i-Tree i'w helpu i allu gwneud hynny ac rwy'n siŵr bod hyn yn rhywbeth y byddwn ni'n ei drafod ymhellach, yn arbennig yr wythnos nesaf yn y Siambr, wrth edrych ar ein polisi plannu coed yn gyffredinol.
O ran ymagwedd statudol, rydym ni wedi cyhoeddi canllawiau statudol eisoes, ond fel y dywedais yn fy araith agoriadol, rwy'n fodlon rhoi rhagor o ystyriaeth i fesurau deddfwriaethol pan ystyrir bod eu hangen.
Hoffwn i ddiolch i David Melding am ei eiriau caredig a'i gyfraniad i'r ddadl hon. Rydych chi'n hollol iawn y dylai'r dôn ymestyn ar draws y Llywodraeth ac ar draws yr holl wahanol lefelau o Lywodraeth hefyd, oherwydd ei bod yn iawn nad oes un ateb ac nad oes un actor yn hyn a all ddatrys y problemau yr ydym yn eu hwynebu. Fe wnaethoch chi sôn yn benodol am drefi a swyddogaeth trefi a dinasoedd. Caerdydd: o ran y fframwaith parthau aer glân, bydd y fframwaith parthau aer glân yn gallu llywio a hwyluso'r gwaith o sefydlu parthau aer glân lle bernir bod eu hangen, ac mae swyddogion eisoes yn gweithio gyda swyddogion yng Nghaerdydd oherwydd eu bod wedi nodi'r ddinas lle gallai parth aer glân gyflymu'r cydymffurfio â gwerthoedd terfyn yr UE.
Fy nghyd-Aelod, Jenny Rathbone, diolch i chi am eich cyfraniad i'r ddadl hon. Gwn fod hwn yn fater yr ydych chi'n teimlo'n angerddol amdano, a gwn eich bod yn angerddol iawn ynghylch sut yr ydym yn cyflawni newid moddol o ran y drafnidiaeth yr ydym yn ei defnyddio a sut yr ydym yn annog y newid hwnnw mewn ymddygiad hefyd. Mae'r materion a godwyd gennych ynghylch yr angen i edrych ar ddatblygiad y metro a bysiau yn bethau yr wyf i eisoes wedi ystyried eu dwyn ymlaen. Rwy'n bwriadu cyfarfod ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth i drafod yr union faterion hynny a sut yr ydym yn cydweithio ar y rheini, ac wrth ystyried y buddsoddiad mewn seilwaith a thrafnidiaeth, ein bod yn rhoi ystyriaeth i'r pethau hyn wrth wneud hynny.
Fy nghyd-Aelod, Lee Waters, diolch i chi am eich cyfraniad. Mae'r problemau a godwyd gennych yn dangos maint yr her yr ydym yn ei hwynebu ac rydych chi'n iawn bod angen inni dynnu'r holl elfennau ynghyd a mabwysiadu agwedd tymor hwy o edrych ar bethau o ran sicrhau newid mewn ymddygiad. Rwy'n disgwyl y bydd y mentrau sydd ar y gweill o ran y newid mewn ymddygiad yr ydym yn gobeithio ei gyflawni yn rhan o'r cynlluniau ansawdd aer, yn clymu i mewn i'n strategaeth teithio llesol hefyd, er mwyn i ni sicrhau ein bod ni mewn gwirionedd yn dwyn y pethau hyn ynghyd ar draws y Llywodraeth, ar draws cymunedau. Fel y dywedais, ni allwn wneud hyn drwy ddefnyddio un dull ac un agwedd yn unig.
Vikki Howells, rydych chi'n iawn i ddweud bod ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd yn fater iechyd cyhoeddus pwysig ar hyn o bryd, a dyna un o'r pethau y dylem ni edrych arnyn nhw unwaith eto, ar draws y Llywodraeth, i weithio gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol i sicrhau y rhoddir ystyriaeth i'r holl ffactorau hyn a'r rhwydwaith o—. Fe wnes i nodi eich cynnig a chyflwyniad rhwydwaith o barthau aer glân. Yr ymgynghoriad, rwy'n gobeithio y byddwch yn annog pobl i gyfrannu at yr ymgynghoriad ar y fframwaith hwn ac yn cyflwyno eich syniadau chi a syniadau y bobl yr ydych chi wedi gweithio gyda nhw ar hynny. Rydych chi'n hollol gywir: mae gennym ni gynnydd. Mae cynnydd wedi'i wneud. Mae gennym ni aer glanach na fu gennym yn y gorffennol, mae pobl yn fwy ymwybodol o'r risgiau, ond mae gennym ffordd bell i fynd o hyd, ond gallaf eich sicrhau fy mod i'n hollol ymrwymedig yn y swydd hon i barhau i gyflwyno'r gwaith hwnnw ac, mewn gwirionedd, nid dim ond llunio cynllun, ond gweld camau gweithredu yn digwydd mewn gwirionedd.
Gall y cynllun hwn a'r gweithredu hwn, wrth symud ymlaen, fod yn beth bynnag y dymunwn, ac nid yw wedi'i gyfyngu mewn unrhyw fodd i'r mentrau y gwnes i eu cyhoeddi yn gynharach a byddwn i'n croesawu cyfraniadau yr holl Aelodau ar beth arall y dylid ei ystyried, a byddaf i'n ystyried pob dewis wrth symud ymlaen. Diolch yn fawr.
Thank you. The proposal is to agree amendment 1. Does any Member object? No. Therefore amendment 1 is agreed.
Diolch. Y cynnig yw derbyn gwelliant 1. A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Na. Felly, derbynnir gwelliant 1.
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Amendment agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
The proposal is to agree amendment 2. Does any Member object? [Objection.] Therefore, we will vote on this item at voting time. We will defer all voting until voting time.
Y cynnig yw derbyn gwelliant 2. A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Felly, byddwn yn pleidleisio ar yr eitem hon yn ystod y cyfnod pleidleisio. Byddwn yn gohirio'r holl bleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
I propose to go to voting time, unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung. Three Members wish for the bell to be rung. Okay. We'll ring the bell, then. Thank you.
Cynigiaf symud i'r cyfnod pleidleisio, oni bai bod tri Aelod yn dymuno i'r gloch gael ei chanu. Mae tri Aelod yn dymuno i'r gloch gael ei chanu. Iawn. Byddwn yn canu'r gloch, felly. Diolch.
Canwyd y gloch i alw’r Aelodau i’r Siambr.
The bell was rung to call Members to the Chamber.
We have waited the five minutes as required for the ringing of the bell, and therefore we now move to voting time.
Rydym ni wedi aros pum munud fel sy'n ofynnol ar gyfer canu'r gloch, ac felly symudwn yn awr at y cyfnod pleidleisio.
The first vote this afternoon is on the debate on Stage 4 of the Abolition of the Right to Buy and Associated Rights (Wales) Bill. So, we'll call for a vote on the motion tabled in the name of Rebecca Evans. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the motion 35, no abstentions, 19 against. Therefore, the motion is agreed.
Mae'r bleidlais gyntaf y prynhawn yma ar y ddadl ar Gyfnod 4 y Bil Diddymu'r Hawl i Brynu a Hawliau Cysylltiedig (Cymru). Felly, rydym yn galw am bleidlais ar y cynnig a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rebecca Evans. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y cynnig 35, neb yn ymatal, 19 yn erbyn. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig.
NDM6607 - Dadl: Cyfnod 4 Bil Diddymu'r Hawl i Brynu a Hawliau Cysylltiedig (Cymru): O blaid: 35, Yn erbyn: 19, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y cynnig
NDM6607 - Debate: Stage 4 of the Abolition of the Right to Buy and Associated Rights (Wales) Bill: For: 35, Against: 19, Abstain: 0
Motion has been agreed
We now move to a vote on the draft budget, and I call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 18, no abstentions, 36 against. Therefore, the amendment is not passed.
Symudwn yn awr i bleidlais ar y gyllideb ddrafft, a galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 18, neb yn ymatal, 36 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r gwelliant yn methu.
NDM6603 - Gwelliant 1: O blaid: 18, Yn erbyn: 36, Ymatal: 0
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
NDM6603 - Amendment 1: For: 18, Against: 36, Abstain: 0
Amendment has been rejected
So, I call for a vote on the motion tabled in the name of Julie James. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the motion 27, eight abstentions, 19 against. Therefore, the motion is carried.
Felly, galwaf am bleidlais ar y cynnig a gyflwynwyd yn enw Julie James. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y cynnig 27, wyth yn ymatal, 19 yn erbyn. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig.
NDM6603 - Dadl: Cyllideb Ddrafft 2018-19: O blaid: 27, Yn erbyn: 19, Ymatal: 8
Derbyniwyd y cynnig
NDM6603 - Debate: The Draft Budget 2018-19: For: 27, Against: 19, Abstain: 8
Motion has been agreed
We now move to a vote on the debate on air quality. I call for a vote on amendment 2, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 27, no abstentions, 27 against. Therefore, I exercise my casting vote to vote against the amendment. And the amendment is not passed.
Symudwn yn awr at bleidlais ar y ddadl ar ansawdd aer. Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 2, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 27, neb yn ymatal, 27 yn erbyn. Felly, rwy'n arfer fy mhleidlais fwrw i bleidleisio yn erbyn y gwelliant. Ac mae'r gwelliant yn methu.
NDM6602 - Gwelliant 2: O blaid: 27, Yn erbyn: 28, Ymatal: 0
Fel sy’n ofynnol o dan Reol Sefydlog 6.20, defnyddiodd y Dirprwy Lywydd ei phleidlais fwrw drwy bleidleisio yn erbyn y gwelliant.
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
NDM6602 - Amendment 2: For: 27, Against: 28, Abstain: 0
As required by Standing Order 6.20, the Deputy Presiding Officer exercised her casting vote by voting against the amendment.
Amendment has been rejected
Amendment 3. I call for a vote on amendment 3, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 49, five abstentions, none against. Therefore, amendment 3 is carried.
Gwelliant 3. Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 3, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 49, pump yn ymatal, neb yn erbyn. Felly, derbynnir gwelliant 3.
NDM6602 - Gwelliant 3: O blaid: 49, Yn erbyn: 0, Ymatal: 5
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant
NDM6602 - Amendment 3: For: 49, Against: 0, Abstain: 5
Amendment has been agreed
I call for a vote on amendment 4, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 27, no abstentions, 27 against. Therefore, my casting vote is to vote against the amendment, and the amendment is not agreed.
Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 4, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 27, neb yn ymatal, 27 yn erbyn. Felly, fy mhleidlais fwrw i yw pleidleisio yn erbyn y gwelliant, ac ni dderbynnir y gwelliant.
NDM6602 - Gwelliant 4: O blaid: 27, Yn erbyn: 28, Ymatal: 0
Fel sy’n ofynnol o dan Reol Sefydlog 6.20, defnyddiodd y Dirprwy Lywydd ei phleidlais fwrw drwy bleidleisio yn erbyn y gwelliant.
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
NDM6602 - Amendment 4: For: 27, Against: 28, Abstain: 0
As required by Standing Order 6.20, the Deputy Presiding Officer exercised her casting vote by voting against the amendment.
Amendment has been rejected
Amendment 5. I call for a vote on amendment 5, tabled in the name of Paul Davies. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 18, no abstentions, 36 against. Therefore, amendment 5 is not agreed.
Gwelliant 5. Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 5, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 18, neb yn ymatal, 36 yn erbyn. Felly, ni dderbynnir gwelliant 5.
NDM6602 - Gwelliant 5: O blaid: 18, Yn erbyn: 36, Ymatal: 0
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
NDM6602 - Amendment 5: For: 18, Against: 36, Abstain: 0
Amendment has been rejected
I call for a vote on amendment 6, tabled in the name of Rhun ap Iorwerth. Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amendment 41, 13 abstentions. Therefore, the amendment is carried.
Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 6, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Rhun ap Iorwerth. Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch y bleidlais. O blaid y gwelliant 41, 13 yn ymatal. Felly, derbynnir y gwelliant.
NDM6602 - Gwelliant 6: O blaid: 41, Yn erbyn: 0, Ymatal: 13
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant
NDM6602 - Amendment 6: For: 41, Against: 0, Abstain: 13
Amendment has been agreed
I now call for a vote on the motion as amended.
Galwaf yn awr am bleidlais ar y cynnig fel y'i diwygiwyd.
Cynnig NDM6602 fel y'i diwygiwyd:
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru:
1. Yn cydnabod yr angen am gymryd camau brys, gan gynnwys gweithio ar draws pob adran o Lywodraeth Cymru, i fynd i’r afael ag ansawdd aer gwael sy’n effeithio ar iechyd pobl ac amgylchedd naturiol Cymru.
2. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i drin llygredd aer fel mater iechyd y cyhoedd.
3. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi canllawiau i fyrddau iechyd lleol ar hysbysu trigolion ynghylch lefelau llygredd aer.
4. Yn cefnogi datblygu cynllun aer glân i Gymru i sicrhau mwy o welliannau na’r lleiafswm cyfreithiol ar gyfer ein holl ddinasyddion, gan gynnwys:
a) llunio fframwaith parth aer glân i sicrhau bod y parthau aer glân yn cael eu cynnal yn gyson ac effeithlon gan yr awdurdodau, lleol, lle’r bo’r angen;
b) gwella’r ffordd y mae’r awdurdodau lleol yn adrodd ar faterion sy’n ymwneud ag ansawdd aer yn eu rhanbarthau, a’r ffordd y maent yn mynd i’r afael â nhw;
c) sefydlu canolfan asesu a monitro ansawdd aer Cymru, ar gyfer cynghori llywodraethau lleol a chenedlaethol ar faint o ansawdd aer gwael sydd ac ar effeithiolrwydd camau gweithredu, nawr ac yn y dyfodol;
ch) sefydlu ymgyrch barhaus sy’n ymwneud ag ansawdd aer ac ymyriadau eraill i godi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o ansawdd aer gwael ac i newid ymddygiad.
5. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i wireddu ei hymrwymiad i gael gwared ar geir a faniau diesel a phetrol erbyn 2040 drwy osod cerrig milltir penodol i’w cyrraedd cyn y dyddiad hwnnw, gan gyflymu’r newid i system drafnidiaeth dim allyriadau yn y DU a chan sicrhau canlyniadau iechyd y cyhoedd yn gynharach.
6. Yn cydnabod yr angen i ddatgarboneiddio'r sector trafnidiaeth ac yn croesawu'r ddarpariaeth o £2 miliwn tuag at drydanu cerbydau trydan o ganlyniad i'r cytundeb rhwng Plaid Cymru a Llywodraeth Cymru ar y gyllideb.
Motion NDM6602 as amended:
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales:
1. Acknowledges the urgent need for action, including work across all parts of the Welsh Government, to tackle poor air quality affecting human health and the natural environment in Wales.
2. Calls upon the Welsh Government to treat air pollution as a public health issue.
3. Calls upon the Welsh Government to issue guidance to local health boards on alerting residents of air pollution levels.
4. Supports the development of a clean air plan for Wales to deliver improvements over and above legal compliance for all our citizens, including through:
a) a clean air zone framework to ensure the consistent and effective implementation of clean air zones by local authorities, wherever they are needed;
b) improvements to local authority reporting on air quality issues in their areas and their plans to deal with them;
c) the establishment of a national air quality assessment and monitoring centre for Wales, to advise local and national government on the extent of poor air quality and the effectiveness of current and future actions;
d) the delivery of an on-going air quality campaign and other interventions to raise public awareness of poor air quality and to change behaviour.
5. Calls on the UK Government to back up its stated commitment of phasing out new petrol and diesel cars and vans by 2040 with a concrete set of milestones to be achieved ahead of that date, accelerating the transition to zero emission road transport in the UK, and bringing forward the associated public health outcomes.
6. Recognises the need to decarbonise the transport sector and welcomes the provision of £2 million towards electric vehicle charging as a result of Plaid Cymru’s budget agreement with the Welsh Government.
Open the vote. Close the vote. For the amended motion 54, no abstentions, none against. Therefore, the amended motion is carried.
Agorwch y bleidlais. Caewch bleidlais. O blaid y cynnig wedi'i ddiwygio 54, neb yn ymatal, neb yn erbyn. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig wedi'i ddiwygio.
NDM6602 - Dadl: Ansawdd Aer (wedi'i ddiwygio): O blaid: 54, Yn erbyn: 0, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y cynnig fel y'i diwygiwyd
NDM6602 - Debate: Air Quality (as amended): For: 54, Against: 0, Abstain: 0
Motion as amended has been agreed
That concludes today's business. Thank you.
Dyna ddiwedd busnes heddiw. Diolch.
Daeth y cyfarfod i ben am 18:29.
The meeting ended at 18:29.