Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd
Plenary - Fifth Senedd
05/11/2019Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Galw'r Aelodau i drefn.
I call Members to order.
Yr eitem gyntaf yw'r cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Joyce Watson.
The first item is questions to the First Minister, and the first question is from Joyce Watson.
1. Pa asesiad y mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi'i wneud o adroddiad y Comisiwn ar Gyfiawnder yng Nghymru a gyhoeddwyd y mis diwethaf? OAQ54638
1. What assessment has the First Minister made of the Commission on Justice in Wales's report that was published last month? OAQ54638
Llywydd, thank you. The commission's report is an important landmark, which deserves serious and careful consideration. I will be making an oral statement on the report later this afternoon.
Llywydd, diolch. Mae adroddiad y comisiwn yn garreg filltir bwysig, sy'n haeddu ystyriaeth o ddifrif a gofalus. Byddaf yn gwneud datganiad llafar ar yr adroddiad yn ddiweddarach y prynhawn yma.
Thank you for that answer. The report concluded that the Tory cuts to legal aid have hit Wales disproportionately hard—their words, not mine. Since the budget was slashed in 2013, the number of firms providing legal aid in Wales has fallen by nearly a third, creating what the report calls 'advice deserts' in many parts of the country. So, in response to the commission's report, how will your Government promote equitable access to justice as a distinctly Welsh legal system emerges in the coming years?
Diolch am yr ateb yna. Daeth yr adroddiad i'r casgliad bod toriadau'r Torïaid i gymorth cyfreithiol wedi taro Cymru yn anghymesur o galed—eu geiriau nhw, nid fy rhai i. Ers y gostyngiad sylweddol i'r gyllideb yn 2013, mae nifer y cwmnïau sy'n darparu cymorth cyfreithiol yng Nghymru wedi gostwng gan bron i draean, gan greu'r hyn y mae'r adroddiad yn ei alw'n 'ardaloedd dim cyngor' mewn sawl rhan o'r wlad. Felly, mewn ymateb i adroddiad y comisiwn, sut y gwnaiff eich Llywodraeth hyrwyddo mynediad teg at gyfiawnder wrth i system gyfreithiol neilltuol i Gymru ddod i'r amlwg yn y blynyddoedd i ddod?
Well, Llywydd, I thank Joyce Watson for that important question. She's quite right, of course—the report highlights that whereas legal aid cuts in England have been a staggering 28 per cent in real terms, in Wales the cut has been 37 per cent and that that has left so many vulnerable people without access to the advice that they need when relying on the justice system. And just as there have been cuts in legal aid, so other cuts in the system. Court closures in Wales—50 courts in 2010, 28 courts left today, and people expected to travel 20, 30 miles to attend a court hearing. I see in the report, Llywydd, that the Ministry of Justice believe that it is reasonable, if you are a litigant or a witness, that you would leave your home by 7 o'clock in the morning and wouldn't return to it until 7.30 at night and that that is a reasonable expectation of somebody who may be doing that two or three days in a row to attend a hearing. We don't regard that as acceptable here in Wales and neither did Lord Justice Thomas in his report.
Llywydd, the report sets out the way in which the Welsh Government has had to deploy our budget to make good on the deficits that have been created by cuts imposed upon us by the UK Government—a single advice fund with over £8 million in grant funding made available to information and advice services for 2020. This is plugging gaps that should not be there, and it's money that would otherwise be allocated to services for which this Assembly is responsible. But we do it because of the scale of challenge that there is there—a scale of challenge that this report exposes.
Wel, Llywydd, hoffwn ddiolch i Joyce Watson am y cwestiwn pwysig yna. Mae hi yn llygad ei lle, wrth gwrs—mae'r adroddiad yn nodi, er bod y toriadau i gymorth cyfreithiol yn Lloegr wedi cyrraedd y ffigur syfrdanol o 28 y cant mewn termau real, mae'r toriad wedi bod yn 37 y cant yng Nghymru ac mae hynny wedi gadael cymaint o bobl agored i niwed heb fynediad at y cyngor sydd ei angen arnyn nhw wrth ddibynnu ar y system gyfiawnder. Ac yn union fel y bu toriadau i gymorth cyfreithiol, felly hefyd toriadau eraill yn y system. Cau llysoedd yng Nghymru—50 o lysoedd yn 2010, 28 o lysoedd ar ôl heddiw, a disgwyl i bobl deithio 20, 30 milltir i fynd i wrandawiad llys. Gwelaf yn yr adroddiad, Llywydd, bod y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder o'r farn ei bod yn rhesymol, os ydych chi'n ymgyfreithiwr neu'n dyst, y byddech chi'n gadael eich cartref erbyn 7 o'r gloch y bore ac na fyddech chi'n dychwelyd yno tan 7.30 yr hwyr a bod hwnnw'n ddisgwyliad rhesymol gan rywun a allai fod yn gwneud hynny ddau neu dri diwrnod yn olynol i fynd i wrandawiad. Nid ydym ni'n credu bod hynny'n dderbyniol yma yng Nghymru, ac nid oedd yr Arglwydd Ustus Thomas yn credu hynny yn ei adroddiad ychwaith.
Llywydd, mae'r adroddiad yn amlinellu'r ffordd y bu'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru ddefnyddio ein cyllideb i wneud iawn am y diffygion a grëwyd gan doriadau a orfodwyd arnom ni gan Lywodraeth y DU—un gronfa gyngor â thros £8 miliwn o arian grant ar gael i wasanaethau gwybodaeth a chyngor ar gyfer 2020. Mae hyn yn llenwi bylchau na ddylen nhw fod yno, ac mae'n arian a fyddai fel arall yn cael ei ddyrannu i wasanaethau y mae'r Cynulliad hwn yn gyfrifol amdanynt. Ond rydym ni'n ei wneud oherwydd maint yr her sy'n bodoli yn hynny o beth—maint her y mae'r adroddiad hwn yn ei amlygu.
The benefits of devolving the criminal justice system have been clear for a long time to Plaid Cymru. It was the basis of a policy paper that I wrote back in 2008, called 'Safer Communities'. So, it was heartening to see the findings of the commission on justice back this position up when the report was published. The evidence provided by this independent commission was forensic and indisputable. I agree with you when you say that the current situation is unacceptable. With that in mind, will the devolution of the criminal justice system, and specifically the recommendations of the Thomas report, form part of UK Labour's manifesto?
Mae manteision datganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol wedi bod yn eglur ers tro i Blaid Cymru. Dyna oedd sail papur polisi a ysgrifennais i yn ôl yn 2008, o'r enw 'Gwneud Ein Cymunedau'n Fwy Diogel'. Felly, roedd hi'n galonogol gweld canfyddiadau'r comisiwn ar gyfiawnder yn cefnogi'r safbwynt hwn pan gyhoeddwyd yr adroddiad. Roedd y dystiolaeth a ddarparwyd gan y comisiwn annibynnol hwn yn fforensig ac yn ddigamsyniol. Rwy'n cytuno â chi pan ddywedwch fod y sefyllfa bresennol yn annerbyniol. Gyda hynny mewn golwg, a fydd datganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol, ac yn benodol argymhellion adroddiad Thomas, yn rhan o faniffesto Llafur y DU?
Well, Llywydd, there are a number of us in the Chamber who have long histories of arguing for devolution of aspects of the criminal justice system. I first gave evidence on this topic in 1985, when I gave evidence to a Labour Party commission, where I argued that the probation service should be amongst the first items to be part of devolution that the Labour Party was then planning. The justice commission's report is not yet two weeks old and deserves careful consideration. It will get that from my party, certainly, and I look forward to having a Labour Government at the other end of the M4, where we can have those mature conversations.
Wel, Llywydd, mae nifer ohonom ni yn y Siambr sydd â hanesion maith o ddadlau dros ddatganoli agweddau ar y system cyfiawnder troseddol. Rhoddais dystiolaeth ar y pwnc hwn gyntaf yn 1985, pan roddais dystiolaeth i gomisiwn y Blaid Lafur, pryd y dadleuais y dylai'r gwasanaeth prawf fod ymhlith yr eitemau cyntaf i fod yn rhan o'r datganoli yr oedd y Blaid Lafur yn ei gynllunio bryd hynny. Nid yw adroddiad y comisiwn ar gyfiawnder yn bythefnos oed eto, ac mae'n haeddu ystyriaeth ofalus. Bydd yn cael hynny gan fy mhlaid i, yn sicr, ac edrychaf ymlaen at gael Llywodraeth Lafur ar ben arall yr M4, pryd y gallwn ni gael y sgyrsiau aeddfed hynny.
2. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi'u cael gyda'r Gweinidog Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol ynghylch gwella'r cymorth i'r rhai sy'n dioddef profedigaeth ar ôl hunanladdiad yng Nghymru ? OAQ54616
2. What discussions has the First Minister had with the Minister for Health and Social Services about improving support for those bereaved by suicide in Wales? OAQ54616
I thank Lynne Neagle for that question, Llywydd. Regular discussions take place between myself and the Minister on a wide range of health and social services matters. These discussions have included support for those bereaved by suicide in Wales.
Diolchaf i Lynne Neagle am y cwestiwn yna, Llywydd. Mae trafodaethau rheolaidd yn cael eu cynnal rhyngof i a'r Gweinidog ar amrywiaeth eang o faterion iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol. Mae'r trafodaethau hyn wedi cynnwys cymorth i'r rhai sydd wedi dioddef profedigaeth trwy hunanladdiad yng Nghymru.
Thank you, First Minister. We recently held the first substantive meeting of the new cross-party group on suicide prevention, focusing on suicide bereavement. We had a very powerful presentation from the inspirational Angela Samata, about how, working with those bereaved by suicide, a range of innovative projects have been developed in England, both to support those bereaved by suicide and to prevent further suicides. The Welsh Government committed in its response to the Health, Social Care and Sport Committee's 'Everybody's Business' report to urgently review the postvention pathway now in place in England, in order to adapt it for Wales. Given that we know that bereavement by suicide is a major risk factor for dying by suicide, and that postvention is therefore prevention, when can we expect such a pathway to be in place in Wales, and will you ensure that lived experience is fully taken into account in its development?
Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Cynhaliwyd cyfarfod sylweddol cyntaf y grŵp trawsbleidiol newydd ar atal hunanladdiad gennym yn ddiweddar, gan ganolbwyntio ar brofedigaeth yn sgil hunanladdiad. Cawsom gyflwyniad grymus iawn gan Angela Samata, ar sut y datblygwyd, gan weithio gyda'r rhai sydd wedi dioddef profedigaeth yn sgil hunanladdiad, amrywiaeth o brosiectau arloesol yn Lloegr, i gefnogi'r rhai sydd wedi dioddef profedigaeth trwy hunanladdiad ac i atal hunanladdiadau pellach. Yn ei hymateb i adroddiad 'Busnes Pawb' y Pwyllgor Iechyd, Gofal Cymdeithasol a Chwaraeon, ymrwymodd Llywodraeth Cymru i gynnal adolygiad brys o'r llwybr ôl-ofal sydd ar waith yn Lloegr erbyn hyn, er mwyn ei addasu ar gyfer Cymru. O ystyried ein bod ni'n gwybod bod profedigaeth drwy hunanladdiad yn ffactor risg mawr ar gyfer marw drwy hunanladdiad, a bod ôl-ofal, felly, yn ataliad, pryd y gallwn ni ddisgwyl i lwybr o'r fath fod ar waith yng Nghymru, ac a wnewch chi sicrhau bod profiad byw yn cael ei gymryd i ystyriaeth yn llawn yn ei ddatblygiad?
Can I thank Lynne Neagle for that supplementary question, and to welcome the formation of the cross-party group on this really important subject? She is right to say that we are committed to developing a national postvention bereavement pathway here in Wales. And this is to be a key priority for the new national lead on suicide prevention, and the three regional workers who will sit alongside the national lead, to make sure that we are able to develop a system in which the help that is already there for people who find themselves bereaved by suicide is not passively available to them and that does not rely on them going out to find the help that is there, but that the help that is available is organised in a way that makes that help actively available to people who find themselves in this position, and finds its way to them not once, but repeatedly over the period in which bereavement will be taking place. Because we know that people who are in that terrible position of suffering a bereavement through suicide are often simply not in a position themselves to go making the first move to get the help that they need. And even sometimes when help comes to them, it may be the wrong moment—it may not be the moment where they are able to take advantage of the help that is offered. So, we need a postvention pathway that is active in taking that help to those individuals and making sure that they are aware of what's available to them, and taking that help is made as easy as possible. And that is absolutely illustrated in the final point that Lynne Neagle made—that that way of doing things is drawn directly from the lived experience of people who have found themselves in this awful position. And we're lucky that they have been willing to contribute that experience to us in Wales, to help with the development of the postvention bereavement pathway.
A gaf i ddiolch i Lynne Neagle am y cwestiwn atodol yna, a chroesawu ffurfio'r grŵp trawsbleidiol ar y pwnc pwysig iawn hwn? Mae hi'n iawn i ddweud ein bod ni wedi ymrwymo i ddatblygu llwybr profedigaeth ôl-ofal cenedlaethol yma yng Nghymru. A bydd hyn yn flaenoriaeth allweddol i'r arweinydd cenedlaethol newydd ar atal hunanladdiad, a'r tri gweithiwr rhanbarthol a fydd yn eistedd ochr yn ochr â'r arweinydd cenedlaethol, i wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n gallu datblygu system nad yw'r cymorth sydd eisoes ar gael i bobl sy'n dioddef profedigaeth drwy hunanladdiad ar gael iddyn nhw yn oddefol ac nad yw hynny'n dibynnu arnyn nhw i fynd allan i ddod o hyd i'r cymorth sydd ar gael, ond bod y cymorth sydd ar gael yn cael ei drefnu mewn modd sy'n sicrhau bod y cymorth hwnnw ar gael yn weithredol i bobl sy'n eu canfod eu hunain yn y sefyllfa hon, ac yn canfod ei ffordd atyn nhw nid unwaith, ond dro ar ôl tro dros y cyfnod y bydd profedigaeth yn digwydd. Oherwydd rydym ni'n gwybod nad yw pobl sydd yn y sefyllfa ofnadwy honno o ddioddef profedigaeth drwy hunanladdiad yn aml ddim mewn sefyllfa eu hunain i gymryd y cam cyntaf i gael y cymorth sydd ei angen arnyn nhw. A hyd yn oed weithiau pan ddaw cymorth iddyn nhw, efallai mai dyna'r adeg anghywir—efallai nad dyma'r adeg pan eu bod yn gallu manteisio ar y cymorth a gynigir. Felly, mae angen llwybr ôl-ofal arnom ni sy'n weithredol o ran mynd â'r cymorth hwnnw i'r unigolion hynny a gwneud yn siŵr eu bod nhw'n ymwybodol o'r hyn sydd ar gael iddyn nhw, a bod cymryd y cymorth hwnnw'n cael ei wneud mor hawdd â phosibl. A dangosir hynny'n berffaith yn y pwynt olaf a wnaeth Lynne Neagle—bod y ffordd honno o wneud pethau yn deillio'n uniongyrchol o brofiad byw pobl sydd wedi canfod eu hunain yn y sefyllfa ofnadwy hon. Ac rydym ni'n lwcus eu bod nhw wedi bod yn barod i gyfrannu'r profiad hwnnw i ni yng Nghymru, i helpu gyda datblygiad y llwybr profedigaeth ôl-ofal.
A fortnight ago, as Chair of the cross-party group on funerals and bereavement, I met Rhian Mannings, who is the founder and chief executive of the all-Wales charity 2 Wish Upon a Star, to discuss their work providing essential bereavement support for families who have suddenly and traumatically lost a child or young adult aged 25 years and under, which may be from suicide, or may be through accident or illness. As she said, sudden death is the forgotten death in Wales. And although they've become a statutory service, effectively, in Wales, working with every health board, every police force, they're receiving no statutory support whatsoever, having to raise every penny themselves. She said they're reducing pressure on mental health teams, helping tackle that unforeseeable trauma of unpredictable death and loss. How, therefore, do you respond to their statement that their services therefore need to be widely known, with a multi-agency approach undertaken, to ensure that this support can be delivered Wales wide and that the severe long-term consequences for the survivors can be reduced?
Bythefnos yn ôl, fel Cadeirydd y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar angladdau a phrofedigaeth, cefais gyfarfod â Rhian Mannings, sef sylfaenydd a phrif weithredwr yr elusen Cymru gyfan 2 Wish Upon a Star, i drafod eu gwaith yn darparu cymorth profedigaeth hanfodol i deuluoedd sydd wedi colli plentyn neu oedolyn ifanc 25 oed ac iau yn sydyn ac yn drawmatig, a all fod yn sgil hunanladdiad, neu drwy ddamwain neu salwch. Fel y dywedodd hi, marwolaeth sydyn yw'r farwolaeth yr anghofir amdani yng Nghymru. Ac er eu bod nhw wedi dod yn wasanaeth statudol, i bob pwrpas, yng Nghymru, gan weithio gyda phob bwrdd iechyd, pob heddlu, nid ydyn nhw'n derbyn unrhyw gymorth statudol o gwbl, ac yn gorfod codi pob ceiniog eu hunain. Dywedodd hi eu bod nhw'n lleihau pwysau ar dimau iechyd meddwl, gan helpu i fynd i'r afael â thrawma annisgwyl marwolaeth a cholled na ellir eu rhagweld. Sut, felly, ydych chi'n ymateb i'w datganiad bod angen, felly, i'w gwasanaethau fod yn hysbys iawn, gan fabwysiadu dull amlasiantaeth, i sicrhau y gellir darparu'r cymorth hwn ledled Cymru ac y gellir lleihau'r canlyniadau hirdymor difrifol i'r goroeswyr?
Well, I respond first of all by saying how fortunate we are in Wales, Llywydd, to have groups like 2 Wish Upon a Star, organisations like Sands, and Bliss, all of whom draw on the enormous efforts of volunteers to provide help to families who find themselves in those deeply distressing situations. It's only a matter of a few weeks ago, Llywydd, that Baby Loss Awareness Week took place, and we had the annual event that I've had the privilege of sponsoring over a number of years now, where a number of Assembly Members, from across the Chamber, attended over at the Pierhead, where we were able to meet directly with people from those services, but also people who had lost a child very early on in that child's life, with a hurt that never goes away, and the need for the opportunity to talk with other people who have experienced the same thing themselves, to have the expert help that 2 Wish Upon a Star and other organisations can provide, was vividly part of the event that was held in the Pierhead. So, I absolutely commend the work that they do. I know that the health service in Wales wants to work carefully alongside them, but never to substitute for the extra ingredient that comes with people who have had that experience themselves, looking to make that available to others and to help them through an experience that they themselves have had to travel sometimes alone.
Wel, ymatebaf yn gyntaf oll drwy ddweud pa mor ffodus yr ydym ni yng Nghymru, Llywydd, i gael grwpiau fel 2 Wish Upon a Star, sefydliadau fel Sands, a Bliss, y mae pob un ohonyn nhw yn manteisio ar ymdrechion enfawr gwirfoddolwyr i roi cymorth i deuluoedd sy'n canfod eu hunain yn y sefyllfaoedd hynod ofidus hynny. Dim ond ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, Llywydd, y cynhaliwyd Wythnos Ymwybyddiaeth Colli Babanod, a chawsom y digwyddiad blynyddol yr wyf i wedi cael y fraint o'i noddi dros nifer o flynyddoedd bellach, pryd yr oedd nifer o Aelodau Cynulliad, o bob rhan o'r Siambr, yn bresennol yn adeilad y Pierhead, lle'r oeddem ni'n gallu cyfarfod yn uniongyrchol â phobl o'r gwasanaethau hynny, ond hefyd pobl a oedd wedi colli plentyn yn gynnar iawn ym mywyd y plentyn hwnnw, a oedd yn dioddef loes nad yw byth yn diflannu, a'r angen am y cyfle i siarad â phobl eraill sydd wedi cael yr un profiad eu hunain, i gael y cymorth arbenigol y gall 2 Wish Upon a Star a sefydliadau eraill ei ddarparu, ac roedd hyn yn rhan flaenllaw iawn o'r digwyddiad a gynhaliwyd yn adeilad y Pierhead. Felly, rwy'n cymeradwyo'n llwyr y gwaith y maen nhw'n ei wneud. Gwn fod y gwasanaeth iechyd yng Nghymru eisiau gweithio'n ofalus law yn llaw â nhw, ond byth i gymryd lle'r cynhwysyn ychwanegol sy'n dod gyda phobl sydd wedi cael y profiad hwnnw eu hunain, gan geisio sicrhau bod hynny ar gael i eraill a'u helpu drwy brofiad y maen nhw eu hunain wedi gorfod ei fyw, weithiau ar eu pennau eu hunain.
Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau, ac arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Adam Price.
Questions now from party leaders. The Plaid Cymru leader, Adam Price.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, can you say if achieving a score of 500 in each domain of the PISA global education rankings, in reading, mathematics and science, is still the policy of your Government? And can you confirm that the figures for Wales will be published alongside all the other international figures on 3 December, unencumbered by the rules around pre-election period announcements?
Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, a allwch ddweud ai sicrhau sgôr o 500 yn holl feysydd tablau addysg byd-eang PISA, mewn darllen, mathemateg a gwyddoniaeth, yw polisi eich Llywodraeth o hyd? Ac a allwch chi gadarnhau y bydd y ffigurau ar gyfer Cymru yn cael eu cyhoeddi ochr yn ochr â'r holl ffigurau rhyngwladol eraill ar 3 Rhagfyr, heb eu llesteirio gan y rheolau ynghylch cyhoeddiadau yn ystod y cyfnod cyn etholiad?
Well, Llywydd, our ambition for PISA is set out in our national mission for education. I've received no advice that suggests to me that those figures will not be published, but we will look to see what other administrations across the United Kingdom do, and we will take advice, as the Member would expect, from those who are responsible for policing any rules there are about publication of such data during a general election period.
Wel, Llywydd, mae ein huchelgais ar gyfer PISA wedi ei nodi yn ein cenhadaeth genedlaethol ar gyfer addysg. Nid wyf i wedi cael unrhyw gyngor sy'n awgrymu i mi na fydd y ffigurau hynny'n cael eu cyhoeddi, ond byddwn yn edrych i weld beth fydd gweinyddiaethau eraill ledled y Deyrnas Unedig yn ei wneud, a byddwn yn cymryd cyngor, fel y byddai'r Aelod yn ei ddisgwyl, gan y rhai sy'n gyfrifol am blismona unrhyw reolau sy'n bodoli ynghylch cyhoeddi data o'r fath yn ystod cyfnod etholiad cyffredinol.
First Minister, I believe it's normal practice for the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development to give advance notice to Governments, summarising the scores before the official announcement. Have you already received such advance notice, and can you say if you expect significant progress to have been made to achieving your target?
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n arferol i'r Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd roi hysbysiad ymlaen llaw i Lywodraethau, yn crynhoi'r sgoriau cyn y cyhoeddiad swyddogol. A ydych chi eisoes wedi cael hysbysiad ymlaen llaw o'r fath, ac a allwch chi ddweud pa un a ydych chi'n disgwyl y bydd cynnydd sylweddol wedi ei wneud tuag at gyrraedd eich targed?
Llywydd, no advanced information has been communicated to the Welsh Government, and, of course, Adam Price makes an important point that these are the OECD's figures, and publication of them will, to an extent, be in their hands, not ours. But we've had no advance notice of the results of the latest round that will be published later this month—
Lywydd, nid oes unrhyw wybodaeth ymlaen llaw wedi ei chyfleu i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac, wrth gwrs, mae Adam Price yn gwneud pwynt pwysig mai ffigurau'r OECD yw'r rhain, ac y bydd eu cyhoeddi, i raddau, yn eu dwylo nhw, nid ein rhai ni. Ond nid ydym ni wedi cael unrhyw hysbysiad ymlaen llaw am ganlyniadau'r rownd ddiweddaraf a fydd yn cael eu cyhoeddi yn ddiweddarach y mis hwn—
December.
Rhagfyr.
In December, I beg your pardon. And, of course, we are hopeful that those results will reflect the real efforts that our young people in our schools make in those PISA tests.
Ym mis Rhagfyr, mae'n ddrwg gen i. Ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n obeithiol y bydd y canlyniadau hynny'n adlewyrchu'r ymdrechion gwirioneddol y mae ein pobl ifanc yn ein hysgolion yn eu gwneud yn y profion PISA hynny.
First Minister, your education Minister said in 2017 that we need to make progress in the next set of PISA results if we're to hit the next target. If the news for Wales on 3 December isn't positive at all, or isn't positive enough, what will the response of the Government be in that situation? Will you accept that the strategy isn't working? We've had a PISA target since 2006 after all. Will it be a catalyst for a much needed boost in funding for the education system in Wales? Or will you be tempted to do what you often do under these circumstances, which is to drop the target?
Prif Weinidog, dywedodd eich Gweinidog addysg yn 2017 bod angen i ni wneud cynnydd yn y gyfres nesaf o ganlyniadau PISA os ydym ni'n mynd i gyrraedd y targed nesaf. Os nad yw'r newyddion i Gymru ar 3 Rhagfyr yn gadarnhaol o gwbl, neu ddim yn ddigon cadarnhaol, beth fydd ymateb y Llywodraeth yn y sefyllfa honno? A wnewch chi dderbyn nad yw'r strategaeth yn gweithio? Bu gennym ni darged PISA ers 2006 wedi'r cyfan. A fydd yn gatalydd i hwb y mae angen mawr amdano o ran cyllid ar gyfer y system addysg yng Nghymru? Neu a fyddwch chi'n cael eich temtio i wneud yr hyn yr ydych chi'n aml yn ei wneud o dan yr amgylchiadau hyn, sef anwybyddu'r targed?
Well, Llywydd, I don't recognise what the Member has said, and I'm certainly not going to speculate this afternoon on what I might say in a set of hypothetical circumstances that I've no idea what it would mean. It just seems a wholly meaningless question, and I'm not going to be able to provide it with a meaningful answer.
Wel, Llywydd, nid wyf i'n cydnabod yr hyn y mae'r Aelod wedi ei ddweud, ac yn sicr nid wyf i'n mynd i ddyfalu y prynhawn yma ynglŷn â'r hyn y byddwn i'n ei ddweud o dan gyfres o amgylchiadau damcaniaethol nad oes gen i syniad beth y bydden nhw'n ei olygu. Mae'n ymddangos fel cwestiwn cwbl ddiystyr, ac nid wyf i'n mynd i allu rhoi ateb ystyrlon iddo.
Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Paul Davies.
The leader of the opposition, Paul Davies.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, I'm sure you'll want to acknowledge this is the second anniversary of our colleague and friend Carl Sargeant's tragic death, and I'm sure you will want to join me in sending our thoughts and prayers to his family, his loved ones and all those affected at this time.
First Minister, is it acceptable to pay an NHS manager almost £2,000 a day and allow him to work from his home in Spain?
Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi eisiau cydnabod mai dyma ail ben-blwydd marwolaeth drasig ein cyd-Aelod a'n cyfaill, Carl Sargeant, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi eisiau ymuno â mi i anfon ein meddyliau a'n gweddïau at ei deulu, ei anwyliaid a phawb yr effeithir arnynt ar yr adeg hon.
Prif Weinidog, a yw'n dderbyniol talu bron i £2,000 y dydd i reolwr GIG a chaniatáu iddo weithio o'i gartref yn Sbaen?
Well, Llywydd, let me begin by echoing what Paul Davies said. This is a week when many people in this Chamber will be thinking about our colleague and the hurt that is still there following his untimely death only two years ago. So, I'm very pleased indeed to put on record the commitment that this side of the Chamber has to remembering that and to thinking of those most closely associated with him.
Llywydd, the Member refers to a director in the Betsi Cadwaladr trust who has been appointed following the advice of the Public Accounts Committee, which said that the health board should take immediate and urgent action to appoint a director to assist the health board to carry out the necessary reforms. So, the health board has followed the advice of the committee, chaired by his colleague, and I'm sure he'll be glad that the health board has listened so attentively to that advice.
Wel, Llywydd, gadewch i mi ddechrau drwy adleisio'r hyn a ddywedodd Paul Davies. Mae hon yn wythnos pan fydd llawer o bobl yn y Siambr hon yn meddwl am ein cyd-Aelod a'r loes sydd yno o hyd ar ôl ei farwolaeth cyn pryd ddwy flynedd yn ôl. Felly, rwy'n falch iawn o roi ar y cofnod yr ymrwymiad sydd gan yr ochr hon o'r Siambr i gofio hynny ac i feddwl am y rhai sydd â'r cysylltiad agosaf ag ef.
Llywydd, mae'r Aelod yn cyfeirio at gyfarwyddwr yn ymddiriedolaeth Betsi Cadwaladr a benodwyd yn dilyn cyngor y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus, a ddywedodd y dylai'r bwrdd iechyd gymryd camau brys ac ar unwaith i benodi cyfarwyddwr i gynorthwyo'r bwrdd iechyd i gyflawni'r diwygiadau angenrheidiol. Felly, mae'r bwrdd iechyd wedi dilyn cyngor y pwyllgor, o dan gadeiryddiaeth ei gydweithiwr, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd yn falch bod y bwrdd iechyd wedi gwrando mor astud ar y cyngor hwnnw.
Oh, come on, First Minister. The Public Accounts Committee didn't tell the health board that he should be paid nearly £2,000 a day and actually operate from his home in Spain. They did not say that. And let's look at the facts, shall we? It's understood that under the deal agreed with the health board, management consultant, Phillip Burns, will earn more than £360,000 for a nine-month contract—£360,000 that could be used to recruit actual doctors and nurses, given that north Wales has the second-worst ratio of patients per senior doctor in the United Kingdom, £360,000 that could be spent tackling the high number of patients waiting more than 12 hours in accident and emergency departments, or £360,000 that could be used to help prepare the health board for the winter months. First Minister, do you accept that your Government has failed patients across north Wales, given that this money could have been used to deliver front-line services? And can you tell us what you're doing to rectify this very embarrassing situation?
O, dewch nawr, Prif Weinidog. Ni ddywedodd y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus wrth y bwrdd iechyd y dylid talu bron i £2,000 y dydd iddo ac y dylai weithio o'i gartref yn Sbaen. Wnaethon nhw ddim dweud hynny. A gadewch i ni edrych ar y ffeithiau, ie? Deallir y bydd y cytundeb a gytunwyd gyda'r bwrdd iechyd, y bydd yr ymgynghorydd rheoli, Phillip Burns, yn ennill mwy na £360,000 am gontract naw mis—£360,000 y gellid ei ddefnyddio i recriwtio meddygon a nyrsys go iawn, o gofio bod gan ogledd Cymru y gymhareb ail-waethaf o gleifion i uwch feddygon yn y Deyrnas Unedig, £360,000 y gellid ei wario yn mynd i'r afael â'r nifer fawr o gleifion sy'n aros am fwy na 12 awr mewn adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys, neu £360,000 y gellid ei ddefnyddio i helpu i baratoi'r bwrdd iechyd ar gyfer misoedd y gaeaf. Prif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n derbyn bod eich Llywodraeth wedi gwneud cam â chleifion ar draws y gogledd, o gofio y gellid bod wedi defnyddio'r arian hwn i ddarparu gwasanaethau rheng flaen? Ac a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni beth yr ydych chi'n ei wneud i unioni'r sefyllfa hon sy'n achosi cymaint o gywilydd?
Well, let me make two or three points in relation to the Member's questions. First of all, I see how fast he runs away from the advice of an Assembly committee when it doesn't suit him.
Wel, gadewch i mi wneud dau neu dri o bwyntiau ynglŷn â chwestiynau'r Aelod. Yn gyntaf oll, rwy'n gweld pa mor gyflym y mae'n rhedeg i ffwrdd oddi wrth gyngor un o bwyllgorau'r Cynulliad pan nad yw'n ei blesio.
Dear, dear, dear. That's a pathetic excuse.
Diar, diar, diar. Dyna esgus truenus.
The Member thinks it is pathetic. Let me take him on, because he was the Chair of this committee once, and very keen indeed that its advice was followed. The committee makes advice. It said that this health board should urgently appoint somebody of this nature for this purpose. The health board goes and does it. It doesn't suit him then, so he wants to turn it into a question here. The reason that this person has to be paid what he is paid is because of the market that his Government has created in the NHS across our border. [Interruption.] Llywydd, these are exactly the sums of money that his colleagues in England are having to pay every day, and because there is a market created by people of that ilk who think that the NHS ought to be run in a market way, we end up having to pay sums of money of this sort. This is exactly in line with what organisations across our border run under the Government of his party are having to pay every day, and we are caught up in the backwash of the system that his party has created.
Mae'r aelod o'r farn ei fod yn druenus. Gadewch i mi ei herio, gan mai ef oedd Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor hwn ar un adeg, ac roedd yn awyddus iawn yn wir i'w gyngor gael ei ddilyn. Mae'r pwyllgor yn gwneud cyngor. Dywedodd y dylai'r bwrdd iechyd hwn benodi rhywun o'r math hwn ar frys ar gyfer y diben hwn. Mae'r bwrdd iechyd yn mynd ati i wneud hynny. Nid yw'n ei blesio wedyn, felly mae eisiau ei droi yn gwestiwn yn y fan yma. Y rheswm y mae'n rhaid i'r person hwn gael ei dalu yr hyn a delir iddo yw oherwydd y farchnad y mae ei Lywodraeth ef wedi ei chreu yn y GIG dros ein ffin. [Torri ar draws.] Llywydd, dyma'r union symiau o arian y mae ei gydweithwyr yn Lloegr yn gorfod eu talu bob dydd, ac oherwydd bod marchnad wedi ei chreu gan bobl o'r math hwnnw sy'n credu y dylai'r GIG gael ei redeg yn yr un ffordd â marchnad, rydym ni'n gorfod talu symiau o arian o'r math hwn yn y pen draw. Mae hyn yn cyd-fynd yn union â'r hyn y mae sefydliadau dros ein ffin sy'n cael eu rhedeg dan Lywodraeth ei blaid ef yn gorfod ei dalu bob dydd, ac rydym ni'n cael ein dal yn adlach y system y mae ei blaid ef wedi ei chreu.
First Minister, that is simply not good enough. You are in charge of this health board. You are in charge of running this health board in north Wales, and let me tell you, under your stewardship, Betsi Cadwaladr health board is simply not fit for purpose, and the people of north Wales deserve better. It's unacceptable that whilst you're allowing managers to actually sun themselves up in Spain, people are desperately waiting for treatments and for services. Earlier this year, the Assembly's Public Accounts Committee actually reported that Welsh Government support has been insufficient, and that actions had little practical impact on changing the health board's performance. That's what the Public Accounts Committee reported earlier this year. So, when will your Government step up and show some real leadership on this issue, and what specific targets have you set to take Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board out of special measures?
Prif Weinidog, nid yw hynny'n ddigon da o gwbl. Chi sy'n gyfrifol am y bwrdd iechyd hwn. Chi sy'n gyfrifol am redeg y bwrdd iechyd hwn yng ngogledd Cymru, a gadewch i mi ddweud wrthych, o dan eich stiwardiaeth chi, nid yw bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn addas i'w ddiben, ac mae pobl y gogledd yn haeddu gwell. Mae'n annerbyniol, tra eich bod chi'n caniatáu i reolwyr dorheulo yn Sbaen, bod pobl yn disgwyl yn daer am driniaethau ac am wasanaethau. Yn gynharach eleni, adroddodd Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus y Cynulliad bod cymorth Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn annigonol, ac mai prin oedd yr effaith ymarferol yr oedd camau gweithredu yn ei chael ar newid perfformiad y bwrdd iechyd. Dyna ddywedodd y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus yn gynharach eleni. Felly, pryd y bydd eich Llywodraeth yn camu ymlaen ac yn dangos rhywfaint o arweiniad gwirioneddol ar y mater hwn, a pha dargedau penodol ydych chi wedi eu gosod i dynnu Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr allan o fesurau arbennig?
So, when the advice of the committee suits him, Llywydd, he wants to parade it here. When it doesn't suit him, he wants to dismiss it. It's simply not an acceptable way of trying to conduct public business. Shall I just for a moment defend somebody who is being attacked on the floor of the Assembly, but isn't here, of course, to defend himself, because the individual that he has criticised this afternoon is actually working four days a week in the health board in north Wales, despite the things that he has said on the floor here this afternoon?
Llywydd, what we see is the old Tory trick. We see it every time there is an election. They think—as English providers said yesterday to his Government—that they can weaponise the NHS, that they can make it part of their campaign. Let me tell him now: he's tried it before, it didn't work then, and it's not going to work now either.
Felly, pan fo cyngor y pwyllgor yn addas ar ei gyfer, Llywydd, mae eisiau gwneud sioe o hynny yn y fan yma. Pan nad yw'n addas ar ei gyfer, mae eisiau ei ddiystyru. Yn syml, nid yw'n ffordd dderbyniol o geisio cyflawni busnes cyhoeddus. A gaf i am eiliad amddiffyn rhywun yr ymosodir arno ar lawr y Cynulliad, ond nad yw yma, wrth gwrs, i amddiffyn ei hun, oherwydd mae'r unigolyn y mae wedi ei feirniadu y prynhawn yma yn gweithio pedwar diwrnod yr wythnos yn y bwrdd iechyd yng ngogledd Cymru mewn gwirionedd, er gwaethaf y pethau y mae wedi eu dweud ar y llawr yn y fan yma y prynhawn yma?
Llywydd, yr hyn a welwn yw'r hen dric Torïaidd. Rydym ni'n ei weld bob tro y bydd etholiad. Maen nhw'n meddwl—fel y dywedodd darparwyr yn Lloegr wrth ei Lywodraeth ef ddoe—y gallan nhw droi'r GIG yn arf, y gallan nhw ei wneud yn rhan o'u hymgyrch. Gadewch i mi ddweud wrtho nawr: mae wedi rhoi cynnig ar hyn o'r blaen, ni weithiodd bryd hynny, ac nid yw'n mynd i weithio nawr ychwaith.
Arweinydd Plaid Brexit, Mark Reckless.
Leader of the Brexit Party, Mark Reckless.
First Minister, 10 Welsh Labour MPs refused to support having an election. One of your AMs in my region has said it is a mistake of historic proportions. Another has said that it's unsafe to have any election until the electoral system is reformed and abuse of politicians is dealt with. Since that Labour AM, notwithstanding our own policies, told a female member of my group to 'eff off' just two weeks ago, and the real—. Do you not agree that is rank hypocrisy and that the real reason Labour resisted having an election is that you fear you will lose and you prefer to block Brexit in this House of Commons?
Prif Weinidog, gwrthododd 10 AS Llafur Cymru gefnogi etholiad. Mae un o'ch ACau yn fy rhanbarth i wedi dweud ei fod yn gamgymeriad ar raddau hanesyddol. Mae un arall wedi dweud nad yw'n ddiogel cael unrhyw etholiad tan fod y system etholiadol yn cael ei diwygio ac yr ymdrinnir â phroblemau cam-drin gwleidyddion. Ers i'r AC Llafur hwnnw, er gwaethaf ein polisïau ein hunain, ddweud wrth aelod benywaidd o'm grŵp i 'eff off' gwta bythefnos yn ôl, a'r gwir—. Onid ydych chi'n cytuno ei fod yn rhagrith llwyr ac mai'r gwir reswm y gwrthwynebodd Llafur gael etholiad yw eich bod chi'n ofni y byddwch chi'n colli a'i bod yn well gennych chi atal Brexit yn y Tŷ'r Cyffredin hwn?
Well, Llywydd, if the Member has allegations to make about the conduct of any Member of this Assembly, then there are very well-understood ways in which that can be properly raised and investigated and making an allegation of that sort to me in First Minister's questions is certainly not the way for that to be resolved.
I am delighted there is an election. I'm looking forward to everything that I will do in it to persuade the people of Wales to go on doing what they have done for so many years: to support Labour candidates for a Labour Government that will make the real difference that they want to see in their lives.
Wel, Llywydd, os oes gan yr Aelod honiadau i'w gwneud am ymddygiad unrhyw Aelod o'r Cynulliad hwn, yna mae ffyrdd a ddeallir yn dda o fynd ati i godi ac ymchwilio i'r mater yn briodol ac nid gwneud honiad o'r math hwnnw i mi yn ystod cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yw'r ffordd i ddatrys hynny, yn sicr.
Rwyf i wrth fy modd bod etholiad yn cael ei gynnal. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at bopeth y byddaf yn ei wneud ynddo i berswadio pobl Cymru i barhau i wneud yr hyn y maen nhw wedi ei wneud ers cynifer o flynyddoedd: cefnogi ymgeiswyr Llafur i sicrhau Llywodraeth Lafur a fydd yn gwneud y gwahaniaeth gwirioneddol y maen nhw eisiau ei weld yn eu bywydau.
First Minister, you are in charge of discipline within your group, and I note you look to wash your hands of such matters. Over the coming weeks, First Minister, you, your AMs and your MPs are going to find out exactly how voters feel about the way that you have treated them. You told them that you backed the referendum. You told them that you would respect the result. Yet, since, you've sought to block Brexit and deny their democratic vote. Now you will have your reckoning, will we see the same desperate displacement activity from you as we see from Plaid Cymru? Their ex-leader, Leanne Wood, is so keen on Government from Westminster that she said:
'This election is also about Wales' health service, education, and public services'.
Can we also again look forward to Welsh Labour MPs campaigning on the failings of our NHS?
Prif Weinidog, chi sy'n gyfrifol am ddisgyblaeth yn eich grŵp, a sylwaf eich bod chi'n ceisio golchi eich dwylo o faterion o'r fath. Dros yr wythnosau nesaf, Prif Weinidog, rydych chi, eich ACau a'ch ASau yn mynd i ddarganfod yn union sut y mae pleidleiswyr yn teimlo am y ffordd yr ydych chi wedi eu trin. Dywedasoch wrthyn nhw eich bod chi'n cefnogi'r refferendwm. Dywedasoch wrthyn nhw y byddech chi'n parchu'r canlyniad. Ac eto, ers hynny, rydych chi wedi ceisio atal Brexit ac atal eu pleidlais ddemocrataidd. Nawr y byddwch chi'n cael eich dwyn i gyfrif, a fyddwn ni'n gweld yr un gweithgarwch dadleoli anobeithiol gennych chi ag a welwn ni gan Blaid Cymru? Mae eu cyn-arweinydd, Leanne Wood, mor frwd dros Lywodraeth San Steffan fel ei bod wedi dweud:
Mae'r etholiad hwn hefyd yn ymwneud â gwasanaeth iechyd, addysg a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus Cymru.
A allwn ni hefyd edrych ymlaen eto at weld ASau Llafur Cymru yn ymgyrchu ar sail methiannau ein GIG?
Well, Llywydd, let me say again to the Member that if he has allegations he wants to make, then there are well-understood ways in which they can and should be made, and his conduct this afternoon is not in keeping with the responsibilities that he ought to exercise as the leader of his latest party.
Of course the election is more than about Brexit. It is about the future of our country, about the sort of country we want to have, about a Government that will invest in our public services, that will put an end to the age of austerity, that will offer people hope that a better future can be prepared for them in the future. That is why the Labour Party is so pleased to be fighting this election. That is the message we will be putting on the doorstep. But the choice in this election is between a backward-looking Conservative Party that has offered 10 years of nothing but cuts and devastation in our public services, and a Labour Government, committed to the future of the many people in this country, not simply the privileged few, and that will set out a prospectus that offers us all a future in which Wales can prosper inside a prosperous United Kingdom, and, as I hope, inside a prosperous European Union.
Wel, Llywydd, gadewch i mi ddweud unwaith eto wrth yr Aelod, os oes ganddo honiadau y mae eisiau eu gwneud, bod ffyrdd a ddeallir yn dda y gellir ac y dylid eu gwneud, ac nid yw ei ymddygiad y prynhawn yma yn gydnaws â'r cyfrifoldebau y dylai eu hymarfer fel arweinydd ei blaid ddiweddaraf.
Wrth gwrs, mae'r etholiad yn ymwneud a mwy na Brexit yn unig. Mae'n ymwneud â dyfodol ein gwlad, am y math o wlad yr ydym ni eisiau ei chael, am Lywodraeth a fydd yn buddsoddi yn ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, a fydd yn rhoi terfyn ar y cyfnod cyni cyllidol, a fydd yn cynnig gobaith i bobl y gellir paratoi dyfodol gwell ar eu cyfer yn y dyfodol. Dyna pam mae'r Blaid Lafur mor falch o fod yn ymladd yr etholiad hwn. Dyna'r neges y byddwn ni'n ei rhannu ar garreg y drws. Ond mae'r dewis yn yr etholiad hwn rhwng Plaid Geidwadol sy'n edrych i'r gorffennol ac sydd wedi cynnig 10 mlynedd o ddim ond toriadau a dinistr yn ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, a Llywodraeth Lafur, sydd wedi ymrwymo i ddyfodol y bobl niferus yn y wlad hon, nid dim ond y breintiedig rai, a bydd hynny'n cyflwyno prosbectws a fydd yn cynnig dyfodol i bob un ohonom ni pryd y gall Cymru ffynnu y tu mewn i Deyrnas Unedig lewyrchus, ac, fel y gobeithiaf, y tu mewn i Undeb Ewropeaidd llewyrchus.
3. Pa strategaeth y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei dilyn i gefnogi'r economi yng Nghymru? OAQ54634
3. What strategy will the Welsh Government follow to support the economy in Wales? OAQ54634
I thank John Griffiths for that question, Llywydd. Our strategy for the Welsh economy focuses on inclusive growth and fair work. Public investment in people and places supports these strategic purposes.
Diolch i John Griffiths am y cwestiwn yna, Llywydd. Mae ein strategaeth ar gyfer economi Cymru yn canolbwyntio ar dwf cynhwysol a gwaith teg. Mae buddsoddiad cyhoeddus mewn pobl a lleoedd yn cefnogi'r dibenion strategol hyn.
First Minister, Newport is very well placed to help Welsh Government realise its ambitions in terms of sustainable development. It could play a much bigger part, I believe, in economic growth, job creation, together with the sort of environmental protections that we want to see in our country—sustainable development in the round. It's geographic location between our capital city and Bristol I believe gives it great advantages, and it has very good transport and communication links, together with resourceful people and strong communities.
So, would you, then, First Minister, join me in welcoming the proposed approach in the national development framework to put Newport at the forefront of that sort of development in south-east Wales and help it realise its potential, and in doing so, the potential of Wales as a whole?
Prif Weinidog, mae Casnewydd mewn sefyllfa dda iawn i helpu Llywodraeth Cymru i wireddu ei huchelgeisiau o ran datblygu cynaliadwy. Gallai chwarae rhan lawer mwy, rwy'n credu, mewn twf economaidd, creu swyddi, ynghyd â'r math o amddiffyniadau amgylcheddol yr ydym ni eisiau eu gweld yn ein gwlad—datblygu cynaliadwy yn ei gyfanrwydd. Mae ei lleoliad daearyddol rhwng ein prifddinas a Bryste yn fy marn i yn rhoi manteision mawr iddi, ac mae ganddi gysylltiadau trafnidiaeth a chyfathrebu da iawn, ynghyd â phobl ddyfeisgar a chymunedau cryf.
Felly, a wnewch chi, Prif Weinidog, ymuno â mi i groesawu'r dull gweithredu arfaethedig yn y fframwaith datblygu cenedlaethol i roi Casnewydd ar flaen y gad o ran y math hwnnw o ddatblygiad yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru a'i helpu i wireddu ei photensial, a thrwy wneud hynny, potensial Cymru yn ei chyfanrwydd?
Llywydd, can I thank John Griffiths for drawing attention to the national development framework? It is still out for consultation. Members have until 15 November in order to provide comments on it, and I look forward to reading the many comments that have already been sent in on the framework. It does, as John Griffiths says, identify Newport as somewhere that has an increased strategic role in the region in the future. There are many good reasons why that should be the case, as John Griffiths, as you would expect, has identified.
Newport, already a city where the employment rate is above the Welsh average, somewhere where the unemployment rate has fallen faster than in other parts of Wales, where there are now 11,475 active enterprises—the highest since records ever began—that is why the national development framework identifies the city as somewhere where sustainable development in housing, in essential services, in digital infrastructure, can be developed in the future. And we look forward to working with the city council and other important players in the locality to achieve the ambition that the national development framework sets out for the city of Newport.
Llywydd, a gaf i ddiolch i John Griffiths am dynnu sylw at y fframwaith datblygu cenedlaethol? Mae'n dal i fod allan ar gyfer ymgynghoriad. Mae gan yr Aelodau tan 15 Tachwedd i gynnig sylwadau arno, ac edrychaf ymlaen at ddarllen y sylwadau niferus sydd eisoes wedi eu hanfon ar y fframwaith. Fel y dywed John Griffiths, mae'n nodi Casnewydd fel rhywle sydd â swyddogaeth strategol gynyddol yn y rhanbarth yn y dyfodol. Mae llawer o resymau da pam y dylai hynny fod yn wir, fel y mae John Griffiths, fel y byddech chi'n ei ddisgwyl, wedi eu nodi.
Casnewydd, sydd eisoes yn ddinas lle mae'r gyfradd cyflogaeth yn uwch na chyfartaledd Cymru, rhywle lle mae'r gyfradd diweithdra wedi gostwng yn gyflymach nag mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru, lle ceir 11,475 o fentrau gweithredol erbyn hyn—yr uchaf ers i gofnodion ddechrau erioed—dyna pam mae'r fframwaith datblygu cenedlaethol yn nodi'r ddinas fel rhywle lle y gellir datblygu datblygu cynaliadwy ym maes tai, mewn gwasanaethau hanfodol, mewn seilwaith digidol, yn y dyfodol. Ac rydym ni'n edrych ymlaen at weithio gyda chyngor y ddinas a chwaraewyr pwysig eraill yn yr ardal i gyflawni'r uchelgais y mae'r fframwaith datblygu cenedlaethol yn ei gyflwyno ar gyfer dinas Casnewydd.
First Minister, you'll no doubt agree with me that having a thriving Cardiff Airport is essential for the south Wales economy. Now, the loans given to the airport has now increased to more than £50 million, nearly as much as it cost to buy the airport back in 2013, and the losses made to the airport continue to grow. Your predecessor said, First Minister, that it was always the Welsh Government's intention to return the airport to the private sector. You recently confirmed that this isn't your position. If I've got that wrong, then my question is to ask for clarification. Is it now the intention of the Welsh Government to run the airport for the long term, or are you still actively exploring the business models to get the airport into a position to turn it into the private sector? And if you have taken a different position to your predecessor, can you explain why that is the case?
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi'n cytuno â mi bod gennym Faes Awyr Caerdydd sy'n ffynnu yn hanfodol i economi'r de. Nawr, mae'r benthyciadau a roddwyd i'r maes awyr wedi cynyddu erbyn hyn i fwy na £50 miliwn, bron cymaint ag a gostiodd i brynu'r maes awyr yn ôl yn 2013, ac mae'r colledion a wneir gan y maes awyr yn parhau i dyfu. Dywedodd eich rhagflaenydd, Prif Weinidog, mai bwriad Llywodraeth Cymru erioed oedd dychwelyd y maes awyr i'r sector preifat. Cadarnhawyd gennych yn ddiweddar nad dyna yw eich safbwynt. Os wyf i wedi camgymryd yn hynny o beth, yna fy nghwestiwn yw gofyn am eglurhad. Ai bwriad Llywodraeth Cymru erbyn hyn yw rhedeg y maes awyr yn yr hirdymor, neu a ydych chi'n dal i ymchwilio'n weithredol i'r modelau busnes i gael y maes awyr i sefyllfa i'w droi'n sefydliad sector preifat? Ac os ydych chi wedi cymryd gwahanol safbwynt i'ch rhagflaenydd, a allwch chi esbonio pam mae hynny'n bod?
Llywydd, I welcome the Member's conversion to support Cardiff Airport and welcome the things that he has said about the way in which the airport is now thriving under public ownership—very far from the case when it was under its—. I think the Member referred to the 'thriving' nature—I wrote it down—to the 'thriving' nature of Cardiff Airport, an airport that, as he well knows, is under public ownership. So, I welcome his conversion to both of those causes.
There will be a long-term public interest in this airport because Wales needs an airport as a long-term investment in the future of our economy. As the airport goes on thriving and goes on growing, of course we will want to make sure that the way in which it is run and the way in which it is organised reflects its new success.
Llywydd, croesawaf dröedigaeth yr Aelod i gefnogi Maes Awyr Caerdydd a chroesawaf y pethau y mae wedi eu dweud am y ffordd y mae'r maes awyr yn ffynnu bellach o dan berchnogaeth gyhoeddus—ymhell iawn o'r gwirionedd pan yr oedd o dan ei—. Rwy'n credu bod yr Aelod wedi cyfeirio at Faes Awyr Caerdydd sy'n 'ffynnu'— fe'i hysgrifennais i lawr—maes awyr sy'n ffynnu, sydd, fel y mae'n gwybod yn iawn, o dan berchnogaeth gyhoeddus. Felly, croesawaf ei dröedigaeth i'r ddau achos hynny.
Bydd buddiant cyhoeddus hirdymor yn y maes awyr hwn gan fod Cymru angen maes awyr fel buddsoddiad hirdymor yn nyfodol ein heconomi. Wrth i'r maes awyr barhau i ffynnu a pharhau i dyfu, wrth gwrs byddwn eisiau sicrhau bod y ffordd y caiff ei redeg a'r ffordd y caiff ei drefnu yn adlewyrchu ei lwyddiant newydd.
The First Minister probably knows that Her Majesty's Revenue and Customs have calculated that Wales contributes approximately £5,800 per head in tax, and Her Majesty's Treasury calculates that public expenditure, at all levels in Wales, amounts to about £10,300 per head. And so that, in effect, is a massive subsidy, largely by the taxpayers of London and the south-east. Therefore, the future of the British economy is vitally important to economic prosperity in Wales. But there has been no desire on the part of either Labour or Conservative Governments in the last 20 years to adjust the Barnett formula, which produces significant injustice for people in Wales, because it's not based on actual needs. And in view of this, does he think that the devolution process has actually produced this unintended consequence that Wales is now largely forgotten by parties at Westminster because the powers that this Assembly has can be exercised here, but they have to be paid for, to a great extent, by taxpayers in England? So, it's a case of out of sight, out of mind, and therefore perhaps the devolution process has not been quite so beneficial to Wales as we might have thought.
Mae'n debyg bod y Prif Weinidog yn gwybod bod Cyllid a Thollau ei Mawrhydi wedi cyfrifo bod Cymru yn cyfrannu tua £5,800 y pen mewn treth, ac mae Trysorlys ei Mawrhydi yn cyfrifo bod gwariant cyhoeddus, ar bob lefel yng Nghymru, yn cyfateb i tua £10,300 y pen. Ac felly mae hynny, i bob pwrpas, yn gymhorthdal enfawr, yn bennaf gan drethdalwyr Llundain a de-ddwyrain Lloegr. Felly, mae dyfodol economi Prydain yn hanfodol bwysig i ffyniant economaidd Cymru. Ond ni fu unrhyw awydd ar ran Llywodraethau Llafur na Cheidwadol yn yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf i addasu fformiwla Barnett, sy'n creu anghyfiawnder sylweddol i bobl yng Nghymru, oherwydd nad yw'n seiliedig ar anghenion gwirioneddol. Ac o ystyried hyn, a yw'n credu bod y broses ddatganoli mewn gwirionedd wedi creu'r canlyniad anfwriadol hwn bod Cymru bellach yn cael ei hanghofio i raddau helaeth gan bleidiau yn San Steffan oherwydd y gellir arfer y pwerau sydd gan y Cynulliad hwn yn y fan yma, ond mae'n rhaid i drethdalwyr yn Lloegr, i raddau helaeth, dalu amdanyn nhw? Felly, mae'n fater o allan o olwg, allan o feddwl, ac felly efallai nad yw'r broses ddatganoli wedi bod mor fuddiol i Gymru ag y gallem ni fod wedi meddwl.
What a contorted line of argument, Llywydd. Let me start: the Member was correct in what he said at the beginning—that those HMRC figures show that £12 billion more is spent on public services in Wales than is raised in Wales. That's £4,000 for every family in Wales. Where I don't think he is right is in saying that these things are not thought about or considered.
Let me, for a moment, pay tribute to David Gauke, then the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, now the discarded Conservative member, who negotiated the fiscal framework with the Welsh Government that provides a 105 per cent multiplier for any expenditure that comes through for English purposes until such time as the floor that Gerry Holtham talked about in his report has been achieved. So, I think a lot of work went on early in this Assembly term to look at those financial arrangements. We said at the time—we say it again now—that, while that was welcome progress, what is really needed is a fundamental reform of the way that financial arrangements happen around the UK so that there is a needs basis to it, and Barnett has no basis in need at all.
Am ddadl wyrgam, Llywydd. Gadewch i mi ddechrau: roedd yr Aelod yn gywir yn yr hyn a ddywedodd ar y cychwyn—bod y ffigurau CThEM hynny yn dangos bod £12 biliwn yn fwy yn cael ei wario ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus yng Nghymru nag a godir yng Nghymru. Mae hynny'n £4,000 ar gyfer pob teulu yng Nghymru. Lle nad wyf i'n credu ei fod yn iawn yw o ddweud nad yw'r pethau hyn yn cael sylw nac yn cael eu hystyried.
Gadewch i mi, am funud, dalu teyrnged i David Gauke, ac yna i Brif Ysgrifennydd y Trysorlys, yr Aelod Ceidwadol y cafwyd gwared arno erbyn hyn, a gytunodd ar y fframwaith cyllidol gyda Llywodraeth Cymru sy'n darparu lluosydd o 105 y cant ar gyfer unrhyw wariant a ddaw at ddibenion Lloegr tan y bydd y llawr y soniodd Gerry Holtham amdano yn ei adroddiad wedi ei gyflawni. Felly, rwy'n credu bod llawer o waith wedi ei wneud yn gynnar yn y tymor Cynulliad hwn i edrych ar y trefniadau ariannol hynny. Dywedasom ar y pryd—rydym ni'n ei ddweud eto nawr—er bod y cynnydd hwnnw i'w groesawu, yr hyn y mae ei wir angen yw diwygiad sylfaenol o'r ffordd y mae trefniadau ariannol yn digwydd o amgylch y DU fel bod sail angen iddo, ac nid yw Barnett wedi ei seilio ar angen o gwbl.
4. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am y camau a gymerwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i wella gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl i bobl ifanc? OAQ54645
4. Will the First Minister make a statement on actions taken by the Welsh Government to improve mental health services for young people? OAQ54645
I thank David Rees for that, Llywydd. We continue to increase our investment to improve mental health services for young people. This investment is part of the Welsh Government's broader programme of work with a range of partners to respond to the changing mental health needs of children and young people.
Diolch i David Rees am hynna, Llywydd. Rydym ni'n parhau i gynyddu ein buddsoddiad i wella gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl i bobl ifanc. Mae'r buddsoddiad hwn yn rhan o raglen waith ehangach Llywodraeth Cymru gydag amrywiaeth o bartneriaid i ymateb i anghenion iechyd meddwl newidiol plant a phobl ifanc.
Can I thank the First Minister for his answer? Obviously, as a former health Minister, he's fully aware of the challenges that child and adolescent mental health services face over these difficult times. But can I also ask a question about the assessments that are required? I'm sure he, like myself, receives many constituents coming to him expressing deep concern, frustration and desperation at the challenges that their children face in actually being assessed. Sometimes, those assessments don't require CAMHS services, but require other mental health services that stop them going into the CAMHS. Can you tell us what actions you're taking to ensure that those children are able to get access to those assessments and get access to those services and therapies that will avoid them having a need for CAMHS later in life?
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ateb? Yn amlwg, fel cyn Weinidog iechyd, mae'n gwbl ymwybodol o'r heriau y mae gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl plant a'r glasoed yn eu hwynebu yn ystod y cyfnod anodd hwn. Ond a gaf i hefyd ofyn cwestiwn am yr asesiadau sydd eu hangen? Rwy'n siŵr ei fod ef, fel minnau, yn cael llawer o etholwyr yn dod ato yn mynegi pryder, rhwystredigaeth ac anobaith dwys ynghylch yr heriau y mae eu plant yn eu hwynebu wrth gael eu hasesu. Weithiau, nid oes angen gwasanaethau CAMHS ar yr asesiadau hynny, ond mae angen gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl eraill arnyn nhw sy'n eu hatal rhag mynd i'r CAMHS. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni pa gamau yr ydych chi'n eu cymryd i sicrhau bod y plant hynny'n gallu cael mynediad at yr asesiadau hynny a chael mynediad at y gwasanaethau a'r therapïau hynny a fydd yn eu hatal rhag bod angen CAMHS yn ddiweddarach yn eu bywydau?
Well, I thank David Rees for that and I completely agree that the system has needed reorientation so that it focuses on lower intensity services that prevent the escalation of young people to the specialist service that CAMHS represents. Indeed, Llywydd, I remember many times on the floor of the Assembly as the health Minister explaining that sending a young person straight to a specialist mental health service when what they really needed was a different sort of lower intensity service where they could talk to an adult about the difficult business of growing up—that that was a better investment in the future of those young people. And, as research by Hafal, the mental health charity here in Wales has demonstrated, that's what young people themselves tell us that they want.
That's why, since that period, we have invested in those services—the whole-school approach that has flown from the work done by the committee led by Lynne Neagle, where we're investing £2.5 million in bringing that about. The school counselling service that we have in schools: 11,365 young people benefited from that service last year, Llywydd; 87 per cent of them needed no onward referral, and only 3.5 per cent of them needed a referral to CAMHS. Now, that is exactly the point I think that David Rees is making, that, where you have suitable services there that can respond rapidly to a young person's needs, then it will very often mean that that young person doesn't need to have a more intensive and more specialist service. Where those things aren't available and aren't put in place in a timely way, the risk is that that young person's condition worsens and they're accelerated into the more intense end of the spectrum. That's what we would want to avoid. We'd want to make sure that the local primary mental health support service, for example—a great success story, I think, of this Assembly, brought about as a result of the Mental Health (Wales) Measure 2010—. There are now 2,384 more referrals every month to that primary care service than there were when it began in 2014. It's turned out to be immensely popular amongst patients, and it does what David Rees said: it gets alongside a young person—because it deals with people under the age of 18 as well as adults—it gets alongside them early, and tries to make sure that difficulties can be resolved without those problems becoming ones that require the intensity and the specialist knowledge that CAMHS itself provides.
Wel, diolchaf i David Rees am hynna ac rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr y bu angen angen ailgyfeirio'r system fel ei bod yn canolbwyntio ar wasanaethau dwysedd is sy'n atal pobl ifanc rhag cael eu huwchgyfeirio at y gwasanaeth arbenigol y mae CAMHS yn ei gynrychioli. Yn wir, Llywydd, rwy'n cofio egluro lawer gwaith ar lawr y Cynulliad pa oeddwn i'n Weinidog iechyd bod anfon person ifanc yn syth i wasanaeth iechyd meddwl arbenigol pan mai'r hyn sydd wir ei angen arno yw gwahanol fath o wasanaeth dwysedd is pryd y gallai siarad ag oedolyn am y busnes anodd o dyfu i fyny—bod hynny'n well buddsoddiad yn nyfodol y bobl ifanc hynny. Ac, fel mae gwaith ymchwil gan Hafal, yr elusen iechyd meddwl yma yng Nghymru wedi ei ddangos, dyna'r hyn y mae pobl ifanc eu hunain yn ei ddweud wrthym y maen nhw ei eisiau.
Dyna pam, ers y cyfnod hwnnw, yr ydym ni wedi buddsoddi yn y gwasanaethau hynny—y dull ysgol gyfan sydd wedi deillio o'r gwaith a wnaed gan y pwyllgor dan arweiniad Lynne Neagle, lle'r ydym ni'n buddsoddi £2.5 miliwn i wireddu hynny. Y gwasanaeth cwnsela sydd gennym ni mewn ysgolion: fe wnaeth 11,365 o bobl ifanc elwa ar y gwasanaeth hwnnw y llynedd, Llywydd; nid oedd 87 y cant ohonyn nhw angen atgyfeiriad ymlaen, a dim ond 3.5 y cant ohonyn nhw oedd angen atgyfeiriad at CAMHS. Nawr, dyna'r union bwynt y credaf y mae David Rees yn ei wneud, sef, lle mae gennych chi wasanaethau addas ar gael sy'n gallu ymateb yn gyflym i anghenion person ifanc, yna yn aml iawn bydd yn golygu nad oes angen i'r person ifanc hwnnw gael gwasanaeth mwy dwys a mwy arbenigol. Pan nad yw'r pethau hynny ar gael ac nad ydyn nhw'n cael eu rhoi ar waith mewn modd amserol, y perygl yw y bydd cyflwr y person ifanc hwnnw yn gwaethygu ac y bydd yn cael ei ruthro i ben dwysach y sbectrwm. Dyna'r hyn y byddem ni eisiau ei osgoi. Byddem ni eisiau gwneud yn siŵr bod y gwasanaeth cymorth iechyd meddwl sylfaenol lleol, er enghraifft—un o lwyddiannau mawr y Cynulliad hwn, rwy'n credu, yn deillio o Fesur Iechyd Meddwl (Cymru) 2010—. Ceir 2,384 yn fwy o atgyfeiriadau bob mis at y gwasanaeth gofal sylfaenol hwnnw erbyn hyn nag a oedd pan ddechreuodd yn 2014. Gwelwyd ei fod yn boblogaidd iawn ymhlith cleifion, ac mae'n gwneud yr hyn a ddywedodd David Rees: mae'n mynd law yn llaw â pherson ifanc—gan ei fod yn ymdrin â phobl dan 18 oed yn ogystal ag oedolion—mae'n mynd law yn llaw â nhw yn gynnar, ac yn ceisio gwneud yn siŵr y gellir datrys anawsterau heb i'r problemau hynny ddod yn rhai sy'n gofyn am y dwyster a'r wybodaeth arbenigol y mae CAMHS ei hun yn eu darparu.
The latest data shows, First Minister, that 335 individuals waited over 56 days from referral to a local primary mental health support services assessment. Now, this is the highest number on record since the start of the fifth Assembly in May 2016. Now, sadly, around a third of the people waiting over 56 days for assessment fall within Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, and I can tell you here today that a number of these actually fall within my own constituency. I have, on regular occasions, young people, and, actually, people of all ages, coming to me in absolute desperation because they cannot access any service or support for mental health issues, and some reporting suicidal thoughts.
Now, in a recent freedom of information request, the Welsh Government has spent around £82 million on intervention and improvement support to this particular health board. Now, this doesn't include the £2,000 a day that my colleague Paul Davies mentioned—this is £83 million just on the technicalities and the processes around intervention and improvement. Now, First Minister, I would be the first here to commend you if I thought that there were those real improvements going on in the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, but I'm sorry to have to tell you today: you need to get a grip of this. Your Minister has been asked to resign on numerous occasions, and I can tell you now, as we approach this general election, when you come to north Wales, the people will tell you exactly how you are failing my patients, my constituents, in Aberconwy and the greater people across north Wales. It is an absolute disgrace that you can stand there and defend £2,000—
Mae'r data diweddaraf yn dangos, Prif Weinidog, bod 335 o unigolion wedi aros dros 56 diwrnod o gael eu hatgyfeirio i gael asesiad gwasanaethau cymorth iechyd meddwl sylfaenol lleol. Nawr, dyma'r nifer uchaf ar gofnod ers dechrau'r pumed Cynulliad ym mis Mai 2016. Nawr, yn anffodus, mae oddeutu traean y bobl sy'n aros dros 56 diwrnod am asesiad ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, a gallaf ddweud wrthych chi yma heddiw bod nifer o'r rhain yn fy etholaeth i. Mae gennyf, ar adegau rheolaidd, pobl ifanc, ac, mewn gwirionedd, pobl o bob oed, yn dod ataf i mewn anobaith llwyr gan na allan nhw gael gafael ar unrhyw wasanaeth na chymorth ar gyfer problemau iechyd meddwl, a rhai'n dweud eu bod yn dioddef meddyliau hunanladdol.
Nawr, mewn cais rhyddid gwybodaeth diweddar, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwario tua £82 miliwn ar ymyrraeth a chymorth gwella i'r bwrdd iechyd penodol hwn. Nawr, nid yw hyn yn cynnwys y £2,000 y diwrnod y cyfeiriodd fy nghyd-Aelod, Paul Davies, ato—mae hyn yn £83 miliwn dim ond ar y manylion technegol a'r prosesau sy'n ymwneud ag ymyrraeth a gwella. Nawr, Prif Weinidog, fi fyddai'r cyntaf yn y fan yma i'ch cymeradwyo pe byddwn i'n credu bod y gwelliannau gwirioneddol hynny yn cael eu gwneud ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, ond mae'n ddrwg gennyf orfod dweud wrthych chi heddiw: mae angen i chi fynd i'r afael â hyn. Gofynnwyd i'ch Gweinidog ymddiswyddo sawl gwaith, a gallaf ddweud wrthych chi nawr, wrth i ni agosáu at yr etholiad cyffredinol hwn, pan fyddwch chi'n dod i'r gogledd, bydd y bobl yn dweud wrthych chi sut yn union yr ydych chi'n siomi fy nghleifion, fy etholwyr, yn Aberconwy a'r bobl yn ehangach ar draws y gogledd. Mae'n gwbl warthus eich bod chi'n gallu sefyll yn y fan yna ac amddiffyn £2,000—
Ask your question, Janet Finch-Saunders.
Gofynnwch eich cwestiwn, Janet Finch-Saunders.
—a day on one person's pay. So, with waiting times for assessments that are now deteriorating, despite immense investment—
—y dydd ar gyflog un person. Felly, gydag amseroedd aros am asesiadau sydd nawr yn gwaethygu, er gwaethaf buddsoddiad aruthrol—
Just ask your question. I've asked you once.
Gofynnwch eich cwestiwn. Rwyf i wedi gofyn i chi unwaith.
Okay. What measures are you taking to scrutinise the actual money that your Minister has allowed to be spent on these improvement interventions? What scrutiny are you undertaking as the First Minister to ensure that you are not literally just pouring this money down the drain? We are not seeing the improvements, and I want you, as First Minister—
Iawn. Pa gamau ydych chi'n eu cymryd i graffu ar yr arian gwirioneddol y mae eich Gweinidog wedi caniatáu iddo gael ei wario ar yr ymyraethau gwella hyn? Pa waith craffu ydych chi'n ei wneud fel Prif Weinidog i sicrhau nad ydych chi'n llythrennol yn arllwys yr arian hwn i lawr y draen? Nid ydym yn gweld y gwelliannau, ac rwyf i eisiau i chi, fel Prif Weinidog—
I think the question—. The question has been asked. Thank you.
Rwy'n credu bod y cwestiwn—. Mae'r cwestiwn wedi ei ofyn. Diolch.
—to take some responsibility.
—gymryd rhywfaint o gyfrifoldeb.
Llywydd, I can tell you that, when I go to north Wales, what people tell me is that they wish they had an Assembly Member who would speak up for the health service in north Wales, that they wish that they had Assembly Members, particularly from the Conservative Party, who would occasionally, just occasionally, find one good word to say for the health service that they depend upon.
And I must say, Llywydd, it's absolute nonsense for the Member to refer to £83 million being spent on technicalities. The technicalities she is referring to is the money that we have provided to make sure that staff at Betsi Cadwaladr go on being paid and that patients in Betsi Cadwaladr go on being treated. I will defend every penny of the money that we have spent because your constituents, as a result, are getting the treatment that the health service provides. The fact that you criticise—that you criticise—a Welsh Government prepared to find extra money for patients in north Wales shows me just what a distorted view of priorities the Conservative Party in north Wales has.
Llywydd, gallaf ddweud wrthych, pan fyddaf yn mynd i'r gogledd, yr hyn y mae pobl yn ei ddweud wrthyf yw y bydden nhw'n falch pe byddai ganddyn nhw Aelod Cynulliad a fyddai'n siarad dros y gwasanaeth iechyd yn y gogledd, y bydden nhw'n falch pe byddai ganddyn nhw Aelodau Cynulliad, yn enwedig o'r Blaid Geidwadol, a fyddai ambell waith, dim ond ambell waith, yn dod o hyd i un gair da i'w ddweud am y gwasanaeth iechyd y maen nhw'n dibynnu arno.
Ac mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, Llywydd, mae'n lol llwyr bod yr Aelod yn cyfeirio at wario £83 miliwn ar fanylion technegol. Y manylion technegol y mae'n cyfeirio atyn nhw yw'r arian yr ydym ni wedi ei ddarparu i wneud yn siŵr bod staff Betsi Cadwaladr yn parhau i gael eu talu a bod cleifion yn Betsi Cadwaladr yn parhau i gael eu trin. Byddaf yn amddiffyn pob ceiniog o'r arian yr ydym ni wedi ei wario oherwydd mae eich etholwyr, o ganlyniad, yn cael y driniaeth y mae'r gwasanaeth iechyd yn ei darparu. Mae'r ffaith eich bod chi'n beirniadu—eich bod chi'n beirniadu—Llywodraeth Cymru sy'n barod i ddod o hyd i arian ychwanegol i gleifion yn y gogledd yn dangos i mi safbwynt mor wyrdroëdig o flaenoriaethau sydd gan y Blaid Geidwadol yn y gogledd.
5. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i wella mynediad cleifion at ofal iechyd yng Ngorllewin De Cymru? OAQ54644
5. What actions are the Welsh Government taking to improve access to healthcare for patients in South Wales West? OAQ54644
Llywydd, I thank the Member for the question. Health boards in Wales continue to take a range of actions to improve access to all healthcare services that are safe, sustainable and as close to people's homes as possible.
Llywydd, diolchaf i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn. Mae byrddau iechyd yng Nghymru yn parhau i gymryd amrywiaeth o gamau i wella mynediad at bob gwasanaeth gofal iechyd sy'n ddiogel, yn gynaliadwy ac mor agos â phosibl i gartrefi pobl.
Thank you, First Minister. Of course, while there has been some progress in improving access, there is one area in which we are still performing badly, and that is the emergency response times. Over recess, I was contacted by a constituent whose elderly parent suffered a stroke. But, after waiting over an hour and a half for an ambulance, they gave up and drove to A&E themselves. Now, this isn't the first time that this has happened, and a few months ago another of my constituents also waited hours for an emergency response following a stroke. So, First Minister, why are stroke patients facing these potentially life-threatening delays, and what is the Welsh Government doing to improve emergency response times?
Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Wrth gwrs, er y bu rhywfaint o gynnydd o ran gwella mynediad, ceir un maes lle'r ydym ni'n dal i berfformio'n wael, sef yr amseroedd ymateb brys. Dros y toriad, cysylltodd etholwr â mi yr oedd ei riant oedrannus wedi dioddef strôc. Ond, ar ôl aros dros awr a hanner am ambiwlans, fe wnaethon nhw benderfynu gyrru i'r adran damweiniau ac achosion brys eu hunain. Nawr, nid dyma'r tro cyntaf i hyn ddigwydd, ac ychydig fisoedd yn ôl arhosodd un arall o'm hetholwyr am oriau am ymateb brys yn dilyn strôc hefyd. Felly, Prif Weinidog, pam mae cleifion strôc yn wynebu'r oedi hwn a allai fygwth eu bywydau, a beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i wella amseroedd ymateb brys?
I thank the Member for the supplementary question and for her recognition of the progress that has been made in aspects of the health service. She will know that reforms to the ambulance service mean that red responses have now been met above the target that we set for them for 47 months consecutively. Amber response times—the next category down—have been subject to an amber review, and we recognise that there are things that we need to do to refine that category, and stroke patients are a particular concern within that category. And I know that the health Minister is alert to that, he's working with officials on that. It's a matter we take very seriously, and we'll continue to see what can be done to improve it within the system that we have.
Diolchaf i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn atodol ac am ei chydnabyddiaeth o'r cynnydd a wnaed mewn agweddau ar y gwasanaeth iechyd. Bydd yn gwybod bod diwygiadau i'r gwasanaeth ambiwlans yn golygu bod ymatebion coch wedi eu bodloni erbyn hyn uwchlaw'r targed a osodwyd gennym ni ar eu cyfer am 47 mis yn olynol. Mae amseroedd ymateb oren—y categori nesaf i lawr—wedi bod yn destun adolygiad oren, ac rydym ni'n cydnabod bod pethau y mae angen i ni eu gwneud i fireinio'r categori hwnnw, ac mae cleifion strôc yn destun pryder penodol yn y categori hwnnw. A gwn fod y Gweinidog iechyd yn effro i hynny, mae'n gweithio gyda swyddogion ar hynny. Mae'n fater yr ydym ni'n ei gymryd o ddifrif, a byddwn yn parhau i weld beth y gellir ei wneud i'w wella o fewn y system sydd gennym ni.
Well, it's not just ambulance waiting times, it's ambulance discharge times as well.
Your Government recently passed its climate emergency statement, yet we have patients and visitors driving round and round in circles in parking spaces at Morriston, Singleton and Princess of Wales hospitals, contributing unnecessarily to local pollution. It's also literally preventing access to healthcare through missed appointments for some, but at least compromising the well-being of others whose visitors just give up. This can't just be a question for active travel and public transport and technology. Can you please tell us what health boards are doing to try and resolve this particular problem?
Wel, nid yw hyn yn ymwneud ag amseroedd aros am ambiwlansys yn unig, ond amseroedd rhyddhau o ambiwlansys hefyd.
Yn ddiweddar, pasiodd eich Llywodraeth ei datganiad brys ar yr hinsawdd, ac eto mae gennym ni gleifion ac ymwelwyr yn gyrru rownd a rownd mewn cylchoedd mewn mannau parcio yn ysbytai Treforys, Singleton a Thywysoges Cymru, gan gyfrannu'n ddiangen at lygredd lleol. Mae hefyd yn atal, yn llythrennol, mynediad at ofal iechyd drwy apwyntiadau wedi ei colli i rai, ond mae o leiaf yn peryglu lles pobl eraill y mae eu hymwelwyr yn rhoi'r ffidil yn y to. Ni all hwn fod yn gwestiwn ar gyfer teithio llesol a chludiant cyhoeddus a thechnoleg yn unig. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni beth mae byrddau iechyd yn ei wneud i geisio datrys y broblem benodol hon?
Well, Llywydd, I'm not sure what the Member is suggesting—whether she's suggesting that the answer is to make it easier for cars to be able to park at hospitals. Our efforts and health boards' efforts are focused on sustainable travel plans, making sure that public transport is aligned with hospitals so that people can travel easily in that way to hospitals, and in staggering some of the times that appointments are made and visiting hours are held, so that you don't have large numbers of people converging on a site at a particular moment. We have to have sustainable travel plans, and simply relying on more and more cars being able to make their way to hospitals will not provide that, and certainly will not provide any answer to a climate emergency.
Wel, Llywydd, nid wyf i'n siŵr beth mae'r Aelod yn ei awgrymu—pa un a yw'n awgrymu mai'r ateb yw ei gwneud hi'n haws i geir barcio mewn ysbytai. Mae ein hymdrechion ni ac ymdrechion byrddau iechyd yn canolbwyntio ar gynlluniau teithio cynaliadwy, gan wneud yn siŵr bod cludiant cyhoeddus yn cyd-fynd ag ysbytai fel y gall pobl deithio'n hawdd yn y modd hwnnw i ysbytai, a thrwy wasgaru rhai o'r amseroedd y caiff apwyntiadau eu trefnu ac y cynhelir oriau ymweld, fel nad oes gennych chi nifer fawr o bobl yn cydgyfarfod ar safle ar adeg benodol. Mae'n rhaid i ni gael cynlluniau teithio cynaliadwy, ac ni fydd dibynnu'n syml ar fwy a mwy o geir yn gallu gwneud eu ffordd i ysbytai yn darparu hynny, ac yn sicr ni fydd yn darparu unrhyw ateb i argyfwng hinsawdd.
6. Pa drafodaethau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u cael ynghylch gweithredu'r gronfa ffyniant gyffredin arfaethedig? OAQ54640
6. What discussions has the Welsh Government had regarding the operation of the proposed shared prosperity fund? OAQ54640
Llywydd, this fund was a Conservative Party manifesto commitment in 2017, at an election in which that party failed to secure a majority. In our discussions since then, including through the Joint Ministerial Committee on Europe, the UK Government’s plans have been repeatedly delayed and repeatedly held in secret.
Llywydd, roedd y gronfa hon yn ymrwymiad maniffesto gan y Blaid Geidwadol yn 2017, mewn etholiad pryd y methodd y blaid honno â sicrhau mwyafrif. Yn ein trafodaethau ers hynny, gan gynnwys drwy Gydbwyllgor y Gweinidogion ar Ewrop, mae cynlluniau Llywodraeth y DU wedi eu hoedi dro ar ôl tro a'u cadw'n gyfrinachol dro ar ôl tro.
Thank you, First Minister. I was more than a little concerned to read briefings from the last Queen's Speech that suggested that the shared prosperity fund, which will replace EU structural funding, will be approached within the context of English devolution. Hopefully, an election will bring about a change of approach in Westminster, but, in light of the importance of any successor scheme to Wales, do you agree with me that decisions regarding the operation of the fund should be made in Wales to ensure maximum benefit to people in constituencies like Cynon Valley?
Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Roeddwn i'n poeni'n fawr o ddarllen y papurau briffio o Araith ddiwethaf y Frenhines a oedd yn awgrymu y bydd y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin, a fydd yn disodli cyllid strwythurol yr UE, yn cael ei thrin yng nghyd-destun datganoli yn Lloegr. Y gobaith yw y bydd etholiad yn arwain at newid dull yn San Steffan, ond, yng ngoleuni pwysigrwydd unrhyw gynllun olynol i Gymru, a ydych chi'n cytuno â mi y dylid gwneud penderfyniadau ynghylch gweithrediad y gronfa yng Nghymru i sicrhau'r budd mwyaf posibl i bobl mewn etholaethau fel Cwm Cynon?
Llywydd, I thank Vikki Howells for that. She's right to say that there were references in the background papers to the Queen's Speech to the UK prosperity fund. They appeared on page 91 and 92 of the background papers—you can see just how important it was to the UK Government to make a lot of that. Now, we have said time and time again that when we ever see details of the shared prosperity fund then there must be not a penny lost and not a power stolen from this National Assembly. The fact that those references late in the document are entirely cast in the context of English devolution seems to me to be a further very bad sign of what we can expect if and when such plans ever did emerge. And can I say, Llywydd, that the urgency of resolving this matter is moving from being just a theoretical issue to a real practical issue too? We have no replacement funding for the current EU programmes after 1 January 2020, and the UK Government's budget for 2020-21 has nothing in the final quarter of that financial year to make good the money that Wales will lose, money that Members in this Chamber assured people in Wales that there was an absolute guarantee we would not be losing. And, if there is such an absolute guarantee, why does that money not appear anywhere in the budget published by the UK Government for the financial year 2020-21, when that money will be required on 1 January that year? We've had months and years now of dither and delay. It's time it was over and Wales needs to have the promises made to it actually delivered.
Llywydd, diolchaf i Vikki Howells am hynna. Mae hi'n iawn i ddweud bod cyfeiriadau yn y papurau cefndir i Araith y Frenhines at gronfa ffyniant y DU. Roeddent yn ymddangos ar dudalen 91 a 92 y papurau cefndir—gallwch weld yn union pa mor bwysig ydoedd i Lywodraeth y DU wneud môr a mynydd o hynny. Nawr, rydym ni wedi dweud dro ar ôl tro, pan welwn ni fyth fanylion y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin, bod yn rhaid i'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn beidio â cholli ceiniog ac na ddylid dwyn unrhyw rym oddi wrtho. Mae'r ffaith bod y cyfeiriadau hynny yn hwyr yn y ddogfen yn cael eu cyflwyno'n gwbl amlwg yng nghyd-destun datganoli yn Lloegr yn ymddangos i mi yn arwydd gwael iawn pellach o'r hyn y gallwn ni ei ddisgwyl os a phan y daw cynlluniau o'r fath i'r amlwg. Ac a gaf i ddweud, Llywydd, bod y brys i ddatrys y mater hwn yn symud o fod yn fater cwbl ddamcaniaethol i fater ymarferol gwirioneddol hefyd? Nid oes gennym ni gyllid arall i gymryd lle rhaglenni presennol yr UE ar ôl 1 Ionawr 2020, ac nid oes dim yng nghyllideb Llywodraeth y DU ar gyfer 2020-21 ddim yn chwarter olaf y flwyddyn ariannol honno i wneud iawn am yr arian y bydd Cymru yn ei golli, arian y sicrhawyd pobl yng Nghymru gan yr Aelodau yn y Siambr hon bod sicrwydd llwyr na fyddem yn ei golli. Ac, os oes sicrwydd llwyr o'r fath, pam nad yw'r arian hwnnw'n ymddangos yn unman yn y gyllideb a gyhoeddwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU ar gyfer blwyddyn ariannol 2020-21, pan fydd angen yr arian hwnnw ar 1 Ionawr y flwyddyn honno? Rydym ni wedi cael misoedd a blynyddoedd o anwadalu ac oedi erbyn hyn. Mae'n bryd iddo fod ar ben ac mae Cymru angen i'r addewidion a wnaed iddi gael eu gwireddu.
7. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gefnogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg yng Nghanolbarth a Gorllewin Cymru? OAQ54623
7. Will the First Minister make a statement on Welsh Government support for Welsh-medium education in Mid and West Wales? OAQ54623
I thank the Member for that. Amongst the actions taken by the Welsh Government is the new £7 million investment in Mid and West Wales to support Welsh-medium early years provision, including six projects in each of Carmarthenshire, Ceredigion and Powys.
Diolchaf i'r Aelod am hynna. Un o'r camau a gymerwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru yw'r buddsoddiad newydd o £7 miliwn yn y canolbarth a'r gorllewin i gefnogi darpariaeth blynyddoedd cynnar cyfrwng Cymraeg, gan gynnwys chwe phrosiect ym mhob un o Siroedd Caerfyrddin, Ceredigion a Phowys.
I'm grateful to the First Minister for his answer. I'd like to draw his attention to the situation faced by pupils and staff at Ysgol Gymraeg Dewi Sant in Llanelli, which as the First Minister will know is Wales's oldest Welsh-medium school, where publicly funded Welsh-medium education began. He may also recall that the situation faced by pupils and staff in the school is serious. Whole classes are being taught in corridors and the physical state of the building is extremely poor. Staff and pupils and parents were very grateful to receive funding through the twenty-first century schools programme, but the scheme has been called in by another part of Welsh Government due to issues in relation to the planning system and some concerns about flooding potential.
I would not suggest for a moment, Llywydd, that I'd ask the First Minister to interfere in any way in the due process that needs to be gone through around the planning issue, but it is my understanding that the initial deadline for that decision to be made has passed, and I would like to ask the First Minister today to speak to the relevant Ministers—the Minister for Education, the Minister with responsibility for planning—so that the pupils and families and teachers in that school can be told when this process will be over, and with a view to ensuring that the Welsh Government's proposed investment is not lost because of the delay in the planning system.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ateb. Hoffwn dynnu ei sylw at y sefyllfa sy'n wynebu disgyblion a staff Ysgol Gymraeg Dewi Sant yn Llanelli, sef, fel y bydd y Prif Weinidog yn ymwybodol, ysgol Gymraeg hynaf Cymru, lle dechreuodd addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg a ariennir yn gyhoeddus. Efallai y bydd yn cofio hefyd fod y sefyllfa a wynebir gan ddisgyblion a staff yn yr ysgol yn ddifrifol. Mae dosbarthiadau cyfan yn cael eu haddysgu mewn coridorau ac mae cyflwr ffisegol yr adeilad yn wael iawn. Roedd staff a disgyblion a rhieni yn ddiolchgar iawn o dderbyn cyllid trwy raglen ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, ond mae'r cynllun wedi cael ei alw i mewn gan ran arall o Lywodraeth Cymru oherwydd problemau yn ymwneud â'r system gynllunio a rhai pryderon am botensial llifogydd.
Ni fyddwn yn awgrymu am eiliad, Llywydd, y byddwn yn gofyn i'r Prif Weinidog ymyrryd mewn unrhyw ffordd yn y broses briodol y mae angen ei dilyn o ran y mater cynllunio, ond yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf, mae'r dyddiad terfyn cychwynnol ar gyfer gwneud y penderfyniad hwnnw wedi mynd heibio, a hoffwn ofyn i'r Prif Weinidog heddiw siarad â'r Gweinidogion perthnasol—y Gweinidog Addysg, y Gweinidog â chyfrifoldeb am gynllunio—fel y gellir dweud wrth y disgyblion a'r teuluoedd a'r athrawon yn yr ysgol honno pryd y daw'r broses hon i ben, a chyda'r nod o sicrhau nad yw buddsoddiad arfaethedig Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael ei golli oherwydd yr oedi yn y system gynllunio.
I thank Helen Mary Jones for that supplementary question and for drawing attention to the history of Dewi Sant school and the place it holds in the history of Welsh-medium education here in Wales. I'll certainly make inquiries, as the Member says, not to interfere in any way in the process, but to make sure that information about it is properly known to those who have a direct interest in it.
Diolchaf i Helen Mary Jones am y cwestiwn atodol yna ac am dynnu sylw at hanes ysgol Dewi Sant a'r lle sydd ganddi yn hanes addysg Gymraeg yma yng Nghymru. Byddaf yn sicr yn gwneud ymholiadau, fel y dywed yr Aelod, nid i ymyrryd mewn unrhyw ffordd yn y broses, ond i sicrhau bod gwybodaeth amdani yn hysbys mewn modd priodol i'r rhai sydd â buddiant uniongyrchol ynddi.
Tynnwyd cwestiwn 8 [OAQ54627] yn ôl, felly yn olaf, cwestiwn 9, Darren Millar.
Question 8 [OAQ54627] was withdrawn, so finally, question 9, Darren Millar.
9. Pa ganllawiau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u cyhoeddi ynghylch cyflogau'r sector cyhoeddus yng Nghymru? OAQ54614
9. What guidance has the Welsh Government issued regarding public sector pay in Wales? OAQ54614
I thank the Member for that. We provide guidance on public sector pay in Wales through various mechanisms, such as remit letters to Welsh Government sponsored bodies and pay review bodies, and are about to consult on a set of common principles to underpin our approach to public sector pay across Wales.
Diolchaf i'r Aelod am hynna. Rydym ni'n darparu canllawiau ar gyflogau sector cyhoeddus yng Nghymru drwy wahanol ddulliau, fel llythyron cylch gwaith i gyrff a noddir gan Lywodraeth Cymru a chyrff adolygu cyflogau, ac rydym ni ar fin ymgynghori ar gyfres o egwyddorion cyffredin a fydd yn sail i'n dull o ymdrin â chyflogau'r sector cyhoeddus ledled Cymru.
Reference has already been made in this Chamber, First Minister, to the outrage that is taking place across north Wales as a result of this £2,000 per day that is being paid to the recovery director at the Betsi Cadwaladr health board. You will know that the Public Accounts Committee has previously reported on senior management pay in the public sector and made clear recommendations about guidance for the appointment of consultants, and indeed senior managers, in the public sector to ensure that there's transparency and accountability.
One thing that I think is absolutely astonishing is that health board members, independent members of this health board, do not appear to have had any role or knowledge about this particular appointment of this particular individual, and indeed other individuals who are also being paid what appear to be eye-watering amounts. Can you tell us whether new guidance will be issued as a result of this situation in north Wales, whether the Welsh Government will intervene to make sure that money is being spent appropriately, and whether the Welsh Government has confidence in the health board's own executive team given that there seems to be so much external capacity that is required in order to support this particular health board? We've got people at that health board, the chief executive, who's paid in excess of £200,000. If he's not competent to do the job, why on earth is he still there?
Cyfeiriwyd eisoes yn y Siambr hon, Prif Weinidog, at y dicter sy'n bodoli ar draws y gogledd o ganlyniad i'r £2,000 y dydd hwn sy'n cael ei dalu i'r cyfarwyddwr adfer ym mwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr. Byddwch yn gwybod bod y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus wedi cyflwyno adroddiad yn flaenorol ar gyflogau uwch reolwyr yn y sector cyhoeddus gan wneud argymhellion eglur ynghylch canllawiau ar gyfer penodi ymgynghorwyr, ac uwch reolwyr yn wir, yn y sector cyhoeddus i sicrhau y ceir tryloywder ac atebolrwydd.
Un peth sy'n gwbl syfrdanol yn fy marn i yw nad yw'n ymddangos bod aelodau'r bwrdd iechyd, aelodau annibynnol y bwrdd iechyd hwn, wedi bod ag unrhyw ran na gwybodaeth am benodiad arbennig hwn yr unigolyn penodol hwn, ac yn wir unigolion eraill sydd hefyd yn cael symiau sy'n ymddangos yn anhygoel o uchel. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni pa un a fydd canllawiau newydd yn cael eu cyhoeddi o ganlyniad i'r sefyllfa yn y gogledd, a fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ymyrryd i wneud yn siŵr bod arian yn cael ei wario'n briodol, ac a oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru ffydd yn nhîm gweithredol y bwrdd iechyd ei hun, o gofio ei bod yn ymddangos bod cymaint o gapasiti allanol sydd ei angen er mwyn cefnogi'r bwrdd iechyd penodol hwn? Mae gennym ni bobl yn y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw, y prif weithredwr, sydd cael ei dalu mwy na £200,000. Os nad yw'n gymwys i wneud y swydd, pam ar y ddaear y mae ef yn dal i fod yno?
Well, Llywydd, the external assistance that the board has acquired is, as I've said many times this afternoon, the result of advice provided to the Welsh Government by the Public Accounts Committee, which said that such assistance was urgently needed, and has now been afforded. I don't follow the point that the Member made about, somehow, this not being known. I've got in front of me a freedom of information request, therefore entirely in the public domain. It sets out the job titles, it sets out their appointment dates, it sets out the length of contracts, it tells you the supplier in the market that his party has created, where people have to be sourced from, and it tells you how long the people are going to be in work for. The idea that, somehow, this was not known to people just simply doesn't stand up to examination. And I am sure that all these appointments were done in line with the guidance that the Welsh Government has already provided, informed by the advice that we get from Assembly committees.
Wel, Llywydd, mae'r cymorth allanol y mae'r bwrdd wedi ei gaffael, fel yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud lawer gwaith y prynhawn yma, yn ganlyniad i gyngor a roddwyd i Lywodraeth Cymru gan y Pwyllgor Cyfrifon Cyhoeddus, a ddywedodd fod angen cymorth o'r fath ar frys, ac fe'i rhoddwyd erbyn hyn. Nid wyf i'n dilyn y pwynt a wnaeth yr Aelod ynghylch nad yw hyn, rywsut, yn hysbys. Mae gen i gais rhyddid gwybodaeth o'm blaen, ac felly mae'n gwbl hysbys i'r cyhoedd. Mae'n nodi teitlau'r swyddi, mae'n nodi eu dyddiadau penodi, mae'n nodi hyd y contractau, mae'n dweud wrthych chi pwy yw'r cyflenwr yn y farchnad y mae ei blaid ef wedi ei chreu, o ble y mae'n rhaid cael gafael ar bobl, ac mae'n dweud wrthych chi pa mor hir y bydd y bobl yn y swydd. Nid yw'r syniad nad oedd pobl yn gwybod am hyn, rywsut, yn gallu gwrthsefyll archwiliad. Ac rwy'n siŵr y gwnaed yr holl benodiadau hyn yn unol â'r canllawiau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisoes wedi eu darparu, ar sail y cyngor yr ydym ni'n ei gael gan bwyllgorau'r Cynulliad.
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes, a dwi'n galw ar y Trefnydd i wneud y datganiad hwnnw. Rebecca Evans.
The next item is the business statement and announcement, and I call on the Trefnydd to make the statement. Rebecca Evans.
There's one change to this week's business: tomorrow's vote on the debate under Standing Order 25.15 on the Government of Wales Act 2006 (Amendment) Order 2019 will take place immediately after the debate, rather than at voting time. Draft business for the next three sitting weeks is set out on the business statement and announcement, which can be found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.
Ceir un newid i fusnes yr wythnos hon: bydd pleidlais yfory ar y ddadl o dan Reol Sefydlog 25.15 ar Orchymyn Deddf Llywodraeth Cymru 2006 (Diwygio) 2019 yn digwydd yn syth ar ôl y ddadl, yn hytrach nag yn ystod y cyfnod pleidleisio. Mae'r busnes drafft ar gyfer y tair wythnos eistedd nesaf wedi ei nodi yn y datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes, sydd i'w weld ymhlith papurau'r cyfarfodydd sydd ar gael i'r Aelodau yn electronig.
Can I call for two statements, one from you in your capacity, Trefnydd, as the Minister for finance, in relation to support for the armed forces community? The Army Families Federation has raised concerns about what appears to be a trend of some local authorities not giving the appropriate discount for armed forces families in terms of their council tax. You will be aware that this is something that the Welsh Government has promoted in the past, and I would be very keen to see you reinforce the promotion of that discount for those armed forces families that are eligible.
In addition, concerns have also been raised about the application of non-domestic rates to army cadet halls. Now, you'll be familiar with cadet forces, probably, in your own constituency. Traditionally, their facilities have not been subject to non-domestic rates. They've been exempted on the basis of the opportunities and services that they provide to young people in their communities, and I do think that it's a retrograde step if some local authorities are choosing now to impose charges on them that are undermining their viability.
And thirdly, can I call for an update from the Minister for Health and Social Services in relation to the Betsi Cadwaladr health board and the whole of the special measures process? Clearly, we've had some concerning information regarding the appointment of turnaround directors and additional capacity in that health board. Now, we accept that that health board is clearly struggling. The interventions so far from the Welsh Government have not worked to support significant improvements in that health board and many people are very, very concerned that this is a health board with a significant overspend expected by the end of the financial year of tens of millions of pounds, that is making changes to nurse staffing rotas that are unpopular and providing a disincentive for nurses to go and work in that health board, and that, at the same time, is spending millions of pounds on people who are contracted as consultants to the health board doing jobs that, frankly, the executive team ought to have the capacity to do. [Interruption.] So I think we do need a statement on this from the Minister for Health and Social Services, who is barracking at the moment while I'm trying to ask for this statement. If he's got something to say, let's hear it in a formal statement, instead of the barracking that he's giving me from the front row, along with other colleagues on that front row, right now.
A gaf i alw am ddau ddatganiad, un gennych chi yn rhinwedd eich swydd, Trefnydd, fel y Gweinidog cyllid, ynghylch cefnogaeth i gymuned y lluoedd arfog? Mae Ffederasiwn Teuluoedd y Fyddin wedi codi pryderon am yr hyn sy'n ymddangos fel tuedd i rai awdurdodau lleol beidio â rhoi'r gostyngiad priodol i deuluoedd y lluoedd arfog o ran eu treth gyngor. Byddwch yn ymwybodol fod hyn yn rhywbeth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei hyrwyddo yn y gorffennol, a byddwn yn awyddus iawn i'ch gweld yn atgyfnerthu'r modd y caiff y gostyngiad hwnnw ei hyrwyddo i deuluoedd y lluoedd arfog sy'n gymwys.
Yn ogystal, codwyd pryderon hefyd am y defnydd o ardrethi annomestig i neuaddau cadetiaid y fyddin. Nawr, byddwch yn gyfarwydd â lluoedd cadetiaid, yn ôl pob tebyg, yn eich etholaeth eich hun. Yn draddodiadol, nid yw eu cyfleusterau wedi bod yn destun ardrethi annomestig. Maen nhw wedi eu heithrio ar sail y cyfleoedd a'r gwasanaethau y maen nhw'n eu darparu i bobl ifanc yn eu cymunedau, ac rwy'n credu ei fod yn gam yn ôl os yw rhai awdurdodau lleol yn dewis codi tâl arnyn nhw erbyn hyn sy'n tanseilio eu hyfywedd.
Ac yn drydydd, a gaf i alw am yr wybodaeth ddiweddaraf gan y Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol ynglŷn â bwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr a'r holl broses mesurau arbennig? Yn amlwg, rydym ni wedi cael rhywfaint o wybodaeth sy'n peri pryder ynghylch penodi cyfarwyddwyr gwyrdroi a chapasiti ychwanegol yn y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw. Nawr, rydym ni'n derbyn bod y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw yn amlwg mewn trafferthion. Hyd yma, nid yw'r ymyraethau gan Lywodraeth Cymru wedi gweithio i gefnogi gwelliannau sylweddol yn y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw, ac mae llawer o bobl yn bryderus dros ben bod hwn yn fwrdd iechyd sydd â gorwariant sylweddol y disgwylir iddo, erbyn diwedd y flwyddyn ariannol, fod yn ddegau o filiynau o bunnau, sy'n gwneud newidiadau i rotâu staff nyrsio sy'n amhoblogaidd ac yn anghymhelliad i nyrsys fynd i weithio yn y bwrdd iechyd hwnnw, ac sydd, ar yr un pryd, yn gwario miliynau o bunnau ar bobl sy'n cael eu contractio fel ymgynghorwyr i'r bwrdd iechyd yn gwneud swyddi y dylai'r tîm gweithredol fod â'r gallu i'w gwneud, a bod yn onest. [Torri ar draws.] Felly, rwy'n credu bod angen datganiad arnom ni gan y Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol, sy'n gweiddi ar draws ar hyn o bryd tra fy mod i'n ceisio gofyn am y datganiad hwn. Os oes ganddo rywbeth i'w ddweud, gadewch i ni ei glywed mewn datganiad ffurfiol, yn hytrach na'r heclo y mae'n ei roi i mi o'r rhes flaen, ynghyd â chyd-Aelodau eraill yn y rhes flaen honno, ar hyn o bryd.
Well, on the issue relating to council tax discounts and non-domestic rates for army cadet halls, I'll certainly look into both of those issues and provide you with a letter, but Deputy Minister Hannah Blythyn will be making a statement marking Remembrance Day and supporting our armed forces community in Plenary next week.
On the second issue that you raised, regarding Betsi Cadwaladr, I think there are multiple opportunities to raise that with the Minister this week, including a debate to which the Minister will be responding tomorrow, which will no doubt address those issues you've described.
Wel, o ran y mater yn ymwneud â gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor ac ardrethi annomestig ar gyfer neuaddau cadetiaid y fyddin, byddaf yn sicr yn ystyried y ddau fater hynny ac yn rhoi llythyr i chi, ond bydd y Dirprwy Weinidog Hannah Blythyn yn gwneud datganiad yn nodi Dydd y Cofio ac yn cefnogi ein cymuned lluoedd arfog yn y Cyfarfod Llawn yr wythnos nesaf.
O ran yr ail fater a godwyd gennych, ynghylch Betsi Cadwaladr, credaf fod sawl cyfle i godi hynny gyda'r Gweinidog yr wythnos hon, gan gynnwys dadl y bydd y Gweinidog yn ymateb iddi yfory, a fydd yn sicr yn rhoi sylw i'r materion hynny yr ydych chi wedi eu disgrifio.
I want to express my horror at the recent ITV News interview given by a doctor who, prior to surgery, was asked by a patient if they could have a white person performing the operation instead. This hurt caused to a medical professional, who has given decades of hard toil, compassion and expertise within the NHS, was clear to see. What compounded matters was that he did not know how to respond to this blatant act of racism, as he was not clear how he would be supported by his employers. We know that racism doesn't exist in a vacuum. The Welsh Government must send out a clear and unequivocal message that all people of colour working in our NHS must have employer backing in such a situation, and that racism will not be accommodated or tolerated.
I'm sure you will share my disgust at the revelations that Ross England, a staff member for Tory Secretary of State Alun Cairns, deliberately collapsed a rape trial in the eyes of a senior judge. There are many questions that need to be answered on this, and hiding behind the lie that there are legal proceedings ongoing, as the Prime Minister erroneously and shamefully said, does not cut it. A story has emerged within the last hour that states an e-mail was sent to Alun Cairns by a special adviser in August of last year about the collapsing of that rape trial. This runs contrary to claims that the rape case collapse was news to Tory party figures, including Cairns, when the story first emerged last week. If this is true, it's incredible that instead of beginning disciplinary proceedings as a result of this courtroom outrage and the consequences that flowed from it, chiefly that a vulnerable victim was put through the ordeal of a second trial, England was named as a candidate in a key Tory target seat just a few months later. This is remarkable; remarkable for the indifference that the Tories have shown to the victim of such a serious crime, and remarkable for such a serious error of judgment from senior Tory figures who must resign if they knew about this disgusting behaviour.
I'm also concerned that a message has been sent out that politics are not just indifferent to the scandalously low rape conviction rates, which are at their lowest in a decade in England and Wales, but that politics are actively involved in perpetuating this horrific statistic and platforming those who sabotage rape trials. Can this Senedd please send out a clear and unequivocal message that not all politicians are the same, that some of us have no truck with people who wreck rape trials? Will this Welsh Government also redouble efforts to devolve the criminal justice system so that we can tackle the inequality of low rape prosecution rates in this country? Will you join me in condemning any politicians who knew about this and did nothing? And if it's proven that they knew, do you agree with me that they should resign?
Rwyf eisiau mynegi fy arswyd ar ôl gweld y cyfweliad diweddar ar newyddion ITV â meddyg y gofynnwyd iddo gan glaf, cyn y llawdriniaeth, a fyddai'n gallu cael person gwyn i wneud y llawdriniaeth yn ei le. Roedd y loes hon a achoswyd i weithiwr meddygol proffesiynol, sydd wedi rhoi degawdau o lafur caled, tosturi ac arbenigedd o fewn y GIG, yn amlwg i'w weld. Yr hyn a oedd yn cymhlethu pethau oedd nad oedd yn gwybod sut i ymateb i'r weithred ddigywilydd hon o hiliaeth, gan nad oedd yn siŵr sut y byddai'n cael ei gefnogi gan ei gyflogwyr. Rydym ni'n gwybod nad yw hiliaeth yn bodoli mewn gwagle. Mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth Cymru anfon neges glir a diamwys bod yn rhaid i'r holl bobl dduon ac Asiaidd sy'n gweithio yn ein GIG gael cefnogaeth cyflogwyr mewn sefyllfa o'r fath, ac na chaiff hiliaeth ei derbyn na'i goddef.
Rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi, fel minnau, yn ffieiddio at y datgeliadau bod Ross England, aelod o staff yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Torïaidd, Alun Cairns, wedi dymchwel, yn fwriadol ym marn uwch farnwr, achos llys yn ymwneud â threisio. Mae llawer o gwestiynau y mae angen eu hateb ynglŷn â hyn, ac nid yw cuddio y tu ôl i'r celwydd bod achosion cyfreithiol yn parhau, fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog yn anghywir ac yn gywilyddus, yn dderbyniol. Mae stori wedi dod i'r amlwg o fewn yr awr ddiwethaf sy'n dweud bod neges e-bost wedi'i hanfon at Alun Cairns gan gynghorydd arbennig ym mis Awst y llynedd ynglŷn â dymchwel yr achos llys hwnnw. Mae hyn yn groes i honiadau bod ffigurau'r blaid Dorïaidd, gan gynnwys Cairns, yn clywed am ddymchwel yr achos llys yn ymwneud â threisio am y tro cyntaf pan ddaeth y stori i'r amlwg yr wythnos diwethaf. Os yw hyn yn wir, mae'n anhygoel, yn hytrach na dechrau achos disgyblu o ganlyniad i'r gwarth a fynegwyd gan y llys a'r canlyniadau a ddeilliodd o hynny, sef bod dioddefwr agored i niwed wedi gorfod dioddef ail achos llys, bod England wedi cael ei enwi'n ymgeisydd mewn sedd darged allweddol gan y Torïaid ychydig fisoedd yn ddiweddarach. Mae hyn yn rhyfeddol; yn rhyfeddol oherwydd y difaterwch ac mae'r Torïaid wedi'i ddangos i ddioddefwr trosedd mor ddifrifol, ac yn rhyfeddol oherwydd y gamfarn mor ddifrifol gan ffigyrau uwch y Torïaid, ac mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw ymddiswyddo os oedden nhw'n gwybod am yr ymddygiad ffiaidd hwn.
Rwyf hefyd yn pryderu bod neges wedi'i hanfon allan, nid yn unig bod gwleidyddion yn ddifater ynghylch y cyfraddau euogfarnu gwarthus o isel mewn achosion o dreisio, sydd ar eu hisaf mewn degawd yng Nghymru a Lloegr, ond eu bod yn cymryd rhan weithredol wrth barhau â'r ystadegau arswydus hyn ac yn rhoi llwyfan i'r rhai sy'n dymchwel achosion llys yn ymwneud â threisio. A wnaiff y Senedd hon, os gwelwch yn dda, anfon neges glir a diamwys nad yw pob gwleidydd yr un fath, bod rhai ohonom ni'n cael dim i'w wneud â phobl sy'n dymchwel achosion llys yn ymwneud â threisio? A wnaiff y Llywodraeth Cymru hon hefyd ddwysáu'r ymdrechion i ddatganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol er mwyn i ni allu mynd i'r afael â'r anghydraddoldeb yn y cyfraddau erlyn isel am dreisio yn y wlad hon? A wnewch chi ymuno â mi i gondemnio unrhyw wleidyddion a oedd yn gwybod am hyn ac na wnaethant ddim? Ac os profir eu bod yn gwybod, a ydych chi'n cytuno â mi y dylen nhw ymddiswyddo?
I thank Leanne Wood for bringing both of these extremely important issues to the floor of the Assembly this afternoon. In regard to the ITV interview, it was absolutely heartbreaking to see a doctor describe the racism that he had experienced, but then also to describe the fact that he didn't know how to respond to that individual, and that he didn't know that he would have the full support of his employers and the NHS. Of course, in Wales, there is absolutely no place for racism in any of our public services or society more widely, and if more work needs to be done to give people of ethnic minorities the confidence that the NHS or their public service employer is there to support them in any circumstance when they find themselves experiencing racism, then we certainly will look to provide that confidence and do more work in that area.
On the issue of the disgusting behaviour of the deliberate collapse of a rape trial, I absolutely agree with what Leanne Wood has said here today. I associate myself with the comments you've made and agree with you that there are absolutely questions to be answered. I would suggest that I'm not the person to be answering those questions, but they do remain to be answered, and I think that sending a strong clear message that not all politicians are the same is a really important thing to do.
Diolch i Leanne Wood am ddod â'r ddau fater hynod bwysig hyn i lawr y Cynulliad y prynhawn yma. O ran y cyfweliad ar ITV, yr oedd yn gwbl dorcalonnus gweld meddyg yn disgrifio'r hiliaeth yr oedd wedi'i brofi, ond yna hefyd yn disgrifio'r ffaith nad oedd yn gwybod sut i ymateb i'r unigolyn hwnnw, ac nad oedd yn gwybod y byddai'n cael cefnogaeth lawn ei gyflogwyr a'r GIG. Wrth gwrs, yng Nghymru, nid oes lle o gwbl i hiliaeth yn unrhyw un o'n gwasanaethau cyhoeddus na'n cymdeithas yn ehangach, ac os oes angen gwneud mwy o waith i roi hyder i bobl o leiafrifoedd ethnig fod y GIG neu eu cyflogwr gwasanaeth cyhoeddus yno i'w cefnogi mewn unrhyw amgylchiadau pan fyddan nhw'n profi hiliaeth, yna fe wnawn ni yn sicr geisio darparu'r hyder hwnnw a gwneud mwy o waith yn y maes hwnnw.
O ran ymddygiad gwarthus wrth achosi dymchwel achos llys yn ymwneud â threisio yn fwriadol, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â'r hyn y mae Leanne Wood wedi'i ddweud yma heddiw. Rwy'n ymgysylltu â'r sylwadau yr ydych chi wedi'u gwneud ac yn cytuno â chi bod yna, yn sicr, gwestiynau i'w hateb. Byddwn i'n awgrymu nad fi yw'r person i ateb y cwestiynau hynny, ond mae'n rhaid eu hateb o hyd, ac rwy'n credu bod anfon neges glir gref nad yw pob gwleidydd yr un fath yn beth gwirioneddol bwysig i'w wneud.
I wanted to raise the important issue of cervical cancer screening. Last week, the latest figures showed that one in four women do not get tested for cervical cancer screening by getting a simple smear test. And, given that this is the biggest killer of young women, it is particularly concerning that, amongst young people in their 20s, the numbers are down to one in three not getting tested. This simple test is what can save people's lives. Also last week, it was reported at a science conference that a new urine test could replace the smear test, which would obviously be a lot less invasive. Women don't have to go to a medical centre to have it done. They just simply take a urine test and send it off from home. So, there's both positives and negatives arising out of this. No. 1, it would be great if we could have a statement from the health Minister as to when he thinks this urine test is likely to have completed the research test that will satisfy us that this can be used as an alternative to smear tests. Apparently, it's already proving to be more accurate. No. 2, could we also have a statement on how we are going to endeavour to get more women, particularly younger women, to come and get smear tests in the meanwhile?
Roeddwn i eisiau codi'r mater pwysig o sgrinio am ganser ceg y groth. Yr wythnos diwethaf, dangosodd y ffigurau diweddaraf nad yw un fenyw o bob pedair yn cael prawf i sgrinio am ganser ceg y groth drwy gael prawf ceg y groth syml. Ac, o ystyried mai dyma'r achos mwyaf o ladd menywod ifanc, mae'n destun pryder arbennig bod y niferoedd, ymysg pobl ifanc yn eu 20au, wedi gostwng i un o bob tri heb gael prawf. Y prawf syml hwn yw'r hyn a all achub bywydau pobl. Hefyd, yr wythnos diwethaf, adroddwyd mewn cynhadledd wyddoniaeth y gallai prawf wrin newydd ddisodli prawf ceg y groth, a fyddai'n amlwg yn llawer llai ymwthiol. Nid oes yn rhaid i fenywod fynd i ganolfan feddygol i'w gael. Dim ond cymryd prawf wrin a'i anfon o'u cartrefi. Felly, mae pethau cadarnhaol a negyddol yn deillio o hyn. Yn gyntaf, byddai'n wych pe gallem gael datganiad gan y Gweinidog iechyd ynglŷn â phryd y mae'n credu y bydd y prawf wrin hwn yn debygol o fod wedi cwblhau'r prawf ymchwil a fydd yn ein bodloni ni y gellir ei ddefnyddio yn hytrach na phrofion ceg y groth. Mae'n debyg ei fod eisoes yn dangos ei fod yn fwy cywir. Yn ail, a gawn ni ddatganiad hefyd ar sut yr ydym yn mynd i geisio cael mwy o fenywod, yn enwedig menywod ifanc, i ddod i gael profion ceg y groth yn y cyfamser?
Thank you very much to Jenny Rathbone for raising this particularly important issue this afternoon. I think that we do have a good story to tell here in Wales in terms of the work that we've been doing thus far, because, of course, Wales is the only UK nation to have implemented HPV testing for participants in the cervical screening programme, and the programme now tests for 14 high-risk HPV types, and those are the ones that cause 99.8 per cent of cervical cancers. And this is a much more sensitive test and will prevent more cancers, and it's hoped that the new test will improve uptake over time.
But the health Minister issued a written statement earlier this year saying that self-testing won't be rolled out across Wales or the rest of the UK until the pilot in England has been shown to be safe and effective and has been recommended by the UK National Screening Committee. But, obviously, we're really keen to watch the progress of that and to understand the evaluation of that pilot. I'll explore what the timescales are for that pilot with the health Minister and ensure that you have an update as to what kind of timescale we might be looking at for the completion of the programme and the evaluation.FootnoteLink
Diolch yn fawr i Jenny Rathbone am godi'r mater arbennig o bwysig hwn y prynhawn yma. Rwy'n credu bod gennym stori dda i'w hadrodd yma yng Nghymru o ran y gwaith yr ydym ni wedi bod yn ei wneud hyd yn hyn, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, Cymru yw'r unig genedl yn y DU sydd wedi gweithredu profion Feirws Papiloma Dynol ar gyfer y rhai sy'n cymryd rhan yn y rhaglen sgrinio serfigol, ac mae'r rhaglen bellach yn cynnal profion ar 14 o'r mathau o Feirws Papiloma Dynol sydd â risg uchel, a dyna'r rhai sy'n achosi 99.8 y cant o ganserau serfigol. Ac mae hwn yn brawf llawer mwy sensitif a bydd yn atal mwy o ganserau, a'r gobaith yw y bydd y prawf newydd yn gwella'r defnydd dros amser.
Ond cyhoeddodd y Gweinidog iechyd ddatganiad ysgrifenedig yn gynharach eleni yn dweud na fydd hunan-brofi'n cael ei gyflwyno ledled Cymru na gweddill y DU hyd nes y dangoswyd bod y cynllun treialu yn Lloegr yn ddiogel ac yn effeithiol ac wedi'i argymell gan Bwyllgor Sgrinio Cenedlaethol y DU. Ond, yn amlwg, rydym ni'n awyddus iawn i wylio'r cynnydd ar hynny ac i ddeall gwerthusiad y cynllun treialu hwnnw. Fe wnaf archwilio beth yw'r amserlenni ar gyfer y cynllun treialu hwnnw gyda'r Gweinidog iechyd a sicrhau eich bod yn cael gwybod y diweddaraf ynglŷn â pha fath o amserlen y gallem ni fod yn edrych arni ar gyfer cwblhau'r rhaglen a'r gwerthusiad.FootnoteLink
Organiser, can I seek a statement from the health secretary in relation to the story that broke last week on waiting times in the Cwm Taf area? I think it is fair to say, and, in fairness, the report pointed out, that this wasn't a deliberate omission of people off the waiting lists, and I think that's a critical point to bear in mind. But it did point to a lack of governance and a culture that maybe was a bit sloppy, to say the least, around the edges that allowed for nearly 3,000 people to be missed off a series of waiting lists, which is roughly 5 per cent of the total. And we know full well that it was a lack of governance that led to the tragedy in the maternity services in Cwm Taf, and we don't want to see the same thing happening here.
There's still work ongoing to try and understand the overall impact, and, as I understand, there's still another 750 individuals being looked at to see whether they too were missed off the waiting lists. But I do believe that this warrants an oral statement from the Minister of health, so that we—in my particular instance, as a Member for South Wales Central, but I'm sure other Members—can seek answers and reassurance from the Minister as to what action the Welsh Government is taking to make sure that governance is reintroduced and, ultimately, this type of problem does not exist again.
I'd like to also put on the record my thanks to the chairman of the health board, who did meet me over this particular matter to discuss it, but meeting the chairman and getting an oral statement off the Minister for health, who ultimately is responsible for the health service here in Wales, is not the same thing. So, I hope that you'll be able to facilitate such a statement coming forward, given the difficulties that the Cwm Taf health board has faced in recent times on maternity services. None of us want to see that going into other areas of delivery for this particular health board.
Trefnydd, a gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan yr ysgrifennydd iechyd ynghylch y stori a dorrodd yr wythnos diwethaf ar amseroedd aros yn ardal Cwm Taf? Rwy'n credu ei bod yn deg dweud, ac, i fod yn deg, roedd yr adroddiad yn nodi nad oedd hyn yn achos o hepgor pobl yn fwriadol o'r rhestrau aros, ac rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n bwynt allweddol i'w gadw mewn cof. Ond roedd yn tynnu sylw at ddiffyg llywodraethu a diwylliant a oedd efallai braidd yn esgeulus, a dweud y lleiaf, o amgylch yr ymylon a oedd yn caniatáu i bron i 3,000 o bobl gael eu hepgor o gyfres o restrau aros, sef tua 5 y cant o'r cyfanswm. Ac rydym yn gwybod yn iawn mai diffyg llywodraethu a arweiniodd at y drasiedi yn y gwasanaethau mamolaeth yng Nghwm Taf, ac nid ydym ni eisiau gweld yr un peth yn digwydd yma.
Mae gwaith yn mynd rhagddo o hyd i geisio deall yr effaith gyffredinol, ac, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf, mae 750 o unigolion eraill yn cael eu hystyried o hyd i weld a ydyn nhw hefyd wedi'u hepgor o'r rhestrau aros. Ond rwy'n credu bod hyn yn deilwng o ddatganiad llafar gan y Gweinidog iechyd, er mwyn i ni—yn fy achos penodol i, fel Aelod dros Ganol De Cymru, ond rwy'n siŵr bod Aelodau eraill—yn gallu gofyn am atebion a sicrwydd gan y Gweinidog o ran pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i wneud yn siŵr bod llywodraethu'n cael ei ailgyflwyno ac, yn y pen draw, nad yw'r math hwn o broblem yn bodoli eto.
Hoffwn hefyd gofnodi fy niolch i gadeirydd y bwrdd iechyd, a wnaeth gwrdd â mi ar y mater penodol hwn i'w drafod, ond nid yw cyfarfod â'r cadeirydd a chael datganiad llafar gan y Gweinidog iechyd, sydd yn y pen draw yn gyfrifol am y gwasanaethau iechyd yma yng Nghymru, yr un peth. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio y byddwch yn gallu hwyluso datganiad o'r fath, o ystyried yr anawsterau y mae Bwrdd Iechyd Cwm Taf wedi'u hwynebu yn ddiweddar ym maes gwasanaethau mamolaeth. Nid oes yr un ohonom ni eisiau gweld hynny'n mynd i feysydd cyflenwi eraill ar gyfer y bwrdd iechyd penodol hwn.
Thank you. I'm very pleased that the chair of the health board was able to meet with you to discuss your concerns in this regard. And, of course, I'll make sure that the Minister for health is aware of the request that you've just made for a statement, and I'll know that he'll give due consideration to the best way to keep Members informed about this issue.
Diolch. Rwy'n falch iawn bod cadeirydd y bwrdd iechyd wedi gallu cyfarfod â chi i drafod eich pryderon yn hyn o beth. Ac, wrth gwrs, byddaf yn sicrhau bod y Gweinidog iechyd yn ymwybodol o'r cais yr ydych chi newydd ei wneud am ddatganiad, ac rwy'n gwybod y bydd yn rhoi ystyriaeth briodol i'r ffordd orau o roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau am y mater hwn.
Could I ask for a statement on measures to tackle empty former commercial premises, including long unused petrol stations like that at the entrance to Ogmore vale, or the empty and dilapidated factory shell at the entrance to Evanstown in my constituency, which, just like empty and abandoned homes, can blight communities terribly. Yet, business owners and absentee landlords can sit on these properties with business rate reductions or exemptions for years and years, and even decades, and, despite the best efforts of local authorities to work with those owners and landlords, and agents, they remain crumbling eyesores. Now, yes, local authorities have measures they can take on matters like environmental health and safety and security, but this merely maintains the buildings in a state of near dereliction—they are zombie commercial premises and they bring a community down. So, could we have a statement on how Welsh Government can explore new streamlined measures for local authorities to tackle these empty commercial zombie properties, and an update on what powers and incentives currently exist as well?
And, secondly, could I call for a statement or a debate on the subject of the Men's Sheds movement, calling attention to the growth of this fantastic movement, which does so much for men's mental health and well-being, from its start in Wales, in the Squirrel's Nest in Tondu, in my constituency, to now a nationwide network of sheds, involving, yes, mature men, but also women's sheds and youth sheds, too. And I'll also be drawing attention in the coming weeks to this celebration of Men's Sheds here in the Senedd, as I'll be hosting here a launch event in the Senedd on Tuesday 19 November, with the help of sheds from all over Wales, and inviting all colleagues to join with me, and it would be great to have a debate that coincided with that.
A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad ar fesurau i fynd i'r afael â hen eiddo masnachol gwag, gan gynnwys gorsafoedd petrol segur fel yr un sydd wrth y fynedfa i Fro Ogwr, neu'r gragen o ffatri wag ac adfeiliedig wrth y fynedfa i Evanstown yn fy etholaeth i, sydd, yn union fel tai gwag a thai wedi'u gadael, yn gallu anharddu cymunedau'n ofnadwy. Eto i gyd, gall perchenogion busnes a landlordiaid absennol fod yn eistedd ar yr eiddo hyn gyda gostyngiadau neu esemptiadau ardrethi busnes am flynyddoedd a blynyddoedd, a degawdau hyd yn oed, ac, er gwaethaf ymdrechion gorau awdurdodau lleol i weithio gyda'r perchnogion a'r landlordiaid hynny, ac asiantau, maen nhw'n parhau i fod yn ddolur llygad. Nawr, oes, mae gan awdurdodau lleol fesurau y gallan nhw eu cymryd ar faterion megis iechyd a diogelwch amgylcheddol a diogelwch, ond y cyfan y mae hyn yn ei wneud yw cynnal yr adeiladau mewn cyflwr sydd bron â bod yn adfeiliedig—adeiladau masnachol sombi ydyn nhw, ac maen nhw'n difetha cymuned. Felly, a gawn ni ddatganiad ar sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ymchwilio i fesurau symlach newydd ar gyfer awdurdodau lleol i fynd i'r afael â'r adeiladau sombi masnachol gwag hyn, a'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am ba bwerau a chymhellion sy'n bodoli ar hyn o bryd hefyd?
Ac, yn ail, a gaf i alw am ddatganiad neu ddadl ar bwnc y mudiad Siediau Dynion, yn tynnu sylw at dwf y mudiad gwych hwn, sy'n gwneud cymaint dros iechyd meddwl a lles dynion, o'i ddechreuad yng Nghymru, yn Squirrel's Nest yn Nhondu, yn fy etholaeth i, ac sydd bellach yn rhwydwaith cenedlaethol o siediau, yn cynnwys, ie, dynion aeddfed, ond hefyd siediau menywod a siediau ieuenctid. A byddaf hefyd yn tynnu sylw yn ystod yr wythnosau nesaf at y dathliad hwn o Siediau Dynion yma yn y Senedd, gan y byddaf yn cynnal digwyddiad lansio yma yn y Senedd ddydd Mawrth 19 Tachwedd, gyda chymorth siediau o bob rhan o Gymru, ac yn gwahodd yr holl gydweithwyr i ymuno â mi, a byddai'n wych cael dadl i gyd-fynd â hynny.
Thank you to Huw Irranca-Davies. The local authorities do have a number of powers available to them to help bring those redundant commercial properties back into use, as they do for residential properties. Those powers include the Town and Country Planning Act 1990, the Building Act 1984, and also those compulsory purchasing powers. However, I think what Government is really keen to ensure is that each local authority has the skills and knowledge and the confidence to use those powers to the best use for their communities. The Minister and Deputy Minister for Housing and Local Government have agreed to bring on board an industry expert in this field into Welsh Government, to make sure that all local authorities in Wales do have the skills that they need in order to address this particular issue. And the Welsh Government has been dealing with empty properties through regeneration activities—the targeted regeneration programme, which I know you're very familiar with. But the housing Minister has suggested that you write to her, perhaps, for some further information with regard to the specific cases that you've described.
And, yes, I share your enthusiasm for Men's Sheds. They are absolutely amazing in terms of supporting mental health, but also helping to tackle loneliness and isolation in communities. And I think that seeing them roll out on a very regular basis is really exciting, and I look forward very much to the celebration that you'll be hosting here in the Assembly on 19 November.
Diolch yn fawr i Huw Irranca-Davies. Mae nifer o bwerau ar gael i'r awdurdodau lleol i helpu i ddod â'r eiddo masnachol segur hynny yn ôl i ddefnydd, fel y gwnânt ar gyfer eiddo preswyl. Mae'r pwerau hynny'n cynnwys Deddf Cynllunio Gwlad a Thref 1990, Deddf Adeiladu 1984, a hefyd y pwerau prynu gorfodol hynny. Fodd bynnag, rwy'n credu mai'r hyn y mae'r Llywodraeth yn awyddus iawn i'w sicrhau yw bod gan bob awdurdod lleol y sgiliau a'r wybodaeth a'r hyder i ddefnyddio'r pwerau hynny i'r defnydd gorau i'w cymunedau. Mae'r Gweinidog a'r Dirprwy Weinidog Tai a Llywodraeth Leol wedi cytuno i ddod ag arbenigwr diwydiant yn y maes hwn i mewn i Lywodraeth Cymru, i sicrhau bod yr holl awdurdodau lleol yng Nghymru'n meddu ar y sgiliau y mae arnyn nhw eu hangen er mwyn mynd i'r afael â'r mater penodol hwn. Ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn ymdrin ag eiddo gwag drwy weithgareddau adfywio—y rhaglen adfywio wedi'i thargedu, y gwn eich bod chi'n gyfarwydd iawn â hi. Ond mae'r Gweinidog tai wedi awgrymu eich bod yn ysgrifennu ati, efallai, i gael rhagor o wybodaeth ynglŷn â'r achosion penodol yr ydych chi wedi'u disgrifio.
Ac ydw, rwy'n rhannu eich brwdfrydedd am Siediau Dynion. Maen nhw'n gwbl anhygoel o ran cefnogi iechyd meddwl, ond maen nhw hefyd yn helpu i fynd i'r afael ag unigrwydd ac ynysigrwydd mewn cymunedau. Ac rwy'n credu bod eu gweld yn cael eu cyflwyno'n rheolaidd iawn yn gyffrous iawn, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn fawr at y dathliad y byddwch chi'n ei gynnal yma yn y Cynulliad ar 19 Tachwedd.
Minister, in a previous Plenary session, I brought to the Government's attention the parlous situation of the citizens of Pontypool, who find themselves marooned after 7 p.m., when all local bus services cease. The lack of transport has grave consequences for the licenced trade in the town centre, and these difficulties are being further exacerbated by the closure of the last community club covering Trevethin, St Cadocs and Penygarn. The people of that community now have nowhere to socialise, as access to the town centre is not an option with there being no possibility of a public transport return after 7 p.m. Would the Minister please make a statement on how the Government intends to take measures to alleviate these transport failures, which not only affect the communities mentioned, but many more throughout the south Wales Valleys, including, particularly, difficulties being experienced in Ebbw Vale?
Gweinidog, mewn Cyfarfod Llawn blaenorol, dywedais wrth y Llywodraeth am sefyllfa enbyd trigolion Pont-y-pŵl, sy'n canfod eu hunain wedi'u hynysu ar ôl 7 p.m., pan fydd pob gwasanaeth bws lleol yn dod i ben. Mae diffyg trafnidiaeth yn cael effaith ddifrifol ar y fasnach drwyddedig yng nghanol y dref, ac mae'r anawsterau hyn yn cael eu gwaethygu ymhellach yn sgil cau'r clwb cymunedol olaf sy'n cwmpasu Trefddyn, St Cadocs a Phen-y-garn. Nid oes gan bobl y gymuned honno unman i gymdeithasu bellach, gan nad yw mynd i ganol y dref yn ddewis gan nad oes unrhyw bosibilrwydd o ddychwelyd ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus ar ôl 7 p.m. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad ar sut y mae'r Llywodraeth yn bwriadu cymryd camau i liniaru'r methiannau trafnidiaeth hyn, sydd nid yn unig yn effeithio ar y cymunedau a grybwyllwyd, ond ar lawer mwy ledled Cymoedd y De, gan gynnwys, yn arbennig, yr anawsterau a brofir yng Nglynebwy?
Well, the deregulation of the bus industry under the Conservative Government back in the 1980s was clearly devastating for many communities, and I think that the example that you've given there very much highlights the kinds of issues that have come about as a result of that. That is why I'm so pleased that the Welsh Government is looking to bring in legislation that will help deal with some of these particular issues. And I know that Ken Skates will be bringing forward a statement in due course, as he seeks to introduce that piece of legislation to the Assembly, which I hope will have a very beneficial impact across Wales.
Wel, roedd dadreoleiddio'r diwydiant bysiau dan y Llywodraeth Geidwadol yn ôl yn y 1980au yn amlwg yn ddinistriol i lawer o gymunedau, ac rwy'n credu bod yr enghraifft yr ydych chi wedi'i rhoi yn y fan yna yn amlygu'n fawr y mathau o faterion sydd wedi codi o ganlyniad i hynny. Dyna pam yr wyf mor falch bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu cyflwyno deddfwriaeth a fydd yn helpu i ymdrin â rhai o'r materion penodol hyn. A gwn y bydd Ken Skates yn cyflwyno datganiad maes o law, gan ei fod yn ceisio cyflwyno'r darn hwnnw o ddeddfwriaeth i'r Cynulliad, a fydd, gobeithio, yn cael effaith fuddiol iawn ledled Cymru.
I wonder if I could invite Members to join with me in congratulating Bad Wolf on the first episode of their excellent production of His Dark Materials, which was aired on Sunday. Having said that though, I think there is still space, now that they're in occupation of Pinewood studios, for Welsh Government to bring forward a statement to explain what has actually happened now with Pinewood, why the arrangement with them has come to an end, and to tell us the full cost of that arrangement now that it has come to an end. I think we can also expect in a statement a little bit of detail perhaps about the arrangement with Bad Wolf studio, bearing in mind the interest of this place both in that company and in Pinewood over recent times. Perhaps we could be reassured that the company has gone in on full commercial terms, for example, even though we may not be entitled to know the specific figures. Generally, I'm asking for some transparency on an issue that has been of interest to Members in recent years. I'm sure it's good news and I think it would help the Government to let us see and hear that. Thank you.
Tybed a gaf i wahodd yr Aelodau i ymuno â mi i longyfarch Bad Wolf ar y bennod gyntaf o'u cynhyrchiad gwych His Dark Materials, a ddarlledwyd nos Sul. Wedi dweud hynny, fodd bynnag, rwy'n credu bod lle o hyd, gan eu bod bellach yn meddiannu Pinewood Studios, i Lywodraeth Cymru gyflwyno datganiad i egluro beth sydd wedi digwydd mewn gwirionedd gyda Pinewood, pam mae'r trefniant gyda nhw wedi dod i ben, ac i ddweud wrthym beth yw cost lawn y trefniant hwnnw gan ei fod bellach wedi dod i ben. Rwy'n meddwl y gallwn ni hefyd ddisgwyl mewn datganiad ychydig o fanylion efallai am y trefniant gyda Bad Wolf Studio, gan gofio buddiant y lle hwn yn y cwmni hwnnw ac yn Pinewood dros y cyfnod diweddar. Efallai y gallem ni gael sicrwydd bod y cwmni wedi mynd i mewn ar delerau masnachol llawn, er enghraifft, er nad oes gennym ni efallai hawl i wybod y ffigurau penodol. Yn gyffredinol, rwy'n gofyn am rywfaint o dryloywder ar fater sydd wedi bod o ddiddordeb i Aelodau yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf. Rwy'n siŵr ei fod yn newyddion da ac rwy'n credu y byddai'n helpu'r Llywodraeth i ganiatáu i ni weld a chlywed hynny. Diolch.
I absolutely join you in passing on congratulations to Bad Wolf for the production of His Dark Materials. I know it's been extremely well received and has caused a great stir, and again it's something that serves to put Wales on the map not only in terms of the fabulous country that we have to offer, but actually the incredible skills that we have here in our creative industries. And it's really exciting that the creative industries is one of the key areas, which the Minister for International Relations and the Welsh Language has prioritised within her international strategy.
In terms of Pinewood particularly, we've worked closely with them throughout their time here in Wales, and utilised the company's industry knowledge to get the best economic outcomes for Wales and make it a thriving and established location for film makers. Pinewood leaves Wales to concentrate on its own growth plans at Shepperton, at a time when all three studios in south-east Wales, including Wentloog, are operating at full capacity with productions such as His Dark Materials and Brave New World. We're really proud of our association with Pinewood over the last five years, and our vibrant creative industry has seen some fantastic results. Pinewood and Bad Wolf have spent in excess of £100 million here in Wales, creating good jobs and benefiting the local supply chains and hundreds of businesses across Wales. But if there are specific questions that you have, I'd invite you to write to the Deputy Minister for Culture, Sport and Tourism, or the Minister, I should say, for Economy and Transport, and he'll be able to provide the detail that you're seeking.
Yn sicr, rwy'n ymuno â chi wrth longyfarch Bad Wolf am y cynhyrchiad His Dark Materials. Rwy'n gwybod ei fod wedi cael derbyniad da iawn a'i fod wedi achosi cryn dipyn o sylw, ac unwaith eto mae'n rhywbeth sy'n rhoi Cymru ar y map nid yn unig o ran y wlad wych sydd gennym ni i'w chynnig, ond mewn gwirionedd y sgiliau anhygoel sydd gennym ni yma yn ein diwydiannau creadigol. Ac mae'n gyffrous iawn bod y diwydiannau creadigol yn un o'r meysydd allweddol y mae Gweinidog y Gymraeg a Chysylltiadau Rhyngwladol wedi rhoi blaenoriaeth iddo yn ei strategaeth ryngwladol.
O ran Pinewood yn benodol, rydym ni wedi gweithio'n agos gyda nhw drwy gydol eu hamser yma yng Nghymru, ac wedi defnyddio gwybodaeth y cwmni yn y diwydiant i gael y canlyniadau economaidd gorau i Gymru a'i wneud yn lleoliad llewyrchus a sefydledig ar gyfer gwneuthurwyr ffilmiau. Mae Pinewood yn gadael Cymru i ganolbwyntio ar ei gynlluniau twf ei hun yn Shepperton, ar adeg pan fo pob un o'r tair stiwdio yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru, gan gynnwys Gwynllŵg, yn gweithredu hyd eithaf ei gallu gyda chynyrchiadau fel His Dark Materials a Brave New World. Rydym ni'n falch iawn o'n cysylltiad â Pinewood dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf, ac mae ein diwydiant creadigol bywiog wedi gweld canlyniadau gwych. Mae Pinewood a Bad Wolf wedi gwario dros £100 miliwn yma yng Nghymru, gan greu swyddi da a bod o fudd i'r cadwyni cyflenwi lleol a channoedd o fusnesau ledled Cymru. Ond os oes cwestiynau penodol gennych chi, byddwn i'n eich gwahodd i ysgrifennu at y Dirprwy Weinidog Diwylliant, Chwaraeon a Thwristiaeth, neu, ddylwn i ddweud, Gweinidog yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth, a bydd e'n gallu rhoi'r manylion yr ydych chi'n chwilio amdanyn nhw i chi.
Trefnydd, I'd like to ask for an oral statement from the Minister for Health and Social Services. I very much appreciate his written statements over recent weeks regarding Orkambi and Symkevi, and we are now in a position where we are trying to get a deal with Vertex on the access to those drugs, and I also read from Simon Stevens' letter that, in fact, the English NHS agreement was based upon Wales and Northern Ireland having similar agreements in place. Now, the Minister put out a tweet this morning—very interesting, but it has questions we want to ask of him, and, therefore, an oral statement as to where we are—. Maybe by next time we might actually be in a position where we have a deal, but it opens us up to questions that we need answers to, which don't come always from a written statement. So, if we can have an oral statement from him, that would be very helpful.
And following on from Jenny Rathbone's points on screening, I would also like to ask for a statement on bowel screening, particularly as to a report on how successful the new test is. I do not want to wait 12 months to see how the 12-month period is, because I think that's way down the line, but we should have at least a three-month position now as to how that test is working. Whether there would be an assessment as to the sensitivity of the test and whether that can be improved, because we are working on the sensitivity, which limits where we are, basically standing still on the test levels—. We can get better, but that depends upon also the resource of the diagnostics agenda, and the endoscopy in particular. So, can we have a statement from him in relation to how he sees bowel screening working? Is the new test more effective? Are we getting a better response rate as a consequence of the test? And what resource has been put in place to ensure that we can improve the sensitivity, which allows us to actually catch earlier cancers so that we can get better results and outcomes?
Trefnydd, hoffwn ofyn am ddatganiad llafar gan y Gweinidog Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'n fawr ei ddatganiadau ysgrifenedig dros yr wythnosau diwethaf ynglŷn ag Orkambi a Symkevi, ac rydym ni yn awr mewn sefyllfa lle'r ydym ni'n ceisio cael bargen gyda Vertex ar y mynediad i'r cyffuriau hynny, a darllenais hefyd o lythyr Simon Stevens fod cytundeb GIG Lloegr, mewn gwirionedd, yn seiliedig ar y ffaith bod gan Gymru a Gogledd Iwerddon gytundebau tebyg ar waith. Nawr, mae'r Gweinidog wedi anfon trydariad y bore yma—diddorol iawn, ond mae cwestiynau yn ei gylch yr ydym ni eisiau eu gofyn iddo, ac, felly, datganiad llafar ynglŷn â ble'r ydym ni—. Efallai erbyn y tro nesaf byddwn ni mewn sefyllfa lle mae gennym gytundeb, ond mae'n cyflwyno cwestiynau y mae arnom angen atebion iddyn nhw, nad ydyn nhw bob amser yn dod o ddatganiad ysgrifenedig. Felly, os gallwn ni gael datganiad llafar ganddo, byddai hynny'n ddefnyddiol iawn.
Ac yn dilyn ymlaen o bwyntiau Jenny Rathbone am sgrinio, hoffwn i hefyd ofyn am ddatganiad ar sgrinio'r coluddyn, yn enwedig am adroddiad ar lwyddiant y prawf newydd. Nid ydw i eisiau aros 12 mis i weld sut beth yw'r cyfnod 12 mis, oherwydd rwy'n credu bod hynny'n bell yn y broses, ond dylem ni gael safbwynt tri mis o leiaf yn awr ynghylch sut y mae'r prawf hwnnw'n gweithio. A fyddai asesiad ynglŷn â sensitifrwydd y prawf a pha un a ellir ei wella, oherwydd yr ydym yn gweithio ar y sensitifrwydd, sy'n cyfyngu ar ein gallu, rydym yn y bôn yn sefyll yn llonydd ar lefelau'r profion—. Gallwn ni wella, ond mae hynny'n dibynnu hefyd ar adnoddau'r agenda diagnosteg, a'r endoscopi'n benodol. Felly, a gawn ni ddatganiad ganddo ynglŷn â sut y mae'n gweld sgrinio'r coluddyn yn gweithio? Ydy'r prawf newydd yn fwy effeithiol? A ydym ni'n cael gwell cyfradd ymateb o ganlyniad i'r prawf? A pha adnoddau sydd wedi'u rhoi ar waith i sicrhau y gallwn ni wella'r sensitifrwydd, sy'n ein galluogi i ddal canserau'n gynharach fel y gallwn ni gael gwell canlyniadau?
I'll certainly make the health Minister aware of both of those requests for a statement, and I know that he'd be keen to update Members particularly on the issue of bowel screening, as and when information becomes available, in terms of the analysis that is being done of the impact that the FIT rate has and what the options are in terms of increasing the sensitivity of that, but also in terms of the work that we're doing to try and ensure that particular groups who have been slower to come forward to undertake that screening are fully engaged with.
And on the issue of Orkambi, of course, the health Minister has been very, very clear today that he would agree today the same pro rata deal as the deal that's been offered for England, if that were to come forward, and we look forward to a positive response from the suppliers as soon as possible.
Yn sicr, fe wnaf sicrhau bod y Gweinidog iechyd yn ymwybodol o'r ddau gais yna am ddatganiad, ac rwy'n gwybod y byddai'n awyddus i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau yn arbennig am fater sgrinio'r coluddyn, pan fydd gwybodaeth ar gael, o ran y dadansoddiad sy'n cael ei wneud o'r effaith a gaiff y gyfradd FIT a beth yw'r opsiynau o ran cynyddu sensitifrwydd hynny, ond hefyd o ran y gwaith yr ydym ni'n ei wneud i geisio sicrhau bod grwpiau penodol a fu'n arafach yn dod ymlaen i ymgymryd â'r sgrinio hwnnw yn cymryd rhan lawn.
Ac ar fater Orkambi, wrth gwrs, mae'r Gweinidog iechyd wedi bod yn glir iawn, iawn heddiw y byddai'n cytuno heddiw ar yr un cytundeb pro rata â'r cytundeb a gynigiwyd i Loegr, pe byddai hwnnw'n cael ei gyflwyno, ac edrychwn ymlaen at ymateb cadarnhaol gan y cyflenwyr cyn gynted ag y bo modd.
Minister, could I have a statement from the Minister for health on the termination of the contract with Microtest Health to deliver the new computer software for handling prescription and medical records of patients in Wales? NHS officials in Wales are reported as saying the company could not meet the required timescale to deliver this vital project. Minister, may we have a statement from the health Minister on the implications of this action for general practitioners and patients in Wales, and whether the process of modernising our outdated NHS computer system will be delayed as a result of this?
Gweinidog, a gaf i ddatganiad gan y Gweinidog Iechyd am derfynu'r contract â Microtest Health i ddarparu'r meddalwedd cyfrifiadurol newydd ar gyfer ymdrin â phresgripsiynau a chofnodion meddygol cleifion yng Nghymru? Adroddir bod swyddogion y GIG yng Nghymru yn dweud na allai'r cwmni fodloni'r amserlen ofynnol i gyflawni'r prosiect hanfodol hwn. Gweinidog, a gawn ni ddatganiad gan y Gweinidog Iechyd ar oblygiadau'r weithred hon i feddygon teulu a chleifion yng Nghymru, ac a fydd yna oedi yn y broses o foderneiddio system gyfrifiadurol hen ffasiwn ein GIG ni o ganlyniad i hyn?
The decision to end the contract wasn't arrived at lightly, with several factors contributing, including the impact that the delays were having on practices in planning for their migration to the new system. So, GPs will continue with their current clinical information technology systems, pending a review of GP clinical systems in Wales, which is anticipated to be completed early next year. While the outcome is disappointing, the cost to the NHS has been low, and I know that if you write to the health Minister, he would provide you with more information if you require it. But the other successful system supplier, Vision, is compliant with the contract and, to date, over 100 practices are benefiting from provision of additional services, such as mobile Vision Anywhere cluster functionality, INR, and pharmacy software, free of charge.
Nid oedd yn hawdd gwneud y penderfyniad i derfynu'r contract, gyda sawl ffactor yn cyfrannu at hynny, gan gynnwys yr effaith y byddai'r oedi yn ei chael ar bractisau wrth gynllunio'r trosglwyddo i'r system newydd. Felly, bydd meddygon teulu yn parhau â'u systemau technoleg gwybodaeth glinigol presennol, wrth aros am adolygiad o systemau clinigol meddygon teulu yng Nghymru, y disgwylir y bydd yn cael ei gwblhau yn gynnar y flwyddyn nesaf. Er mai siomedig yw'r canlyniad, mae'r gost i'r GIG wedi bod yn isel, ac rwy'n gwybod pe byddech chi'n ysgrifennu at y Gweinidog Iechyd y byddai ef yn rhoi mwy o wybodaeth ichi pe bai angen. Ond mae'r cyflenwr systemau llwyddiannus arall, Vision, yn cydymffurfio â'r contract, a hyd yn hyn mae dros 100 o bractisau yn elwa ar ddarpariaeth gwasanaethau ychwanegol, fel meddalwedd ymarferoldeb clwstwr symudol Vision Anywhere, meddalwedd INR, a meddalwedd fferyllfa, yn rhad ac am ddim.
Trefnydd, I know many Members in the Chamber are supporting the valuable work of Tŷ Hafan and the hospice movement in general across Wales, and I think we all recognise on a cross-party basis the value of the support they provide to individuals and families, both in the hospice premises themselves but also out in the community. I'm also sure that many Members will have seen the publicity over the weekend about the ambitious proposed refurbishment work at Tŷ Hafan, the 'fit for future' project. The coverage surrounding this campaign raises the issue of Government support available to hospices and paediatric palliative care. So, can I ask if the Government could bring forward a statement on support for the children's hospice movement in Wales? And will the Trefnydd join me in wishing Tŷ Hafan the best of luck in their refurbishment fundraising campaign?
Trefnydd, gwn fod llawer o'r Aelodau yn y Siambr yn cefnogi gwaith gwerthfawr Tŷ Hafan a mudiadau hosbisau yn gyffredinol ledled Cymru, Ac rwy'n credu ein bod ni i gyd yn cydnabod, yn drawsbleidiol, pa mor werthfawr yw'r cymorth y maen nhw'n ei roi i unigolion a theuluoedd, ar safleoedd yr hosbisau eu hunain ac allan yn y gymuned hefyd. Rwy'n siŵr hefyd y bydd llawer o'r Aelodau wedi gweld y cyhoeddusrwydd dros y penwythnos i'r gwaith adnewyddu uchelgeisiol arfaethedig yn Nhŷ Hafan, y prosiect 'addas i'r dyfodol'. Mae'r sylw i'r ymgyrch hon yn codi mater y cymorth sydd ar gael gan y Llywodraeth i hosbisau a gofal lliniarol pediatrig. Felly, a gaf i ofyn a wnaiff y Llywodraeth ddod â datganiad gerbron ar y gefnogaeth i fudiad hosbisau plant yng Nghymru? Ac a wnaiff y Trefnydd ymuno â mi i ddymuno'r gorau i Dŷ Hafan gyda'u hymgyrch nhw i godi arian ar gyfer adnewyddu eu hadeiladau?
Thank you very much. I completely share your admiration for Tŷ Hafan and the incredible work that they undertake. I had the pleasure of visiting, some time back now, and I was incredibly impressed by the warmth, and the atmosphere that is created there I thought was really, really welcoming. I will certainly speak again to the health Minister with regard to your request for an update on support for hospices and palliative care for children and ask him to write to you with the latest position there.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Rwy'n rhannu eich edmygedd o Dŷ Hafan yn llwyr ac o'r gwaith anhygoel y maen nhw'n ei wneud. Cefais y pleser o ymweld â'r hosbis, beth amser yn ôl erbyn hyn, ac fe wnaeth y cynhesrwydd a'r awyrgylch groesawgar iawn sy'n cael ei greu yno argraff fawr iawn arnaf i. Byddaf i'n sicr o siarad eto â'r Gweinidog Iechyd ynglŷn â'ch cais chi am yr wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gymorth i hosbisau a gofal lliniarol i blant, ac yn gofyn iddo ysgrifennu atoch i roi'r sefyllfa ddiweddaraf ar y sefyllfa.
Diolch i'r Trefnydd.
Thank you, Trefnydd.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad gan y Prif Weinidog ar adroddiad y Comisiwn ar Gyfiawnder yng Nghymru. Dwi'n galw'r Prif Weinidog i wneud ei ddatganiad—Mark Drakeford.
The next item is a statement by the First Minister on the report of the Commission on Justice in Wales. I call on the First Minister to make the statement—Mark Drakeford.
Diolch, Llywydd. Roedd cyhoeddi adroddiad y Comisiwn ar Gyfiawnder yng Nghymru ar 24 Hydref yn drobwynt pwysig iawn. Rwyf am ddechrau, felly, drwy dalu teyrnged i fy rhagflaenydd fel Prif Weinidog, a fu'n gyfrifol am sefydlu'r comisiwn yn y lle cyntaf. Rwyf hefyd am ddiolch i'r Arglwydd Thomas a phob aelod o'r comisiwn.
Roeddem ni'n gwybod o'r dechrau ein bod ni'n apwyntio panel o bobl uchel eu parch, pobl o gefndir amrywiol a phobl o feddylfryd annibynnol, ond doeddwn i ddim yn gwybod pa mor eang fyddai'r dasg a dderbyniwyd ganddynt. Yn syml, dyma'r astudiaeth fwyaf cynhwysfawr erioed o'r system gyfiawnder yng Nghymru. Mae'n haeddu ystyriaeth fanwl a gofalus gan bob Aelod o'r Cynulliad.
Thank you, Llywydd. The publication of the independent Commission on Justice in Wales's report on 24 October was a watershed moment. I will start, therefore, by paying tribute to my predecessor as First Minister, who was responsible for the establishment of the commission in the first place. I also wish to thank Lord Thomas and all of the members of the commission.
We knew from the start that we were appointing a highly regarded, diverse and independent-minded panel. What we did not know was the scale of the task that they would take on. Put simply, this is the most comprehensive exercise ever undertaken in examining Wales's justice system. It deserves careful and detailed consideration from all Assembly Members.
Llywydd, this is indeed a landmark report. It gives us not just 78 specific recommendations, but a real treasure trove of testimony and advice, reflecting an enormous drawing together of evidence from more than 200 people and institutions orally, and similar numbers in writing. It shines a light into every aspect of our justice system.
Now, a report of this scale deserves far fuller consideration than it can be given today. But let me begin by identifying what seems to me to be the most striking conclusion of the report and then to say something about our approach to responding to it.
Llywydd, yn wir mae hwn yn adroddiad nodedig iawn. Mae'n rhoi nid yn unig 78 o argymhellion penodol inni, ond mae'n drysor gwirioneddol o dystiolaeth a chyngor, sy'n rhoi ystyriaeth i lawer iawn o dystiolaeth a gafwyd ar lafar gan fwy na 200 o bobl a sefydliadau, a niferoedd tebyg yn ysgrifenedig. Mae'n taflu goleuni ar bob agwedd ar ein system cyfiawnder.
Nawr, mae adroddiad o'r maint hwn yn haeddu ystyriaeth lawnach o lawer nag y gellir ei roi heddiw. Ond gadewch imi ddechrau drwy nodi, yn fy marn i, gasgliad mwyaf trawiadol yr adroddiad, a hefyd drwy sôn rhywfaint am ein dull ni o ymateb iddo.
The most striking finding, it seems to me, there, in the very first paragraph of the report, is that the people of Wales are being let down by their justice system. That is the commission's unambiguous conclusion. And I think that we should not underestimate the significance of that finding. A fair, effective and accessible justice system is a cornerstone of freedom and of democracy. It is, or it should be, non-negotiable. We should not allow ourselves to become accustomed to, still less to accept, embedded failures to meet those standards.
Llywydd, let me pick out some specifics from the report. Proper access to justice, it says, is not available. In many areas of Wales, as the question from Joyce Watson suggested earlier this afternoon, people face long and difficult journeys to their nearest court. There is a serious risk, the report says, to the sustainability of legal practice, especially in traditional high-street legal services. And all this at a time when, as the report says, Wales has one of the highest prison populations per head in western Europe, even though the evidence is that robust community sentences achieve better outcomes in so many cases. Meanwhile, the number of prosecutions is falling. We lack facilities for women offenders and there are too many gaps in Welsh language provision. Llywydd, it is the cumulative nature of the conclusions that makes them so additionally compelling.
Now, the challenge they pose will not be overcome without a change in the respective roles of Westminster and the devolved institutions, as well as in professional practice in the very many different facets of the justice system. In a key finding, the commission tells us:
'We do not see how it is possible to carry out the changes that are needed in a way that provides a practical long-term solution and makes a real difference to the people of Wales',
without substantial devolution of justice functions. Justice, as the report says, is not an island, and the decisions about how the system should operate need to be aligned with other social and economic priorities. And, as the authors say, there needs to be clear and democratic accountability for the way in which the system operates in Wales. This central finding is consistent with the long-standing position of the Welsh Government, reaffirmed most recently in our paper, 'Reforming the Union', published only last month.
Now, in the past, Llywydd, we have often argued this from a constitutional standpoint—that a nation that makes and executes its own laws ought also to police them, in the broadest sense of that word. But what this report tells us is that there are real practical challenges that flow from the division of responsibilities between Westminster and Wales. How, then, are the recommendations of the report and its many other proposals to be taken forward? Well, as Members will know, within less than a week of the report's publication, a general election has been called. This means that there is an unavoidable hiatus in our ability to open a dialogue with the UK Government, but that discussion will need to begin as soon as we have a Government again in office.
In the meantime, that does not prevent us, of course, from focusing on those aspects of the report that fall to many justice actors here in Wales. To provide just one example, Llywydd: the report challenges Wales's excellent law schools to work more effectively together to recognise the place of Welsh law in legal education and to ensure teaching materials are available in both languages. And the report, of course, also reflects on the history of the Welsh Government involvement during the whole of the devolution era in criminal justice matters and makes proposals for the future.
Indeed, one thing that I think many readers will find a surprise is the estimate that 38 per cent of the total justice expenditure in Wales already comes from the Welsh Government and Welsh local authorities, and this despite our very limited role in formulating policy and ensuring that those funds are spent beneficially and in a way that is consistent with our priorities.
So, the commission is clear that there is much more that needs to be done, and where the recommendations in the report fall to the Welsh Government to deliver, we will now look to take them forward. And this afternoon, I wanted to give just three brief examples of how we will go about that important work.
The commission calls on the Welsh Government to provide fully funded legal apprenticeships as a new pathway into the profession, a pathway that may particularly help people who might choose to practice in parts of the country where there are now too few practitioners to be found. We will now work with the professions to explore how best to do this, building on the higher apprenticeship options we already have in probate and conveyancing here in Wales.
Secondly, the commission also calls for the creation of a law council of Wales to promote the interests of legal education and the awareness of Welsh law. That is not something that the Welsh Government can do alone, but we will take the initiative to support its establishment and to get that council started on its important work.
And as an immediate response to the commission’s call for investment in technological development, Members may have seen that funding of £4 million has been put towards a new legal innovation lab to be housed at Swansea University.
Finally, Llywydd, in response to the commission’s call for a strengthening of leadership within the Welsh Government on justice matters, I have decided to establish a new justice committee of the Cabinet, and that is a Cabinet committee that I will chair. This committee will be responsible for taking forward these recommendations, the ones that fall to the Welsh Government, and to oversee discussions with the new Government at UK level.
Llywydd, as I said in opening, the report will need fuller discussion and broader discussion than we are able to give it this afternoon. But the Assembly will rightly want to know of progress that is being made, so I can provide an assurance this afternoon that, as a first step, the Government will bring forward a debate on the report in the new year. In the meantime, let me once again thank the commission for all their work and for the product of that work, this landmark report, which I want to welcome here this afternoon.
Y canfyddiad mwyaf trawiadol, mae'n ymddangos i mi, ym mharagraff cyntaf un yr adroddiad, yw bod pobl Cymru yn cael eu siomi gan y system gyfiawnder. Dyna yw casgliad diamwys y comisiwn. Ac rwy'n credu na ddylem danbrisio arwyddocâd y canfyddiad hwnnw. Mae system gyfiawnder sy'n deg, yn effeithiol ac yn hygyrch yn un o gonglfeini rhyddid a democratiaeth. Nid yw hyn, neu ni ddylai hyn fod, yn rhywbeth y gellir ei negodi. Rhaid inni beidio â chaniatáu ein hunain i ymgyfarwyddo â methiannau annatod, heb sôn am eu derbyn nhw, er mwyn bodloni'r safonau hynny.
Llywydd, gadewch imi sôn am rai materion penodol yn yr adroddiad. Nid yw cyfiawnder ar gael, meddai, fel y dylai fod. Mewn sawl ardal yng Nghymru, fel yr awgrymodd y cwestiwn gan Joyce Watson yn gynharach y prynhawn yma, mae pobl yn wynebu teithiau hir ac anodd i'w llys agosaf. Ceir risg ddifrifol, medd yr adroddiad, i gynaliadwyedd ymarfer y gyfraith, yn enwedig o ran gwasanaethau cyfreithiol traddodiadol ar y stryd fawr. Ac mae hyn i gyd yn digwydd ar adeg pan fo gan Gymru, fel y dywed yr adroddiad, un o'r poblogaethau mwyaf o garcharorion fesul pen yng ngorllewin Ewrop, er mai'r dystiolaeth yw bod dedfrydau cymunedol cadarn yn cyflawni gwell canlyniadau mewn cymaint o achosion. Yn y cyfamser, mae nifer yr erlyniadau yn gostwng. Nid oes gennym gyfleusterau ar gyfer menywod sy'n troseddu ac mae gormod o fylchau yn y ddarpariaeth trwy gyfrwng yr iaith Gymraeg. Llywydd, natur gronnol y casgliadau sy'n eu gwneud nhw'n fwy grymus byth.
Nawr, ni ellir goresgyn yr her hon heb newid i swyddogaethau penodol San Steffan a'r sefydliadau datganoledig, a hefyd mewn ymarfer proffesiynol yn y gwahanol agweddau niferus ar y system gyfiawnder. Mewn un canfyddiad allweddol, mae'r comisiwn yn dweud wrthym:
Ni allwn weld sut mae modd gwneud y newidiadau sydd eu hangen mewn ffordd sy'n darparu ateb hirdymor ymarferol ac yn gwneud gwahaniaeth gwirioneddol i bobl Cymru,
heb ddatganoli'n sylweddol swyddogaethau cyfiawnder. Fel y dywed yr adroddiad, nid ynys yw cyfiawnder, ac mae'n rhaid i'r penderfyniadau ynghylch sut y dylai'r system weithredu gyd-fynd â blaenoriaethau cymdeithasol ac economaidd eraill. Ac fel y dywed yr awduron, mae angen sicrhau atebolrwydd clir a democrataidd o ran y ffordd y mae'r system yn gweithredu yng Nghymru. Mae'r canfyddiad canolog hwn yn gyson â safbwynt hirsefydlog Llywodraeth Cymru, a gadarnhawyd yn fwyaf diweddar yn ein papur ni, 'Diwygio'r Undeb ', a gyhoeddwyd fis diwethaf.
Nawr, yn y gorffennol, Llywydd, rydym wedi dadlau hyn yn aml o safbwynt cyfansoddiadol—sef y dylai cenedl sy'n pennu ac yn gweithredu ei chyfreithiau ei hun eu plismona nhw hefyd, yn ystyr ehangaf y gair hwnnw. Ond yr hyn y mae'r adroddiad hwn yn ei ddweud wrthym yw bod heriau ymarferol gwirioneddol yn deillio o rannu cyfrifoldebau rhwng San Steffan a Chymru. Sut, felly, y dylid gweithredu argymhellion yr adroddiad a'i gynigion niferus eraill? Wel, fel y bydd yr Aelodau yn gwybod, o fewn llai nag wythnos ar ôl cyhoeddi'r adroddiad, bu galwad am etholiad cyffredinol. Mae hyn yn golygu y bydd bwlch anorfod yn ein gallu ni i ddechrau trafod â Llywodraeth y DU, ond bydd angen i'r drafodaeth honno ddechrau cyn gynted ag y gwelwn ni Lywodraeth mewn grym unwaith eto.
Yn y cyfamser, nid yw hynny'n ein rhwystro ni, wrth gwrs, rhag canolbwyntio ar yr agweddau hynny o'r adroddiad sy'n eiddo i lawer o weithredwyr cyfiawnder yma yng Nghymru. Rhof un enghraifft yn unig, Llywydd: mae'r adroddiad yn herio ysgolion gwych y gyfraith yng Nghymru i weithio'n fwy effeithiol gyda'i gilydd i gydnabod safle cyfraith Cymru mewn addysg gyfreithiol a sicrhau bod deunyddiau addysgu ar gael yn y ddwy iaith. Ac mae'r adroddiad, wrth gwrs, hefyd yn ystyried hanes cysylltiad Llywodraeth Cymru, yn ystod cyfnod llawn datganoli, â materion cyfiawnder troseddol, ac yn gwneud cynigion ar gyfer y dyfodol.
Yn wir, un peth y bydd llawer o ddarllenwyr yn synnu ato, rwy'n credu, yw'r amcangyfrif bod 38 y cant o'r holl wariant ar gyfiawnder yng Nghymru yn dod eisoes oddi wrth Lywodraeth Cymru ac awdurdodau lleol Cymru, a hynny er gwaethaf ein swyddogaeth gyfyngedig iawn o ran llunio polisi a sicrhau bod yr arian hwnnw'n cael ei wario'n fuddiol ac mewn ffordd sy'n gyson â'n blaenoriaethau ni.
Felly, mae'r comisiwn yn eglur bod angen gwneud llawer mwy. Ac yn yr achosion lle bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gyfrifol am gyflawni rhai o'r argymhellion yn yr adroddiad, byddwn nawr yn ystyried eu rhoi nhw ar waith. A'r prynhawn yma, rwyf eisiau rhoi tair enghraifft gryno o'r ffordd y byddwn ni'n mynd ati i wneud y gwaith pwysig hwnnw.
Mae'r comisiwn yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i ddarparu prentisiaethau cyfreithiol sydd wedi cael eu hariannu'n llawn fel llwybr newydd i mewn i'r proffesiwn, llwybr a all helpu pobl a fyddai o bosib yn dewis ymarfer mewn rhannau o'r wlad lle nad oes digon o ymarferwyr i'w cael erbyn hyn. Byddwn yn gweithio nawr gyda'r proffesiynau i ystyried y ffordd orau o gyflawni hyn, gan adeiladu ar y dewisiadau o brentisiaethau uwch sydd gennym eisoes ym meysydd profiant a thrawsgludo yma yng Nghymru.
Yn ail, mae'r comisiwn yn galw hefyd am greu Cyngor y Gyfraith i Gymru i hyrwyddo buddiannau addysg gyfreithiol ac ymwybyddiaeth o gyfraith Cymru. Nid yw hynny'n rhywbeth y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud ar ei phen ei hun, ond byddwn yn cymryd y cam cyntaf i gefnogi sefydlu hyn a chael y Cyngor i gychwyn ar ei waith pwysig.
Mewn ymateb uniongyrchol i alwad y comisiwn am fuddsoddi mewn datblygiadau technolegol, efallai y bydd yr Aelodau wedi gweld bod cyllid o £4 miliwn wedi cael ei roi tuag at labordy arloesi cyfreithiol newydd ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe.
Yn olaf, Llywydd, mewn ymateb i alwad y comisiwn am gryfhau'r arweinyddiaeth o fewn Llywodraeth Cymru ar faterion cyfiawnder, rwyf wedi penderfynu sefydlu pwyllgor cyfiawnder newydd yn y Cabinet, ac mae hwnnw'n bwyllgor Cabinet y byddaf i'n ei gadeirio. Bydd y pwyllgor hwn yn gyfrifol am fwrw ymlaen â'r argymhellion hyn, y rhai sy'n dod i ran Llywodraeth Cymru, a goruchwylio'r trafodaethau gyda'r Llywodraeth newydd ar lefel y DU.
Llywydd, fel y dywedais yn fy sylwadau agoriadol, bydd yr adroddiad yn gofyn am drafodaeth lawnach a thrafodaeth ehangach nag y gallwn ni ei rhoi'r prynhawn yma. Ond mae'n briodol y bydd y Cynulliad yn awyddus i wybod am y cynnydd sy'n cael ei wneud. Felly gallaf roi sicrwydd y prynhawn yma y bydd y Llywodraeth, fel cam cyntaf, yn cyflwyno dadl ar yr adroddiad yn y flwyddyn newydd. Yn y cyfamser, gadewch imi ddiolch unwaith eto i'r comisiwn am ei holl waith ac am ffrwyth y gwaith hwnnw, sef yr adroddiad pwysig hwn yr wyf i'n falch o'i groesawu yn y fan hon y prynhawn yma.
Can I thank the First Minister for his statement this afternoon? I'd also like to add my thanks to the commissioners and Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd, who made himself available to Assembly Members during the course of producing this report.
Whilst there are some very admirable arguments about the devolution of justice to Wales, we on this side of the Chamber still remain unconvinced that its devolution is the right way forward. However, that's not to say that there isn't a great deal of merit in some of the findings in the commission's report. Chapter 10 of the report considers knowledge, skills and innovation, and calls for an action plan to be created to support and promote public legal education, particularly for children and young people, and that's something that I very much welcome.
Now, today's statement rightly recognises that as the Welsh Government considers the devolution of justice for the future, a much wider focus is given to the legal sector in Wales and the country's knowledge base is expanded. Therefore, perhaps the First Minister can tell us what work the Welsh Government is currently doing in this particular area to help better promote awareness and develop skills within the Welsh legal industry.
I warmly welcome the news that £4 million of funding has been made available to Swansea University for its legal innovation lab, however, as today's statement notes, Wales's law schools are challenged more to work effectively together. So, can the First Minister tell us if the Welsh Government will be developing and implementing a specific strategy at a higher education level to develop Wales's legal studies programmes in all parts of the country?
Of course, I acknowledge that in some areas there are complexities between the work done by both the Welsh Government and the UK Government, and the commission's report makes it clear that family justice is an area that struggles between the responsibilities of both Governments. The report rightly acknowledges the importance of preventative action, and this is something that the Welsh Government could and should be doing more work on, and so perhaps in his response the First Minister could tell us a bit more about the work that the Welsh Government has done around family justice.
Now, in responding to the commission's consultation, the Law Society's evidence stated that, and I quote:
'We have a world-renowned legal system with judges of the highest calibre. These benefits have developed over hundreds of years and will continue for years to come regardless of our departure from the European Union.'
Unquote. And so it begs the question that these benefits could be lost in a separate jurisdiction. So, what assurances can the Welsh Government offer to those who share that particular view?
The Law Society also raised the issue of rural practice and the need for infrastructure issues to be addressed, and, as today's statement recognises, it will be absolutely crucial that these major infrastructure issues are dealt with to ensure that those needing legal services have access to them. With high street services diminishing, waves of broadband notspots, and public transport being often unreliable and expensive, this could have an impact on access to justice and the long-term sustainability of legal services in rural areas. Therefore, given Wales's geography, how confident is the First Minister that these infrastructure barriers could be managed so that those needing access to legal services will have them in the future?
Of course, Wales's geography means that devolving criminal justice isn't entirely straightforward, and there are some understandable concerns regarding the impact that devolving criminal justice could have on the Wales-England border. Calls for the devolution of criminal justice to Wales fail to recognise that criminal activity does not recognise national or regional boundaries and that around 48 per cent of the public live within 25 miles of the border with England and—[Interruption.] And 90 per cent of people—[Interruption.] And 90 per cent of people—[Interruption.] And 90 per cent of people live within 50 miles of the border. This, of course, contrasts sharply with the fact that only 5 per cent of the combined population of Scotland lives within 50 miles of the border. Therefore, perhaps the—.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ddatganiad y prynhawn yma? Fe hoffwn i ychwanegu hefyd fy niolch innau i'r comisiynwyr ac i'r Arglwydd Thomas o Gwmgiedd, a fu ar gael i Aelodau'r Cynulliad wrth lunio'r adroddiad hwn.
Er i rai dadleuon clodwiw iawn fodoli ynglŷn â datganoli cyfiawnder i Gymru, rydym ni ar yr ochr hon i'r Siambr yn parhau i fod heb ein hargyhoeddi mai datganoli yw'r ffordd briodol ymlaen. Eto i gyd, nid yw hynny'n golygu nad oes llawer iawn o deilyngdod yn perthyn i rai o'r canfyddiadau yn adroddiad y comisiwn. Mae Pennod 10 yr adroddiad yn ystyried gwybodaeth, sgiliau ac arloesedd, ac yn galw am greu cynllun gweithredu i gefnogi a hyrwyddo addysg gyfreithiol i'r cyhoedd, yn enwedig i blant a phobl ifanc, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr wyf i'n ei groesawu'n fawr iawn.
Nawr, mae datganiad heddiw yn cydnabod, yn gywir, wrth i Lywodraeth Cymru ystyried datganoli cyfiawnder i'r dyfodol, y ceir mwy o ganolbwyntio ar y sector cyfreithiol yng Nghymru ac y caiff sylfaen wybodaeth y wlad ei ehangu. Felly, efallai y gall y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrthym pa waith y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd yn y maes arbennig hwn i helpu i wella hyrwyddo ymwybyddiaeth a datblygu sgiliau yn y diwydiant cyfreithiol yng Nghymru.
Rwy'n croesawu'n gynnes y newyddion bod £4 miliwn o gyllid ar gael i Brifysgol Abertawe ar gyfer ei labordy arloesi cyfreithiol. Serch hynny, fel y noda'r datganiad heddiw, rhoddir mwy o her i ysgolion y gyfraith yng Nghymru gydweithio'n effeithiol. Felly, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrthym a fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn datblygu ac yn gweithredu strategaeth benodol ar lefel addysg uwch i ddatblygu rhaglenni astudiaethau cyfreithiol Cymru ym mhob rhan o'r wlad?
Wrth gwrs, rwy'n cydnabod bod cymhlethdodau mewn rhai meysydd rhwng y gwaith a wneir gan Lywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU, ac mae adroddiad y comisiwn yn egluro bod cyfiawnder teuluol yn faes sy'n peri anhawster rhwng cyfrifoldebau'r ddwy Lywodraeth. Mae'r adroddiad yn gywir i gydnabod pwysigrwydd camau ataliol, ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth y gallai ac y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn gweithio mwy arno. Felly, yn ei ymateb, efallai y gwnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud ychydig mwy wrthym am y gwaith y mae'r Llywodraeth wedi ei wneud ar gyfiawnder teuluol.
Nawr, wrth ymateb i ymgynghoriad y comisiwn, nododd tystiolaeth Cymdeithas y Cyfreithwyr, ac rwy'n dyfynnu:
Mae gennym ni system gyfreithiol fyd-enwog gyda barnwyr o'r radd flaenaf. Mae'r manteision hyn wedi datblygu dros gannoedd o flynyddoedd a byddant yn parhau am flynyddoedd i ddod, ni waeth beth fydd canlyniadau ein hymadawiad â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd.
Diwedd y dyfyniad. Ac felly mae'n codi'r cwestiwn y gallai'r manteision hyn gael eu colli mewn awdurdodaeth ar wahân. Felly, pa sicrwydd y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei gynnig i'r rhai sydd o'r farn arbennig honno?
Cododd Cymdeithas y Cyfreithwyr hefyd fater ymarfer y gyfraith yng nghefn gwlad a'r angen i fynd i'r afael â materion sy'n ymwneud â seilwaith. Fel y mae'r datganiad heddiw'n cydnabod, bydd yn gwbl hanfodol ymdrin â'r materion pwysig hyn o ran seilwaith i sicrhau bod y rheini sydd angen gwasanaethau cyfreithiol yn gallu cael gafael arnynt. Gyda lleihad yng ngwasanaethau'r stryd fawr, y mannau gwan ar gyfer band eang yn frith, a thrafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn annibynadwy ac yn gostus yn aml, gallai hynny effeithio ar argaeledd cyfiawnder a chynaliadwyedd hirdymor gwasanaethau cyfreithiol mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Felly, o ystyried daearyddiaeth Cymru, pa mor hyderus yw'r Prif Weinidog y gellid rheoli'r rhwystrau hyn ar y seilwaith fel bod y rheini sydd angen defnyddio gwasanaethau cyfreithiol yn gallu gwneud hynny yn y dyfodol?
Wrth gwrs, mae daearyddiaeth Cymru'n golygu nad yw datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol yn hollol syml, ac fe geir rhai pryderon dealladwy ynglŷn â'r effaith y gallai datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol ei chael ar y ffin rhwng Cymru a Lloegr. Nid yw'r alwad am ddatganoli cyfiawnder troseddol i Gymru yn cydnabod nad yw gweithgarwch troseddol yn ystyried ffiniau cenedlaethol neu ranbarthol a bod tua 48 y cant o'r cyhoedd yn byw o fewn 25 milltir i'r ffin â Lloegr a—[Torri ar draws.] Ac mae 90 y cant o bobl—[Torri ar draws.] Ac mae 90 y cant o bobl—[Torri ar draws.] Ac mae 90 y cant o bobl yn byw o fewn 50 milltir i'r ffin. Mae hyn, wrth gwrs, yn cyferbynnu'n fawr â'r ffaith mai dim ond 5 y cant o boblogaeth gyfunol yr Alban sy'n byw o fewn 50 milltir i'r ffin. Felly, efallai—.
Fifty American states.
Hanner cant o daleithiau America.
Allow the leader of the opposition to carry on with his questioning of the First Minister.
Gadewch i arweinydd yr wrthblaid fwrw ymlaen â holi'r Prif Weinidog.
Therefore, perhaps the First Minister could tell us a bit about the impact that devolving criminal justice could have on the border between Wales and England and tell us what discussions are already taking place on this specific issue.
Now, the First Minister will also be aware of some of the valid concerns over the capacity needed to deliver an effective criminal justice system. Currently, prisons in Wales do not offer integrated drug treatment systems, and we know from only last month the Welsh Government's advisory panel on substance misuse has failed to meet in the last year. Indeed, nearly half of people referred for substance misuse rehabilitation in Wales are treated in England, and, despite the Welsh Government ring-fencing £50 million for health boards, excellent centres around Wales are closing. As well as positive centres for rehabilitation, Wales is clearly lacking in suitable facilities for our prisoners, as today's news reports confirm. Therefore, what preparatory work has the Welsh Government already done to ensure that Wales has the resources and capacity to deliver a criminal justice system that can actually operate effectively?
Llywydd, as the public conversation surrounding devolving criminal justice continues to grow, it's more important than ever that Wales has an effective relationship with the UK Ministry of Justice, and so it falls on the Welsh Government to proactively encourage greater engagement to ensure that decisions that affect Wales reflect our country's circumstances. Perhaps the First Minister could update us on how the Welsh Government is ensuring that that is the case.
Therefore, in closing, can I thank the First Minister for his statement? Whilst there are certainly some very interesting points and recommendations made by the commission, the First Minister won't be surprised that we remain unconvinced that a full-scale devolution of justice is the right way forward for Wales, but I look forward to seeing further announcements by the Welsh Government, going forward.
Felly, efallai y gwnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud ychydig wrthym ni am yr effaith y gallai datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol ei chael ar y ffin rhwng Cymru a Lloegr a dweud wrthym pa drafodaethau sydd wedi bod eisoes ar y mater penodol hwn.
Nawr, bydd y Prif Weinidog yn ymwybodol hefyd o rai o'r pryderon dilys ynghylch y gallu sy'n angenrheidiol i gyflwyno system cyfiawnder troseddol effeithiol. Ar hyn o bryd, nid yw carchardai Cymru yn cynnig systemau integredig o driniaethau cyffuriau, a gwyddom ers y mis diwethaf yn unig nad yw Panel Cynghori Llywodraeth Cymru ar gamddefnyddio sylweddau wedi cyfarfod yn y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. Yn wir, mae bron hanner y bobl a gafodd eu hatgyfeirio at i adsefydlu camddefnyddio sylweddau yng Nghymru yn cael eu triniaeth yn Lloegr, ac, er bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi neilltuo £50 miliwn i'r byrddau iechyd, mae canolfannau rhagorol ledled Cymru yn cau. Yn ogystal â chanolfannau positif ar gyfer adsefydlu, mae'n amlwg nad oes gan Gymru gyfleusterau addas ar gyfer ein carcharorion ni, fel y mae'r adroddiadau ar y newyddion heddiw yn ei gadarnhau. Felly, pa waith paratoi y mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisoes wedi ei wneud i sicrhau bod gan Gymru yr adnoddau a'r capasiti i ddarparu system cyfiawnder troseddol a all weithredu yn effeithiol mewn gwirionedd?
Llywydd, wrth i'r drafodaeth ymhlith y cyhoedd ynghylch datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol barhau i dyfu, mae'n bwysicach nag erioed fod gan Gymru berthynas effeithiol â Gweinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder y Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, y dasg i Lywodraeth Cymru yw mynd ati i annog mwy o ymgysylltu i sicrhau bod penderfyniadau sy'n effeithio ar Gymru yn adlewyrchu amgylchiadau ein gwlad. Efallai y gallai'r Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf inni am y modd y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn sicrhau bod hynny'n digwydd.
Felly, wrth gloi, a gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ddatganiad? Er bod rhai pwyntiau ac argymhellion diddorol iawn wedi cael eu gwneud gan y comisiwn yn sicr, ni fydd yn syndod i'r Prif Weinidog nad ydym eto'n argyhoeddedig mai datganoli cyfiawnder yn ei gyfanrwydd yw'r ffordd briodol ymlaen i Gymru. Ond rwy'n edrych ymlaen at weld cyhoeddiadau pellach gan Lywodraeth Cymru, wrth symud ymlaen.
Llywydd, can I thank Paul Davies for that contribution? He began by pointing to the way in which Lord Thomas had made himself available to Assembly Members during the preparation of the report, and I didn't have a chance in my statement to say that and to draw attention to the way in which the commission has gone about its work in speaking to so many different groups, so many different interests in Wales, making itself directly available in that way. And you see the product of that in the report itself.
Llywydd, a gaf i ddiolch i Paul Davies am ei gyfraniad? Fe ddechreuodd drwy gyfeirio at y modd y bu'r Arglwydd Thomas ar gael i Aelodau'r Cynulliad wrth baratoi'r adroddiad. Ni chefais i'r cyfle yn fy natganiad i ddweud hynny a thynnu sylw at y modd y mae'r comisiwn wedi mynd ati i wneud ei waith drwy siarad â chymaint o wahanol grwpiau, cymaint o wahanol ddiddordebau yng Nghymru, gan fod ar gael yn uniongyrchol yn y modd hwnnw. Ac mae canlyniad hynny i'w weld yn yr adroddiad ei hun.
Paul Davies says that he's unconvinced of the case for devolution of the criminal justice system. I'm left wondering what could ever convince him if this report does not, because you will never find a more compelling case set out than the one assembled in the report. I think it is less a matter, Llywydd, that the Conservative Party in unconvinced, than the Conservative Party will never allow itself to be convinced of this case, because it simply doesn't reflect the way in which they think about devolution.
Now, let me say that, having said that, there were a number of points that Paul Davies made that I think were a positive attempt to draw out those aspects of the report with which he does have agreement. I look forward to being able to continue to discuss those with him as implementation of the report proceeds.
He's right, of course—the report says a great deal about legal education and a great deal about the state of the legal profession. It's why my colleague the Counsel General instituted a rapid review of the position here in Wales during the time that Lord Thomas was sitting, in order to inform the report. That's well evidenced in its pages, and we've drawn on what the profession has told us. And one of the things that I think the report says—. And I think maybe I didn't quite agree with what Paul Davies said. The report is clear that the profession and the higher education institutions in Wales cannot continuously look to the Welsh Government to take the lead. Law schools in Wales are staffed by very senior, very well-regarded people with excellent reputations and they don't need us to do things for them. The things that are in this report that fall to them, the report says they must show the lead. The profession must show a lead in dealing with the issues that the report identifies as being important to them. We will want to be there with them, supporting them in that work, but the report never says, 'Every time there is a problem, it's the Welsh Government that has to find the solution.' It has to be much wider than that.
I want to thank Paul Davies for drawing attention to the chapter in the report, chapter 7, on family justice. It's a very substantial report. It's a compellingly argued report. I don't want to rehearse again some of the discussion that I had on the floor of the Assembly a fortnight ago about the approach that the Welsh Government is taking to dealing with issues of looked-after children, but you will see in this report what it refers to as the compelling evidence of the need for reform in the way that that service is delivered here in Wales; the way in which the costs in the current system for funds could be spent far, far better, the report says, in avoiding the need for children to be taken into local authority care; the testimony that it gives from young people themselves taken into care, who said to Lord Thomas that, if a fraction of the money spent on looking after them in care had been spent on their families to help their families to go on looking after them what a better outcome that would have been for them and for those families. It's a report any Assembly Member who maybe doesn't regard this as central to their interests here—if there was a single chapter in this report that I would ask them to read, that chapter on family justice would be the one that I think would merit anybody's consideration.
Paul Davies pointed to the issue of a separate jurisdiction. The report doesn't actually recommend, using those words, 'a separate legal jurisdiction', but it does recommend a separation of the judiciary—that there should be a formal creation of Welsh courts and a Welsh judiciary, and I think it sets out, very persuasively, why that would not run into some of the difficulties that Paul Davies set out in his statement. Of course, the devolution of something as huge as the justice system is not entirely straightforward, but nor is it unachievable. Some of the issues that Paul Davies raised really are old canards that we've heard time and time again in this debate. There are 50 states in America where people are able to move between one and another, and the justice system is not frustrated by that, just as it is not frustrated by the fact that there is a separate system in Scotland and in England.
Of course we want an effective relationship with the Ministry of Justice, and, during that brief period when we had a Secretary of State in David Gauke and a Minister in Rory Stewart, we were able to agree blueprints for women offenders, blueprints for young offenders—to have an approach to imprisonment that we would have been prepared to work with here in Wales. The problem we face, Llywydd, is that no sooner have you struck up a relationship with a team of Ministers than the merry-go-round at Westminster moves them on to somewhere else and we're back to square one again. We will go on making those efforts, but it does sometimes feel that it's very much uphill and against the grain of the way in which Whitehall operates in these matters.
Mae Paul Davies yn dweud nad yw ef wedi ei argyhoeddi o'r achos dros ddatganoli'r system cyfiawnder troseddol. Tybed beth all ei argyhoeddi os nad yw'r adroddiad hwn yn gwneud hynny, oherwydd ni allwch gael achos sy'n fwy cymhellol na'r un yn yr adroddiad hwn. Rwyf i o'r farn, Llywydd, fod a wnelo diffyg argyhoeddiad y Blaid Geidwadol â'r ffaith na fydd y Blaid Geidwadol byth yn barod i gael ei hargyhoeddi o'r achos hwn oherwydd, yn syml, nid yw'n adlewyrchu'r ffordd y maen nhw'n ystyried datganoli.
Nawr, gadewch imi ddweud, wedi dweud hynny, roedd nifer o bwyntiau a wnaeth Paul Davies a oedd yn cynrychioli ymdrech gadarnhaol rwy'n credu i dynnu sylw at yr agweddau hynny ar yr adroddiad y mae ef yn cytuno â nhw. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at allu parhau i'w trafod nhw gydag ef wrth i'r adroddiad fynd rhagddo.
Mae ef yn iawn, wrth gwrs—mae'r adroddiad yn sôn llawer am addysg gyfreithiol a chryn dipyn am gyflwr y proffesiwn cyfreithiol. Dyna pam y sefydlodd fy nghydweithiwr, y Cwnsler Cyffredinol, adolygiad cyflym o'r sefyllfa yma yng Nghymru yn ystod y cyfnod pan oedd Arglwydd Thomas yn eistedd, ar gyfer llywio'r adroddiad. Ceir tystiolaeth dda o hynny yn nhudalennau'r adroddiad, ac rydym wedi defnyddio'r hyn y mae'r proffesiwn wedi ei ddweud wrthym. Ac un o'r pethau y credaf fod yr adroddiad yn ei ddweud—. Ac rwy'n credu efallai nad oeddwn i'n cytuno'n hollol â'r hyn a ddywedodd Paul Davies. Mae'r adroddiad yn nodi'n glir na all y proffesiwn na'r sefydliadau addysg uwch yng Nghymru ddisgwyl i Lywodraeth Cymru gymryd yr awenau bob amser. Mae ysgolion y gyfraith yng Nghymru yn cael eu staffio gan bobl ar lefel uchel iawn, sy'n fawr eu parch a chanddynt enw da iawn, ac nid oes angen inni wneud pethau drostyn nhw. O ran y pethau yn yr adroddiad sy'n gyfrifoldeb iddyn nhw, mae'r adroddiad yn dweud bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw roi arweiniad. Mae'n rhaid i'r proffesiwn roi arweiniad wrth ymdrin â'r materion y mae'r adroddiad yn eu nodi fel rhai sy'n bwysig iddyn nhw. Byddwn yn dymuno bod yno gyda nhw, gan eu cefnogi nhw yn y gwaith hwnnw, ond nid yw'r adroddiad byth yn dweud, 'Bob tro mae 'na broblem, Llywodraeth Cymru sy'n gorfod dod o hyd i ateb.' Mae'n rhaid iddo fod yn llawer ehangach na hynny.
Hoffwn i ddiolch i Paul Davies am dynnu sylw at y bennod yn yr adroddiad, Pennod 7, ar gyfiawnder teuluol. Mae hwn yn adroddiad sylweddol iawn. Mae dadleuon yr adroddiad yn gymhellol. Nid wyf am ailadrodd unwaith eto ran o'r drafodaeth a gefais i ar lawr y Cynulliad bythefnos yn ôl ynglŷn â dull Llywodraeth Cymru o ymdrin â materion plant sy'n derbyn gofal. Ond fe welwch chi yn yr adroddiad hwn yr hyn y mae'n cyfeirio ato fel tystiolaeth anorchfygol o'r angen am ddiwygio'r ffordd y mae'r gwasanaeth hwnnw'n cael ei ddarparu yma yng Nghymru; gallai'r ffordd y gellid gwario'r costau yn y system gyfredol ar gyfer cyllid fod yn llawer gwell, medd yr adroddiad, drwy osgoi'r angen i blant gael eu cymryd i ofal awdurdodau lleol; y dystiolaeth y mae'n ei nodi gan y bobl ifanc eu hunain a gafodd eu rhoi mewn gofal, a ddywedodd wrth Arglwydd Thomas, pe byddai cyfran fechan o'r arian a wariwyd ar ofalu amdanyn nhw mewn gofal wedi cael ei wario ar eu teuluoedd i'w helpu i barhau i ofalu amdanyn nhw, byddai hynny wedi bod yn ganlyniad gwell iddyn nhw ac ar gyfer y teuluoedd hynny. Mae hwn yn adroddiad y gallai unrhyw Aelod Cynulliad nad yw'n ystyried hyn yn rhywbeth sy'n ganolog i'w fuddiannau yma—pe bai un bennod unigol yn yr adroddiad hwn y byddwn i'n gofyn i'r Aelod hwnnw ei ddarllen, y bennod am gyfiawnder teuluol fyddai'n teilyngu'r ystyriaeth honno, yn fy marn i.
Tynnodd Paul Davies sylw at fater awdurdodaeth ar wahân. Nid yw'r adroddiad mewn gwirionedd yn argymell, gan ddefnyddio'r geiriau hynny, 'awdurdodaeth gyfreithiol ar wahân', ond mae yn argymell gwahanu'r farnwriaeth—ac y dylid creu llysoedd Cymru a barnwriaeth i Gymru yn ffurfiol, Ac rwy'n credu bod hyn dangos, yn llawn argyhoeddiad, pam na fyddai hynny'n arwain at unrhyw rai o'r anawsterau a nodwyd gan Paul Davies yn ei ddatganiad. Wrth gwrs, nid yw'n syml datganoli rhywbeth mor enfawr â'r system gyfiawnder, ond nid yw allan o gyrraedd chwaith. Mae rhai o'r materion a gododd Paul Davies yn wir yn hen esgusodion yr ydym wedi eu clywed dro ar ôl tro yn y ddadl hon. Mae 50 o daleithiau yn America lle mae pobl yn gallu symud rhwng y naill a'r llall, ac nid yw hynny'n llesteirio'r system gyfiawnder, fel nad yw'n cael ei llesteirio gan y ffaith fod yna system ar wahân yn yr Alban ac yn Lloegr.
Wrth gwrs ein bod ni'n awyddus i gael perthynas effeithiol â'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder, ac yn ystod y cyfnod byr hwnnw pan oedd gennym ni Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn David Gauke a Gweinidog yn Rory Stewart, roeddem yn gallu cytuno ar lasbrintiau ar gyfer troseddwyr benywaidd, glasbrintiau ar gyfer troseddwyr ifanc—i gael dull o garcharu y byddem wedi bod yn barod i gydweithio arno yma yng Nghymru. Y broblem yr ydym yn ei hwynebu, Llywydd, yw hyn. Cyn gynted ag y byddwch chi'n meithrin perthynas gyda thîm o Weinidogion, bydd y chwrligwgan yn San Steffan yn eu symud nhw i rywle arall ac rydym yn ôl yn y dechrau un unwaith eto. Fe fyddwn ni'n parhau gyda'r ymdrechion hynny, ond weithiau mae'n teimlo fel gwaith caled iawn ac yn groes i'r graen o ran y ffordd y mae Whitehall yn gweithredu ar y materion hyn.
Gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am y datganiad, ac wrth gwrs diolch i'r Arglwydd Thomas ac aelodau'r comisiwn am eu gwaith rhyfeddol o drwyadl yn cyrraedd at y pwynt lle y cyflwynwyd yr adroddiad arbennig yma i ni fel Cynulliad Cenedlaethol? Dechrau taith ydy hwn rŵan mewn difrif. Dwi'n falch ein bod ni'n cael datganiad heddiw a chyfle i wneud ychydig o sylwadau. Dwi'n falch hefyd bod amser yn mynd i gael ei neilltuo yn gynnar yn y flwyddyn newydd er mwyn cael dadl lawnach er mwyn gallu gwyntyllu'r pwyntiau mewn dipyn mwy o fanylder. Ond wedyn mi fydd angen cydweithio ar draws pleidiau gwleidyddol, ar draws Seneddau hefyd, wrth gwrs, er mwyn mynd â'r argymhellion yma yn eu blaen.
Dwi'n croesawu’r ffaith bod y Ceidwadwyr, sydd ddim yn gweld gwerth ar hyn o bryd mewn gwireddu'r argymhellion yma—eu bod nhw yn gofyn cwestiynau ynglŷn â sut i symud hyn ymlaen. Mae o'n fater o rywfaint o bryder i fi bod y mathau o gwestiynau sydd wedi cael eu gofyn heddiw gan arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr ar lefel mor sylfaenol—mae o bosib yn codi amheuon i fi o ran faint o sylw sydd wedi cael ei gymryd gan y blaid Geidwadol o'r argymhellion manwl yma a'r gwaith trwyadl sydd wedi cael ei wneud gan yr Arglwydd Thomas a'i dîm. Ond dwi'n barod i dderbyn bod yn rhaid gofyn cwestiwn ar bob lefel er mwyn inni allu symud ymlaen.
Mae yna gymaint o resymau pam dylem ni fel deddfwrfa fod yn gafael yn annwyl iawn yn yr argymhellion yma sydd wedi cael eu rhoi o'n blaenau ni. Ar bwynt o egwyddor yn unig, fel llunwyr deddfau, mae'n bwysig i lawer ohonom ni fan hyn ein bod ni'n gallu troi yn Senedd sy'n gorff deddfwriaethol sydd yn ymwneud â'r system gyfiawnder fel mater o egwyddor. Mae yna elfennau ymarferol o'r anhawster gennym ni ar hyn o bryd mewn gallu cael cydlyniad rhwng cyfiawnder a'r mathau o bolisïau sydd yn effeithio ar y system gyflawnder.
Wrth gwrs, yn Lloegr a'r Alban, maen nhw'n gallu llunio polisi o fewn cyd-destun gwahanol. Ond y prif reswm—a'r prif reswm sy'n cael ei amlinellu'n glir iawn yn yr adroddiad gan yr Arglwydd Thomas—dros fod eisiau bwrw ymlaen efo'r argymhellion yma ydy bod y diffygion sydd wedi cael eu hamlygu yn effeithio ar fywydau pobl go iawn yng Nghymru a'r ffordd mae'r system gyfiawnder yn ymdrin â nhw, p'un ai sut ydym ni'n trin merched o fewn y system gyfiawnder, sut ydym ni'n trin pobl o leiafrifoedd ethnig o fewn y system gyfiawnder, sut rydym ni yn gweithredu deddfwriaeth o fewn y llysoedd teulu mewn ffordd sydd yn sensitif i anghenion ein pobl ifanc ni a'n plant ni yng Nghymru, fel y cyfeiriodd y Prif Weinidog ato fo.
Mi fydd llawer ohonoch chi, dwi'n siŵr, fel finnau, wedi darllen—neu wedi dechrau darllen yn fy achos i—The Secret Barrister, sydd yn edrych ar wendidau y system gyfiawnder ym Mhrydain, neu yng Nghymru a Lloegr i gyd ar hyn o bryd. Wel, mae gennym ni gyfle yng Nghymru erbyn hyn i fynd i'r afael â'r gwendidau yna, sydd yn hysbys i gymaint o bobl sy'n gweithio o fewn y system gyfiawnder, ac i weithredu mewn ffordd am y tro cyntaf sy'n gadael i ni lunio system sydd yn sensitif i anghenion pobl Cymru yn benodol. Felly, mi gydweithiwn ni efo'n gilydd ar y cwestiynau yma.
Cwpwl o gwestiynau ichi: dwi'n croesawu'r ffaith y bydd yna is-bwyllgor o'r Cabinet, wedi ei gadeirio gan y Prif Weinidog; beth am rôl y gwasanaeth sifil yn hyn oll? Mae yna gwpwl o bethau yn codi amheuon ynof i ynglŷn ag agwedd y gwasanaeth sifil. Mi ddywedodd y gwasanaeth sifil Cymreig y byddai angen 200 yn fwy o swyddogion polisi, ar gost o ryw £14 miliwn, er mwyn gweithredu'r math yma o newidiadau. Awgrym yr Arglwydd Thomas oedd mai 10 o bobl fyddai eu hangen ac y byddem ni'n gallu creu model newydd o weithio, yn tynnu ar arbenigedd ein prifysgolion ni, ac ati, yn adlewyrchu mantais gwlad fach fel Cymru o ran effeithlonrwydd. Nid copïo beth maen nhw'n ei wneud ar lefel Cymru a Lloegr, ond llunio rhywbeth neilltuol Gymreig. Buaswn i'n croesawu sylwadau gan y Prif Weinidog ynglŷn â'r hyder sydd ganddo fo y gall y gwasanaeth sifil ddod i fod yn bartner pwysig wrth ddelifro hyn.
O ran, wedyn, yn olaf, y rôl y bydd yna, wrth gwrs, i wleidyddion ar lefel Brydeinig i ddelifro'r newidiadau yma, mi glywsom ni'r Prif Weinidog yn dweud yn gynharach ei fod o'n ymgyrchu ers 1985 yn galw am y mathau yma o newidiadau. Wel, mae'n rhaid imi godi cwestiynau ynglŷn â'r dylanwad rydych chi wedi ei llwyddo i'w gael ar eich cyd-aelodau Llafur chi yn San Steffan. Rydym ni'n gwybod, onid ydym, fod Aelodau Seneddol Llafur ymhell iawn, iawn, iawn ar ôl 1985, wedi bod yn floc ar ddatganoli elfennau o gyfiawnder. Felly, yn y cyd-destun hwnnw, pa mor hyderus ydych chi rŵan y gallwch chi berswadio eich plaid chi ar lefel Brydeinig, (1) i roi'r argymhellion yma mewn maniffesto ar gyfer etholiad rŵan? Mae'r argymhellion sydd o'n blaenau ni mor eglur, mor ddiamwys, does yna ddim rheswm pam na allai unrhyw blaid, mwy neu lai, symud ymlaen at addo gweithredu'r rhain. Felly, dangoswch i ni fod gennych chi'r dylanwad o fewn eich plaid chi, achos dwi'n addo ichi mi fydd gweithredu ar argymhellion yr Arglwydd Thomas yn gryf iawn yn ein maniffesto ni wrth fynd i mewn i'r etholiad yma rŵan.
May I thank the First Minister for his statement, and thank Lord Thomas and the members of the commission for their staggeringly thorough work in getting to the point where this report was brought forward to us as an Assembly? This is the beginning of a journey, if truth be told. I am pleased that we've had a statement today and an opportunity to make some comments. I'm also pleased that time will be allocated early in the new year to having a more comprehensive debate so that we can air these points in a little more detail. But we will then need to work across political parties, and across Parliaments too, in order to take these recommendations forward.
I do welcome the fact that the Conservatives, who don't at present see value in delivering these recommendations, are asking questions about how all of this can be moved forward. It's a matter of concern to me that the kinds of questions posed by the leader of the Conservatives today are at such a fundamental and basic level, and he is perhaps causing me to doubt just how much attention the Conservative Party has given to these recommendations and the thorough work done by Lord Thomas and his team. But I'm willing to accept that we must ask questions at every level so that we can make progress.
There are so many reasons why we, as a legislature, should be embracing these recommendations placed before us. On a point of principle, as lawmakers here in Wales, it's important for many of us here in Wales that we do become a Parliament that is a legislative body that deals with the justice system as a matter of principle. There are practicalities in terms of the difficulties that we face at the moment in delivering co-ordination between justice and the kinds of policies that will influence the justice system.
In Scotland and in England, they can form policy in a different context. But the main reason—and the main reason outlined very clearly in the report by Lord Thomas—for proceeding to implement these recommendations is that the deficiencies that have been highlighted do impact upon real people's lives here in Wales and the way in which the justice system deals with them, be that in how we deal with women within the justice system, how we treat people from ethnic minorities within our justice system, or how we operate legislation within family courts in a way that is sensitive to the needs of our young people and children here in Wales, as the First Minister mentioned.
Many of you, like myself, will have read—or will have started reading—The Secret Barrister, which looks at the deficiencies of the legal system in Britain or in England and Wales at the moment. We have an opportunity here in Wales now to address those weaknesses, which are so well known to many people working within the justice system, and to work in a way that, for the very first time, allows us to formulate a system that is sensitive to the needs of the people of Wales specifically. So, we will work together on these issues.
I do have a few questions. I welcome the fact that there will be a Cabinet sub-committee chaired by the First Minister. What about the role of the civil service in all of this? There are a few things that raise some doubts in my mind as to the attitude of the civil service. The Welsh civil service said that they would need 200 more policy officials, at a cost of around £14 million, in order to implement this kind of change. The suggestion by Lord Thomas was that 10 people would be needed, and that we could create a new model of working, drawing on the expertise of our universities and reflecting the benefits of being a small nation like Wales, in terms of efficiency. So, we don't want to copy what is done at an England and Wales level, but create something that is inherently Welsh. So, I would welcome some comments from the First Minister as to the confidence that he has as to whether the civil service can become an important partner in delivering all of this.
Finally, in terms of the role for the politicians at a UK level to deliver these changes, we heard the First Minister stating earlier that he had been campaigning since 1985, calling for these kinds of changes. Well, I do have to raise some questions as to the influence that you've managed to have on your fellow Labour members in Westminster. We know, don't we, that Labour MPs, for a long, long time after 1985 have been blocking the devolution of elements of the justice system. So, in that context, how confident are you that you can persuade your own party at the UK level, (1) to place these recommendations in a manifesto for an election, and to do so now? The recommendations before us are so clear and so unambiguous that there is no reason why any party couldn't promise to implement these. So, show us that you have the influence within your own party, because I make a pledge to you that the implementation of the Lord Thomas recommendations will be very strongly reflected in our manifesto as we enter this election.
Llywydd, diolch yn fawr i Rhun ap Iorwerth am ei gwestiynau. Dwi'n cytuno â beth ddywedodd e ar ddechrau beth roedd e'n ei ddweud. Rŷn ni ar ddechrau taith yn fan hyn, ac mae'n mynd i gymryd amser i fynd i lawr y llwybr i gyd, ac i wneud hynny, mae'n bwysig i gydweithio'n drawsbleidiol. Croesawais i nifer o bethau roedd Paul Davies wedi eu dweud a oedd yn adeiladol am nifer o bethau yn yr adroddiad. Mae diddordeb ganddo fe i weld sut rŷn ni'n gallu rhoi pethau fel yna ar waith, a bydd yn rhaid inni hefyd weithio nid jest yn fewnol yn y Cynulliad, ond gyda phobl y tu fas i'r Cynulliad yng Nghymru a hefyd gyda phobl yn San Steffan.
Dwi'n cytuno hefyd gyda beth ddywedodd Rhun ap Iorwerth am y pethau ymarferol sydd yn yr adroddiad. I nifer o bobl fan hyn, mater o egwyddor yw e i gael system cyfiawnder yn nwylo pobl yma yn y Cynulliad. Ond, yn yr adroddiad, maen nhw jest yn gwneud yr achos yn fwy ymarferol na hynny. Mae jest yn dangos yr effaith y mae'r system bresennol yn ei chael ar fywydau pobl bob dydd yma yng Nghymru.
I droi at y cwestiynau am y gwasanaeth sifil, wel, roeddem ni wedi dweud 200 o bobl am fod 300 o bobl yn Llywodraeth yr Alban yn gweithio ar y pethau y mae'r adroddiad eisiau eu trosglwyddo inni yng Nghymru. Nawr, mae'r Arglwydd Thomas yn dweud 10 o bobl—10 o bobl i wneud popeth yn yr adroddiad yma. Dwi yn cytuno gyda fe a gyda Rhun hefyd nad oes yn rhaid inni jest gwneud pethau yn y ffyrdd rydym ni wedi gwneud pethau o'r blaen, ac i gydweithio â phobl yn y prifysgolion, i wneud mwy o waith i dynnu pobl i mewn i gydweithio â ni—dwi'n hollol agored i'w wneud e fel yna—ond os ydyn ni'n mynd i redeg y system i gyd—y llysoedd, prawf, cyfiawnder i bobl ifanc, y proffesiwn, popeth sydd i mewn fan hyn—mae'n anodd i mi ar hyn o bryd i weld sut y bydd 10 o bobl yn gallu gwneud hynny. Ond mae hynny'n rhywbeth i ni siarad â'n gilydd amdano pan fyddwn ni ar y daith, fel roedd Rhun yn dweud.
Llywydd, dwi wedi ymdrechu mewn mwy nag un peth heb lwyddo am gyfnod hir. Dwi'n siwr ei fod e wedi ymdrechu am annibyniaeth am amser hir hefyd, a dydy e ddim wedi llwyddo i berswadio pobl am hynny ychwaith. Mae e'n dal yma yn trio perswadio pobl, a dwi'n dal i drio perswadio pobl hefyd, ac mae'r adroddiad yn help mawr i ni jest i ddangos y dystiolaeth gan griw o bobl hollol annibynnol sydd wedi dod at y casgliadau maen nhw wedi dod atynt.
Llywydd, I thank Rhun ap Iorwerth very much for those questions. I agree with what he said at the start of his contribution. We are at the beginning of a journey here, and it will take time to travel the whole path, and in order to do that it is important to have cross-party working. I welcome many of the things that Paul Davies said—the constructive things that he said—about a number of things in the report. He is interested in seeing how these recommendations may be implemented, and we must also work not just internally within the Assembly, but with people outwith the Assembly in Wales, and also with people in Westminster.
I also agree with what Rhun ap Iorwerth said about the practical recommendations in the report. For a number of people here, it is a matter of principle to have the justice system in the hands of the people here in the Assembly. But, in the report, they just make a more pragmatic case. It just shows the impact that the current system has on people's everyday lives here in Wales.
To turn to the questions as regards the civil service, well, we said 200 people because there are 300 people in the Scottish Executive working on those things that the report wishes to transfer to us in Wales. Well, Lord Thomas says 10 staff members—10 people to do everything contained within this report. I agree with him and with Rhun as well that we don't just have to emulate others or do things in the way that we've always done them, and we have to work with universities and draw more people in to co-operate with us, and I am totally open to doing it in that fashion, but if we are going to run the whole system—the courts, the probation service, youth justice, the profession, everything that's contained within this report—then it's difficult for me at present to see how 10 additional people could cope with that. But it's something for us to discuss on the journey, as Rhun mentioned.
Llywydd, I have attempted to do many things for a long time and failed. I'm sure that he has campaigned for independence for a long time, and he's failed to persuade people of that as yet. He's continuing to try to persuade people, as am I, and the report is a great help for us just as an evidence base from a group of totally independent people who have brought these conclusions forward.
Can I thank the First Minister for bringing this statement today, and still more if I may thank Lord Thomas and all his fellow commissioners for bringing forth this very impressive report? I'd also like to congratulate the previous First Minister for what is a very impressive report that he set up for us.
I would like to actually follow what the First Minister said that this report deserves far fuller consideration than it can be given today. I had previously planned perhaps to give a more definitive response to it, but I think it is right to hold back to absorb it further and to consult more widely. I think that what he said about his approach to responding to it is sensible, and I really look forward to having that full debate and contributing more fully on some of the issues there.
What I might just say in terms of one point of principle is that the commission refers to the 'jagged saw', which although more prosaic in this context was described in the statement by the First Minister as the
'practical challenges which flow from the division of responsibilities between Westminster and Wales.'
And I noted that when the leader of opposition was giving his response, there was quite a lot of heckling of him that he was anti-devolution. I just think that some of us, inevitably, whatever the division of devolved and non-devolved, there will always be something of a jagged saw; there will always be some difficulty at that level where the two different polities are meeting. But it just takes it as a given, this report, that wherever that's the case—for example, in justice—the solution must always be devolving to Wales, and some of us have just become concerned that if devolution is always that one-way street of continued and further devolution always and everywhere of greater and greater powers, that that may not be what the people of Wales want to see, and also that it will put at risk the very substantial flow of financial resources that Wales receives from England in a circumstance where we have a £13.7 billion fiscal gap. I just think that point needs to be kept in mind.
Also, if I may, take up Rhun's point, which I thought was a very good one. He quoted a book called The Secret Barrister, which I've also read, and I found really quite shocking in terms of the state of the courts system in England and Wales. When I was a Member of Parliament in England I saw some of this, but, frankly, it has got a lot worse since then, and the reduction in spending on the justice system has been almost higher than any other area of Government activity, and the implications are absolutely horrendous. I think what this report does, it doesn't just tell us about Wales; it tells us about the justice system in England and Wales, and, frankly, it's not just useful for us but it should be useful for the UK Government and the UK Parliament. If the Conservatives are not convinced of the overall thrust of it, I hope they will use this report to show what is happening to an area of England and Wales that has had this extraordinary effort and talented minds and work pointing out what the problems are. I hope this will be read more widely than Wales, and a lot of these problems are down to the UK Government at an England and Wales level, and they do need to be tackled.
Could I welcome some of the specifics that the First Minister has given today, specifically the schemes for apprenticeships in the legal profession and Welsh Government support for that? I think that is a good idea; I welcome that. I think initially perhaps we should concentrate on a pilot of the scheme for that, and I would just draw the First Minister's attention to chartered legal executives and the background and the positive impact they have on the law. Perhaps given how their qualification and support system works, it could be a good area for initial engagement and thinking how Welsh Government can help that go further.
In terms of some of the other areas, the law council of Wales, the legal innovation lab at Swansea University, the justice committee in the Cabinet, if I may borrow a phrase from Welsh Government, I think those are things that we would support in principle.
One substantive point I just want to make—and I will be interested in the First Minister's response—about the report on a more technical level is in the area of appointment to the Supreme Court. I'm just disappointed by the approach and the evidence base in the report on this because it is something that we discussed a few weeks ago in the Chamber and I agree with the substantive recommendation that the report makes that the Supreme Court must have a judge with knowledge and experience of practice in Welsh law, but also of the scheme of devolution for Wales and Wales as a distinct part of the United Kingdom. I think that's right and I think it should be implemented regardless of what happens in respect of other recommendations, but the report says that they recommend putting Wales
'in a similar position to Scotland and Northern Ireland in the Supreme Court as regards the appointment of judges to the Supreme Court.'
Unfortunately, what they propose is insufficient to do that, and the reason, I fear, is that the justice commission has misdescribed how judges are currently appointed to the Supreme Court. In paragraph 2.90, they say,
'Appointments to the Court of Appeal and to the Supreme Court are made on the recommendation of Commissions on which Commissioners from the Judicial Appointments Commission form the majority.'
Now, that is correct in terms of the Court of Appeal, but it is not correct for the Supreme Court and the reference to 'the Judicial Appointments Commission' is unhelpful given the focus on devolution and the nature of the Supreme Court. To look at the Supreme Court's own statement on its website about the procedure for appointing a justice of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, it refers to a panel of five, the President of the Supreme Court, and then she nominates a senior judge from anywhere in the United Kingdom but that judge cannot be a justice at the Supreme Court, and then, in addition, there is a member of each of the judicial appointments commission for England and Wales, the judicial appointments board in Scotland, and the judicial appointments commissioner in Northern Ireland. At least one of those representatives has to be a layperson. Nominations are made by the chairman of the relevant commission or board.
So, we do have in the report a recognition that a separate judiciary will require an independent method of judicial appointment and a later reference to an appointments system, but I think we need to understand, particularly if we're to have parity in the Supreme Court appointments, the implication of having our own separate judicial appointments commission, or something at least that the Supreme Court would recognise as equivalent to allow us to have that equivalent role of the other jurisdictions. And I think that also goes to the issue of, 'Is it really realistic to have just 10 extra people?' I know the previous Lord Chief Justice had a review of justice and managed to do that with 10, but I agree with the First Minister, that's not realistic for Government. And I just wonder if some consideration could be given to this because we really deserve better treatment at the Supreme Court than just Scotland having one of five, Northern Ireland having one of five, and then there's another one of the five that's England and Wales. If we were to go down the route of this separation, that would become a judicial appointments commission for England, and there's nothing in the report that would ensure that we're treated equally and fairly in terms of the appointments process for the Supreme Court. So, I'd just like to put that there and ask Welsh Government, at least, to respond, given that misconception.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ddod â'r datganiad hwn gerbron heddiw, ac yn fwy byth os caf i ddiolch i Arglwydd Thomas a'i gyd-gomisiynwyr am gyflwyno'r adroddiad hynod drawiadol hwn? Hoffwn i longyfarch y cyn-Brif Weinidog hefyd am yr adroddiad trawiadol iawn hwn a sefydlodd ar ein cyfer.
Hoffwn i ddilyn yr hyn a ddywedodd y Prif Weinidog sef bod yr adroddiad hwn yn haeddu ystyriaeth lawnach o lawer nag y gellir ei rhoi heddiw. Roeddwn wedi cynllunio ymlaen llaw i roi ymateb mwy pendant efallai, ond rwy'n credu mai'r peth iawn yw ymatal er mwyn ei ystyried ymhellach ac ymgynghori'n ehangach. Rwy'n credu bod yr hyn a ddywedodd ef am ei ddull o ymateb i'r adroddiad yn synhwyrol, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at gael y ddadl lawn honno a chyfrannu yn llawnach ar rai o'r materion yno.
Yr hyn y byddwn i'n ei ddweud o ran un pwynt o egwyddor, o bosib, yw bod y Comisiwn yn cyfeirio at yr 'ymyl garw', a ddisgrifiwyd, er yn fwy rhyddieithol yn y cyd-destun hwn, yn natganiad y Prif Weinidog yn
'heriau ymarferol yn deillio o rannu cyfrifoldebau rhwng San Steffan a Chymru'
Ac fe sylwais i pan oedd arweinydd yr wrthblaid yn rhoi ei ymateb ef, y cafodd ei heclo gryn dipyn am fod yn wrthwynebus i ddatganoli. Ond rwy'n credu, yn anochel, i rai ohonom ni, beth bynnag fo'r rhaniadau rhwng yr hyn sydd wedi'i ddatganoli a'r hyn sydd heb ei ddatganoli, bydd yn parhau i fod yn rhyw fath o ymyl garw; bydd yna rywfaint o anhawster bob amser ar y lefel honno pan fydd dwy wahanol ffurflywodraeth yn cwrdd â'i gilydd. Ond mae'r adroddiad hwn yn cymryd yn ganiataol, lle bynnag y digwydd hynny—er enghraifft, ynglŷn â chyfiawnder—mai'r ateb yw datganoli i Gymru bob amser. Mae rhai ohonom wedi dechrau pryderu, os yw datganoli yn llwybr unffordd parhaol a phellach o bwerau cynyddol bob amser ac ym mhob achos, efallai nad yw hynny'n rhywbeth y mae pobl Cymru'n dymuno ei weld, ac y bydd hefyd yn peryglu'r llif sylweddol iawn o adnoddau ariannol y mae Cymru'n eu cael o Loegr mewn amgylchiadau lle mae gennym fwlch o £13.7 miliwn o ran cyllid. Credaf fod angen cadw hynny mewn cof.
Hefyd, os caf i fynd ar ôl pwynt Rhun, a oedd yn un da iawn yn fy marn i. Fe ddyfynnodd ef lyfr o'r enw The Secret Barrister, yr wyf innau wedi ei ddarllen hefyd, a'i gael yn frawychus iawn o ran cyflwr system y llysoedd yng Nghymru a Lloegr. Pan oeddwn i'n Aelod Seneddol yn Lloegr fe welais i rywfaint ar hyn, ond, a dweud y gwir, mae wedi gwaethygu llawer ers hynny, ac mae'r gostyngiad mewn gwariant ar y system gyfiawnder wedi bod yn fwy sylweddol bron nag yn unrhyw faes arall o weithgarwch y Llywodraeth, ac mae'r goblygiadau yn gwbl ddychrynllyd. Credaf fod yr adroddiad hwn nid yn unig yn dweud wrthym ni am Gymru; mae'n dweud wrthym ni am y system gyfiawnder yng Nghymru a Lloegr, ac i fod yn onest, nid i ni'n unig y mae'n ddefnyddiol, ond fe ddylai fod yn ddefnyddiol i Lywodraeth y DU a Senedd y DU. Os nad yw'r Ceidwadwyr yn argyhoeddedig o'u safiad cyffredinol, rwy'n gobeithio y byddan nhw'n defnyddio'r adroddiad hwn i ddangos yr hyn sy'n digwydd i ardal yng Nghymru a Lloegr sydd wedi gweld yr ymdrech ryfeddol hon a'r meddyliau dawnus a gweithio deheuig i dynnu sylw at sylwedd y problemau. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd hwn yn cael ei ddarllen y tu hwnt i Gymru yn unig, ac mae llawer o'r problemau hyn yn cael eu hachosi o ganlyniad i Lywodraeth y DU ar lefel Cymru a Lloegr, ac mae angen mynd i'r afael â nhw.
A gaf i groesawu rhai o'r materion penodol y mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi eu nodi heddiw, yn benodol y cynlluniau ar gyfer prentisiaethau yn y proffesiwn cyfreithiol a chefnogaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i hynny? Rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n syniad da; rwyf i'n croesawu hynny. Rwy'n credu ar y cychwyn efallai y dylem ganolbwyntio ar gynllun peilot ar gyfer hynny, a hoffwn i dynnu sylw'r Prif Weinidog at weithredwyr cyfreithiol siartredig a'r cefndir a'r effaith gadarnhaol y maen nhw'n ei chael ar y gyfraith. Efallai, o ystyried sut mae eu system gymwysterau a chymorth nhw'n gweithio, fe allai fod yn fan da ar gyfer ymgysylltiad cychwynnol ac ystyried sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru helpu hynny i ddatblygu.
O ran rhai o'r meysydd eraill, Cyngor y Gyfraith, y labordy arloesedd cyfreithiol ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe, pwyllgor cyfiawnder yn y Cabinet, os caf fenthyca ymadrodd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, rwy'n credu bod y rhain yn bethau y byddem ni'n eu cefnogi nhw mewn egwyddor.
Un pwynt pwysig yr wyf yn awyddus i'w wneud—ac fe fydd ymateb y Prif Weinidog o ddiddordeb i mi—ynglŷn â'r adroddiad ar lefel fwy technegol yw ym maes penodi i'r Goruchaf Lys. Rwyf wedi fy siomi gan y dull gweithredu a'r sail dystiolaeth yn yr adroddiad yn hyn o beth oherwydd mae'n rhywbeth y gwnaethom ni ei drafod ychydig wythnosau yn ôl yn y Siambr ac rwy'n cytuno â'r argymhelliad pwysig a wna'r adroddiad fod yn rhaid i'r Goruchaf Lys gael barnwr sydd â'r wybodaeth a'r profiad o ymarfer â chyfraith Cymru, ond hefyd o'r cynllun datganoli i Gymru a Chymru yn rhan ar wahân o'r Deyrnas Unedig. Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n iawn ac rwy'n credu y dylid rhoi hynny ar waith beth bynnag a ddigwyddith o ran argymhellion eraill, ond fe ddywed yr adroddiad eu bod nhw'n argymell rhoi Cymru
mewn sefyllfa debyg i'r Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon yn y Goruchaf Lys o ran penodi barnwyr i'r Goruchaf Lys.
Yn anffodus, nid yw'r hyn y maen nhw'n ei gynnig yn ddigonol i wneud hynny, a'r rheswm, mae arnaf ofn, yw bod y comisiwn cyfiawnder wedi camddisgrifio sut y penodir barnwyr i'r Goruchaf Lys ar hyn o bryd. Ym mharagraff 2.90, maen nhw'n dweud,
Gwneir penodiadau i'r Llys Apêl ac i'r Goruchaf Lys ar sail argymhelliad Comisiynau lle mae Comisiynwyr o'r Comisiwn Penodiadau Barnwrol yn ffurfio'r mwyafrif.
Nawr, mae hynny'n gywir o ran y Llys Apêl, ond nid yw'n gywir o ran y Goruchaf Lys ac nid yw'r cyfeiriad at 'y Comisiwn Penodiadau Barnwrol' yn ddefnyddiol o ystyried y canolbwyntio ar ddatganoli a natur y Goruchaf Lys. I edrych ar ddatganiad y Goruchaf Lys ei hun ar ei wefan am y weithdrefn ar gyfer penodi ynad Goruchaf Lys y Deyrnas Unedig, mae'n cyfeirio at banel o bump, Llywydd y Goruchaf Lys, ac yna mae hi'n enwebu uwch farnwr o unrhyw le yn y Deyrnas Unedig, ond ni all y barnwr hwnnw fod yn ynad yn y Goruchaf Lys, ac yna, yn ogystal â hynny, ceir aelod o bob un comisiwn penodiadau barnwrol ar gyfer Cymru a Lloegr, y bwrdd penodiadau barnwrol yn yr Alban, a'r comisiynydd penodiadau barnwrol yng Ngogledd Iwerddon. Mae'n rhaid i o leiaf un o'r cynrychiolwyr hynny fod yn lleygwr. Caiff enwebiadau eu gwneud gan gadeirydd y Comisiwn neu'r bwrdd perthnasol.
Felly, mae'r adroddiad yn cydnabod y bydd barnwriaeth ar wahân yn gofyn am ddull annibynnol o benodi barnwrol a cheir cyfeiriad yn nes ymlaen at system benodi, ond rwy'n credu bod angen inni ddeall, yn arbennig felly os ydym am gael cydraddoldeb ym mhenodiadau i'r Goruchaf Lys, y goblygiadau o gael ein comisiwn penodiadau barnwrol ni ein hunain ar wahân, neu rywbeth o leiaf y byddai'r Goruchaf Lys yn cydnabod ei fod yn gyfystyr er mwyn caniatáu inni gael swyddogaeth gyfatebol yr awdurdodaethau eraill. Ac rwy'n credu bod hynny hefyd yn mynd i'r afael â hyn sef, 'a yw hi'n realistig mewn gwirionedd i fod â 10 yn unig o bobl ychwanegol?' Rwy'n gwybod bod y cyn Arglwydd Brif Ustus wedi gwneud adolygiad o gyfiawnder ac wedi llwyddo i wneud hynny gyda 10, ond rwy'n cytuno â'r Prif Weinidog, nid yw hynny'n realistig i Lywodraeth. A tybed a ellid rhoi rhywfaint o ystyriaeth i hyn oherwydd rydym mewn gwirionedd yn haeddu gwell triniaeth yn y Goruchaf Lys na dim ond yr Alban yn cael un o bump, Gogledd Iwerddon yn cael un o bump, ac yna fe geir un arall o'r pump sy'n cynrychioli Cymru a Lloegr. Pe byddem ni'n dilyn y trywydd hwn o wahanu, fe fyddai hwnnw'n mynd yn gomisiwn penodiadau barnwrol ar gyfer Lloegr, ac nid oes unrhyw beth yn yr adroddiad a fyddai'n sicrhau ein bod ni'n cael ein trin yn gyfartal ac yn deg o ran y broses benodi ar gyfer y Goruchaf Lys. Felly, hoffwn i godi hynny gyda chi a gofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru, o leiaf, ymateb, o ystyried y camddehongliad hwnnw.
Llywydd, I thank the Member for his very engaged response to the report. He started by pointing to 'the jagged edge' that the report points to between responsibilities that we already exercise here in Wales and on which effective operation of the justice system depends. While there will always be, wherever you draw the line, some jagged edges, I think the report does a very convincing job of showing how that current system has those jagged edges embedded into the middle of the way that it operates, and how you can redesign that so they become peripheral to the way that the system operates rather than constant barriers right in the midst of it. I entirely agree with him that the report is of significance far beyond Wales. The cuts to legal aid, the cuts to the court service, the way the probation service was privatised and lost the confidence of the courts in the process, all of those are things that are true not just for Wales but for England as well.
I thank Mark Reckless for what he suggested in relation to apprenticeships, and how they might be designed. We'll look carefully at that. Every now and then, Llywydd, in reading the report, which took up quite a bit of my half-term, I found myself at the edge of my own technical grasp of some of the issues with which it deals. As far as the Supreme Court is concerned, as I understood it, the court report suggests that there should be a Welsh judge formally appointed to the Supreme Court, and Mark Reckless's points—and I was trying to make sure I was following them—were not to dissent from that outcome, but to ask us to look carefully at what the report says about the method by which that might be brought about. And the Counsel General was sitting here listening carefully to that, and we'll make sure that we explore those points in the detail that they deserve.
Llywydd, rwy'n diolch i'r Aelod am ei ymateb hynod ymroddedig ef i'r adroddiad. Fe ddechreuodd drwy gyfeirio at yr hyn y mae'r adroddiad yn ei weld yn 'ymyl garw' rhwng y cyfrifoldebau yr ydym ni eisoes yn eu hymarfer yma yng Nghymru ac mae gweithrediad effeithiol y system gyfiawnder yn dibynnu arnyn nhw. Er y bydd rhywfaint o ymylon garw bob amser, lle bynnag y byddwch chi'n tynnu'r llinell, rwyf i o'r farn fod yr adroddiad yn gwneud gwaith llawn argyhoeddiad o ddangos sut y mae'r system gyfredol honno â'r ymylon garw hynny wedi eu gwreiddio'n ddwfn yng nghrombil ei dull o weithredu, a sut y gallwch ailgynllunio hynny fel eu bod nhw'n mynd yn fwy ymylol i'r ffordd y mae'r system yn gweithredu yn hytrach na bod rhwystrau cyson yng nghanol hynny i gyd. Rwyf i'n cytuno'n llwyr ag ef fod yr adroddiad yn arwyddocaol ymhell y tu hwnt i Gymru. Mae'r toriadau i gymorth cyfreithiol, y toriadau i'r gwasanaeth llys, y ffordd y cafodd y gwasanaeth prawf ei breifateiddio a cholli hyder y llysoedd yn y broses, mae'r rhain i gyd yn bethau sy'n bodoli nid yn unig yng Nghymru ond yn Lloegr hefyd.
Rwy'n diolch i Mark Reckless am yr hyn a awgrymodd ef o ran prentisiaethau, a sut y gellid eu cynllunio nhw. Byddwn yn ystyried hynny'n ofalus. Bob hyn a hyn, Llywydd, wrth ddarllen yr adroddiad, a lyncodd gryn dipyn o'm gwyliau hanner tymor i, roeddwn i'n cael fy hun ar eithafion fy nealltwriaeth dechnegol o ran rhai o'r materion y mae'n ymdrin â nhw. Cyn belled ag y mae'r Goruchaf Lys yn y cwestiwn, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallais i, mae adroddiad y llys yn awgrymu y dylid penodi Barnwr o Gymru i'r Goruchaf Lys yn ffurfiol, a'r pwyntiau a wnaeth Mark Reckless—ac roeddwn i'n ceisio gwneud yn siŵr fy mod i'n eu dilyn nhw—oedd nid anghytuno â'r canlyniad hwnnw, ond gofyn inni edrych yn ofalus ar yr hyn y dywed yr adroddiad am y dull o gyflwyno hynny. Ac roedd y Cwnsler Cyffredinol yn eistedd yma yn gwrando'n astud ar hynny, a byddwn yn gwneud yn siŵr ein bod yn archwilio'r pwyntiau hynny gyda'r manylder sy'n ddyledus iddyn nhw.
First Minister, this is not only an impressive report, but an incredibly impressive panel of expertise, of really world-class standing, and as one would expect from a former Lord Chief Justice, the report is almost in the form of a very incisive judgment into the state of law within Wales. And the report, I think, is of such high competence and expertise—several hundred pages—that it took the Ministry of Justice approximately 15 minutes to tweet out that they rejected its findings but they would give them further consideration, whatever that meant. And I think that probably says more about the state of justice in the UK than anything else.
I'm very much grateful for the fact that there is going to be, at the appropriate time, a full and detailed report so we can debate these things properly. So, I only want to comment, really, on the one area, and it's an area I've raised time and time again, I think, ever since I've been in the Assembly, and in all my years, really—33 years—working as a practising lawyer, working for trade unions, working for working people. And that is this: we have lost, along the way, the understanding of not only the importance of justice and the rule of law, but the importance of access to it. And this was an understanding that we had in the post-1945 Labour Government, when the 1949 Act was introduced, when Viscount Simon, when he was introducing the Act, said that what we were creating was a national health service for law, because what was understood and recognised as fundamental in any society was that the law means nothing unless ordinary people have access to it, and are empowered to access that law. So, an environment where, effectively, in the past 10 years, there has been almost a 27 per cent cut in real terms in the funding of justice-related matters, indicates how far we have lost our understanding of the importance of justice to the people. And being a legislature now means we have the opportunity to actually put those fundamental principles back at the core of the Welsh legislature and the Welsh justice system that is actually developing.
It was well understood, the consequences of this—Lord Neuberger expressed this numerous times when he was president of the Supreme Court, when he said:
'My worry is the removal of legal aid for people to get advice'.
That not only undermines the whole legal system, it leads to people effectively beginning to have disregard to the law and taking the law into their own hands. And more recently, I think the head of the Bar commission basically just referred yet again, and consistently, to the huge threat to access to justice in the country, and the impact of the cuts, particularly on the poorest and most vulnerable within our society.
The part I would like to refer to and I would like to ask you about is really the part in chapter 3, where the recommendation is made that the funding for legal aid, and for the third sector—providing advice and assistance—should be brought together in Wales in a single fund. This is something we have debated over a number of years, and I know there's work that has gone on around this, and the fact that enormous amounts of Welsh money goes into various aspects in making up these shortfalls in the justice system, to ensure that some of the most vulnerable do get support, whether it be through Citizens Advice, whether it be through Women's Aid, whether it be through the various third sector bodies. And I wonder if you would agree with me that there is an opportunity now to start the process of the creation of a Welsh legal aid system, restoring that to the core, perhaps in two parts, because, of course, the devolution of funding and responsibilities are important, and certain things can't be done until that happens. But much of the administration and bureaucracy of that system already exists, and could well be brought within the ambit of Welsh Government if the funding followed it. And, clearly, the funding in respect of legal aid functions is something that would not take great minds in order to actually transfer, but it would be the creation of perhaps a two-stage process, getting ready for that to happen now, but starting the halfway house—perhaps the quasi legal aid system now—while we pull that together. And we also recognise the important contributions that bodies like the trade unions make to the provision of legal advice and legal support—for many years, the funders of much of the legal system for ordinary working people. And what was their reward by Tory Governments in the past? The reward was basically consistent legislation that made it more and more difficult for trade unions to operate and, in fact, to recruit members. So they clearly have a part to play within this, as many other bodies do. But I think we should commit ourselves, or we should start discussing committing ourselves, to the creation of a new route to legal advice and assistance, a composite Welsh route that would be the pride of a Welsh legal justice system.
Prif Weinidog, mae hwn nid yn unig yn adroddiad trawiadol, ond yn banel o arbenigedd hynod drawiadol, o statws byd-eang gwirioneddol, ac fel y byddai rhywun yn ei ddisgwyl gan gyn-Arglwydd Brif Ustus, mae'r adroddiad bron ar ffurf dyfarniad miniog iawn ynglŷn â chyflwr y gyfraith yng Nghymru. Ac mae'r adroddiad, rwy'n credu, o'r fath gymhwysedd ac arbenigedd—cannoedd o dudalennau—fel ei fod wedi cymryd tua 15 munud i'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder drydar eu bod wedi gwrthod ei ganfyddiadau ond y byddent yn rhoi ystyriaeth bellach iddynt, beth bynnag oedd ystyr hynny. Ac rwy'n credu bod hynny fwy na thebyg yn dweud mwy am gyflwr cyfiawnder yn y DU na dim arall.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am y ffaith y bydd adroddiad llawn a manwl yn cael ei gyflwyno, ar yr adeg briodol, fel y gallwn ni drafod y pethau hyn yn iawn. Felly, dim ond eisiau gwneud sylwadau wyf i, mewn gwirionedd, ar yr un maes, ac mae'n faes yr wyf wedi'i godi dro ar ôl tro, rwy'n credu, byth ers i mi fod yn y Cynulliad, ac yn fy holl flynyddoedd, mewn gwirionedd—33 mlynedd—yn gweithio fel cyfreithiwr gweithredol, yn gweithio i undebau llafur, yn gweithio i bobl sy'n gweithio. A dyma ni: rydym ni wedi colli, ar hyd y ffordd, y ddealltwriaeth nid yn unig o bwysigrwydd cyfiawnder a rheolaeth cyfraith, ond pwysigrwydd mynediad iddo. Ac roedd hyn yn ddealltwriaeth a gawsom ni yn y Llywodraeth Lafur ar ôl 1945, pan gyflwynwyd Deddf 1949, pan roedd Viscount Simon, pan roedd ef yn cyflwyno'r Ddeddf, yn dweud mai'r hyn yr oeddem yn ei greu oedd gwasanaeth iechyd gwladol ar gyfer y gyfraith, oherwydd yr hyn a ddeallwyd ac a gydnabuwyd yn hanfodol mewn unrhyw gymdeithas oedd nad yw'r gyfraith yn golygu dim oni bai bod pobl gyffredin yn gallu ei defnyddio, a'u bod yn cael eu grymuso i allu defnyddio'r gyfraith honno. Felly, mae amgylchedd lle, i bob pwrpas, yn y 10 mlynedd diwethaf, y bu toriad o 27 y cant bron mewn termau real o ran ariannu materion sy'n ymwneud â chyfiawnder, yn dangos mor bell yr ydym ni wedi colli ein dealltwriaeth o bwysigrwydd cyfiawnder i'r bobl. Ac mae bod yn ddeddfwrfa nawr yn golygu bod gennym ni gyfle i roi'r egwyddorion sylfaenol hynny yn ôl wrth wraidd system deddfwriaeth a chyfiawnder Cymru sy'n datblygu mewn gwirionedd.
Roedd dealltwriaeth eang ynghylch canlyniadau hyn—mynegodd yr Arglwydd Neuberger hyn droeon pan oedd yn Llywydd y Goruchaf Lys, pan ddywedodd:
Fy mhryder i yw cael gwared ar gymorth cyfreithiol i bobl gael cyngor.
Mae hynny nid yn unig yn tanseilio'r holl system gyfreithiol, mae'n arwain at bobl yn dechrau diystyru'r gyfraith a chymryd y gyfraith i'w dwylo eu huanin. Ac yn fwy diweddar, rwy'n credu bod pennaeth comisiwn y Bar yn y bôn yn cyfeirio unwaith eto, ac yn gyson, at y bygythiad enfawr i fynediad at gyfiawnder yn y wlad, ac effaith y toriadau, yn enwedig ar y bobl dlotaf a mwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas.
Y rhan y carwn gyfeirio ati ac yr hoffwn eich holi amdani mewn gwirionedd yw'r rhan ym mhennod 3, lle gwneir argymhelliad y dylai'r arian ar gyfer cymorth cyfreithiol, ac ar gyfer y trydydd sector—sy'n darparu cyngor a chymorth—gael ei ddwyn ynghyd yng Nghymru mewn un gronfa. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth yr ydym ni wedi'i drafod dros nifer o flynyddoedd, ac rwy'n gwybod fod gwaith wedi'i wneud ynghylch hyn, a'r ffaith bod symiau enfawr o arian Cymru yn mynd i wahanol agweddau wrth wneud iawn am y diffygion hyn yn y system gyfiawnder, er mwyn sicrhau bod rhai o'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed yn cael cymorth, boed drwy Cyngor ar Bopeth, boed drwy Cymorth i Fenywod, boed drwy gyfrwng y gwahanol gyrff yn y trydydd sector. A thybed a fyddech yn cytuno â mi bod cyfle nawr i ddechrau'r broses o greu system cymorth cyfreithiol i Gymru, gan adfer hynny i'r craidd, efallai mewn dwy ran, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae datganoli cyllid a chyfrifoldebau yn bwysig, ac ni ellir gwneud rhai pethau nes i hynny ddigwydd. Ond mae llawer o weinyddiaeth a biwrocratiaeth y system honno'n bodoli eisoes, a gellid eu dwyn o fewn cwmpas Llywodraeth Cymru pe bai'r cyllid yn dod gyda hynny. Ac, yn amlwg, mae'r cyllid ar gyfer swyddogaethau cymorth cyfreithiol yn rhywbeth na fyddai'n gofyn am feddyliau mawr i'w drosglwyddo mewn gwirionedd, ond byddai'n creu proses dau gam efallai, gan baratoi ar gyfer hynny'n awr, ond dechrau gyda llety hanner ffordd—efallai y system gymorth led-gyfreithiol nawr—tra byddwn yn dwyn hynny ynghyd. Ac rydym ni hefyd yn cydnabod y cyfraniadau pwysig y mae cyrff fel yr undebau llafur yn eu gwneud i ddarparu cyngor cyfreithiol a chefnogaeth gyfreithiol—am flynyddoedd lawer, arianwyr llawer o'r system gyfreithiol ar gyfer pobl gyffredin sy'n gweithio. A beth oedd eu gwobr gan Lywodraethau Torïaidd yn y gorffennol? Yn y bôn, y wobr oedd deddfwriaeth gyson a oedd yn ei gwneud hi'n fwy a mwy anodd i undebau llafur weithredu ac, mewn gwirionedd, i recriwtio aelodau. Felly mae'n amlwg bod ganddyn nhw ran i'w chwarae yn hyn o beth, fel sydd gan lawer o gyrff eraill. Ond rwy'n credu y dylem ni ymrwymo, neu y dylem ni ddechrau trafod ymrwymo, i greu ffordd newydd o allu cael cyngor a chymorth cyfreithiol, ffordd Gymreig gyfansawdd a fyddai'n destun balchder i system gyfiawnder gyfreithiol yng Nghymru.
Llywydd, can I thank Mick Antoniw for that? He began by pointing to the impressive nature of the panel. And when I had the privilege of helping to introduce the report on the day that it was launched, I remember saying that I thought that one of the key jobs that Ministers—and, in this case, the former First Minister—had to carry out, in getting this sort of work going, is to choose the right people to do it. And those are difficult decisions very often. But if you look at the panel who made up this commission, those decisions were very wise indeed, and have led to the report that we have today.
Mick Antoniw made a very important point, and it's here in the report, that, in the 1945 welfare state settlement, access to justice was a fundamental strand in the way those who were creating new rights for people—new social rights, in the Marshall sense, but new rights to justice as well—this was an integral part of the way that they thought citizenship rights in the United Kingdom would be discharged in the future. And the cuts that we have seen in the last decade, those cuts to legal aid and other access to justice aspects, are laid bare in this report. If you wanted to read no other paragraphs in it, read what this report says about litigants in person—people who are forced to represent themselves in court, because they have no access to advice, nobody else to speak up for them, the terrible burden that that places on them, and the way it slows down the whole court system, because they have to be helped from the bench repeatedly to understand what is going on and to make the points that they are entitled to make. It's such a false economy, isn't it, because it just throws costs into other parts of the system?
I was struck during the discussion, Llywydd, at how much more some Members here know about aspects of the justice system than I do. Mick Antoniw's idea of a Welsh legal aid system of course is one that we will want to look at as we take this forward. The report says, in that chapter 3, on access to justice, that the Welsh Government has had to divert money
'to address functions that were not devolved instead of using the resources for functions that had been devolved'.
And it then says that this
'was the right thing to do.'
But it wasn't—it shouldn't have been the necessary thing to do. But we will now be able to use some of that experience, and the funding that we have provided to third sector organisations, in that new system that Mick Antoniw has outlined this afternoon.
Llywydd, a gaf i ddiolch i Mick Antoniw am hynna? Dechreuodd drwy gyfeirio at natur drawiadol y panel. A phan gefais y fraint o helpu i gyflwyno'r adroddiad ar y diwrnod y cafodd ei lansio, cofiaf ddweud fy mod yn credu mai un o'r swyddi allweddol y bu'n rhaid i Weinidogion—ac, yn yr achos hwn, y cyn-Brif Weinidog—ei wneud, wrth gyflawni'r math hwn o waith, yw dewis y bobl briodol i wneud hynny. Ac mae'r rheini'n benderfyniadau anodd yn aml iawn. Ond os edrychwch chi ar y panel oedd yn ffurfio'r comisiwn hwn, roedd y penderfyniadau hynny yn rhai doeth iawn, ac wedi arwain at yr adroddiad sydd gennym ni heddiw.
Gwnaeth Mick Antoniw bwynt pwysig iawn, ac mae yma yn yr adroddiad, bod yr hawl i gael cyfiawnder, yn setliad gwladwriaeth les 1945, yn elfen sylfaenol yn y ffordd yr oedd y rhai a oedd yn creu hawliau newydd i bobl—hawliau cymdeithasol newydd, yn ystyr Marshall, ond hawliau newydd i gyfiawnder hefyd—roedd hyn yn rhan annatod o'r ffordd y credent y byddai hawliau dinasyddiaeth yn y Deyrnas Unedig yn cael eu cyflawni yn y dyfodol. Ac mae'r toriadau a welsom yn y degawd diwethaf, y toriadau hynny i gymorth cyfreithiol ac agweddau eraill ar hawl i gyfiawnder, i'w gweld yn glir yn yr adroddiad hwn. Os nad oeddech eisiau darllen unrhyw baragraffau eraill ynddo, darllenwch yr hyn y mae'r adroddiad hwn yn ei ddweud am ymgyfreithwyr yn bersonol—pobl sy'n cael eu gorfodi i gynrychioli eu hunain yn y llys, oherwydd na allent gael cyngor, oherwydd nad oes neb arall i siarad drostynt, y baich ofnadwy y mae hynny'n ei roi arnyn nhw, a'r ffordd y mae'n arafu holl system y llysoedd, oherwydd bod yn rhaid eu helpu o'r fainc dro ar ôl tro i ddeall yr hyn sy'n digwydd a gwneud y pwyntiau y mae ganddyn nhw hawl i'w gwneud. Mae'n economi mor ffug, onid yw, gan nad yw ond yn taflu costau i rannau eraill o'r system?
Cefais fy synnu yn ystod y drafodaeth, Llywydd, wrth sylweddoli faint yn fwy y mae rhai Aelodau yma'n ei wybod am agweddau ar y system gyfiawnder nag yr wyf fi. Mae syniad Mick Antoniw o system cymorth cyfreithiol i Gymru wrth gwrs yn un y byddwn eisiau edrych arno wrth inni fwrw ymlaen â hyn. Dywed yr adroddiad, yn y drydedd bennod honno, am yr hawl i gael cyfiawnder, fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gorfod dargyfeirio arian
i fynd i'r afael â swyddogaethau nad oeddent wedi'u datganoli yn hytrach na defnyddio'r adnoddau ar gyfer swyddogaethau a ddatganolwyd.
Ac yna mae'n dweud
mai hyn oedd y peth iawn i'w wneud.
Ond nid oedd—ni ddylai fod wedi bod y peth angenrheidiol i'w wneud. Ond byddwn nawr yn gallu defnyddio rhywfaint o'r profiad hwnnw, a'r arian yr ydym ni wedi'i ddarparu i fudiadau'r trydydd sector, yn y system newydd honno y mae Mick Antoniw wedi'i hamlinellu y prynhawn yma.
Mi wnaf i ymestyn yr amser ar gyfer y datganiad yma rhyw gymaint, oherwydd pwysigrwydd y datganiad, ond a gaf i ofyn i'r siaradwyr sy'n weddill i fod yn fyr ac yn fachog yn eu cwestiynau? Alun Davies.
I will extend the time available for this statement a little, because of the importance of the statement, but may I ask the remaining speakers to be concise in their questions? Alun Davies.
Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. [Laughter.] You do have a happy habit of making those statements before I rise to speak. [Laughter.] I'm always very grateful to be called, of course.
First Minister, I'm grateful to you for making this statement this afternoon. I think, like other Members here, we are all very grateful to Lord Thomas and his team. Giving evidence last year to Lord Thomas, and to the commissioners, was a pretty terrifying experience, I have to say, and the level of scrutiny and the level of focus on the issues that were under discussion was something that was hugely impressive at that time, and I think it's demonstrated in the report that has been produced. For me, this is certainly a report about the justice system, but it is also a report about people. It's about fairness, it's about social justice and it's about the stability of the constitution of this country.
I was reading the report of Peter Clarke—the chief inspector of prisons—into Cardiff prison this morning, and what he says there is absolutely striking: something like half or all people released, all men released, from Cardiff prison are homeless upon release; 65 per cent have issues with mental health; 38 per cent have drug and alcohol addictions upon arrival at Cardiff prison. And these figures are seen to be quite good, quite reasonable figures. That's the burden of his report, and that this is an improvement on where we've been. But what that really tells you—what that really tells you is that we are used to a system that is so dramatically failing the people of Wales that we are used to a system that works for virtually nobody. And that is unacceptable—it's unacceptable. And it's not acceptable either to simply say, 'This is a very good report, we're going to file it away', and 'This is a very good report, we're going to have a seminar perhaps or take our instructions from elsewhere.' This is a report that demands action, and it demands action from this place.
I'm really very, very pleased that the First Minister has responded with the urgency that this report requires this afternoon. I very much welcome what the First Minister has said about a sub-committee of Cabinet to take these matters forward. I hope also that we will be able to ensure that we are able to move towards the creation of a justice department within the Welsh Government. The First Minister is absolutely right, in answer to an earlier question, about the weight of numbers and the resources available to achieve that. But there is already a job of work to be done, even without the devolution of these matters, to better co-ordinate and to manage the systems and the interfaces of services within this country. The report stands as a rebuke to people who have governed this country in the past, a rebuke to the constitution of this country, and a rebuke to all those people who say, 'It's simply too difficult, so I'm going to wash my hands of this.' Wash their hands, not only of the difficulty that we are confronted with, but wash their hands of the human consequences of it as well.
And so, First Minister, I welcome very much what you said this afternoon, both in answer to questions and in your statement. I hope that we will able to have a reasoned debate in the new year, as you have suggested. But, First Minister, I hope you will also be able to reassure all of us here that, in moving forward, you will do so with the urgency and the tempo that you've set this afternoon, with the understanding of the human issues that you've established this afternoon, but also with a clear understanding of how this will impact Wales and Wales's relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom.
One of the questions that Lord Thomas asked me during my evidence was whether there was a requirement for a symmetrical nature of devolution. We were talking about Great Britain, rather then the whole of the United Kingdom. And I believe, with my experience in Government, that we do require that symmetrical system of devolution. An asymmetrical system was acceptable in 1999, when we were establishing devolved government in Wales, but it does not provide the stability of governance and the stability of a settlement that will deliver the services we require and the sort of constitutional stability that we will require in the future.
So, First Minister, like others this afternoon, I'm very grateful to you for this statement, and I hope that you can reassure us that the Welsh Government will continue to pursue this, and to pursue this with urgency.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Llywydd. [Chwerthin.] Mae gennych arferiad gwych o wneud y datganiadau hynny cyn imi godi i siarad. [Chwerthin.] Rwyf bob amser yn ddiolchgar iawn am gael fy ngalw, wrth gwrs.
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n ddiolchgar i chi am wneud y datganiad hwn y prynhawn yma. Rwy'n credu, fel Aelodau eraill yma, ein bod ni i gyd yn ddiolchgar iawn i'r Arglwydd Thomas a'i dîm. Roedd rhoi tystiolaeth y llynedd i'r Arglwydd Thomas, ac i'r Comisiynwyr, yn brofiad eithaf brawychus, rhaid imi ddweud, ac roedd maint y craffu a maint y pwyslais ar y materion a oedd yn cael eu trafod yn rhywbeth a oedd yn drawiadol iawn ar y pryd, ac rwy'n credu y gwelir hyn yn yr adroddiad sydd wedi'i gynhyrchu. I mi, mae hwn yn sicr yn adroddiad am y system gyfiawnder, ond mae hefyd yn adroddiad am bobl. Mae'n ymwneud â thegwch, mae'n ymwneud â chyfiawnder cymdeithasol ac mae'n ymwneud â sefydlogrwydd cyfansoddiad y wlad hon.
Roeddwn yn darllen adroddiad Peter Clarke—y prif arolygydd carchardai—ynglŷn â charchar Caerdydd y bore yma, ac mae'r hyn a ddywed yno yn drawiadol iawn: mae rhywbeth fel hanner yr holl bobl a ryddhawyd, yr holl ddynion a ryddhawyd, o garchar Caerdydd yn ddigartref pan gânt eu rhyddhau; mae gan 65 y cant broblemau iechyd meddwl; mae 38 y cant yn gaeth i gyffuriau ac alcohol wrth gyrraedd carchar Caerdydd. Ac mae'r ffigurau hyn yn cael eu gweld fel ffigurau eithaf da, eithaf rhesymol. Dyna yw byrdwn ei adroddiad, a bod hyn yn welliant ar y sefyllfa y buom ni ynddi. Ond yr hyn y mae hynny mewn gwirionedd yn ei ddweud wrthych chi—yr hyn y mae hynny'n ei ddweud wrthych chi mewn gwirionedd yw ein bod wedi arfer â system sy'n siomi pobl Cymru mor enbyd nes ein bod wedi arfer â system sy'n gweithio i bron neb. Ac mae hynny'n annerbyniol—mae'n annerbyniol. Ac nid yw'n dderbyniol dweud chwaith, 'Mae hwn yn adroddiad da iawn, rydym yn mynd i'w ffeilio', ac 'Mae hwn yn adroddiad da iawn, rydym yn mynd i gael seminar efallai neu droi i rywle arall am gyfarwyddyd.' Mae hwn yn adroddiad sy'n gofyn am weithredu, ac mae'n gofyn am weithredu o'r lle hwn.
Rwy'n falch iawn fod y Prif Weinidog wedi ymateb gyda'r brys y mae'r adroddiad hwn yn gofyn amdano y prynhawn yma. Rwy'n croesawu'n fawr yr hyn y mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi'i ddweud am is-bwyllgor Cabinet i fwrw ymlaen â'r materion hyn. Rwy'n gobeithio hefyd y byddwn yn gallu sicrhau ein bod yn gallu symud tuag at greu adran gyfiawnder yn Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae'r Prif Weinidog yn llygad ei le, wrth ateb cwestiwn cynharach, ynglŷn â phwysau niferoedd a'r adnoddau sydd ar gael i gyflawni hynny. Ond mae gwaith i'w wneud eisoes, hyd yn oed heb ddatganoli'r materion hyn, i gydgysylltu'n well ac i reoli systemau a rhyngwynebau gwasanaethau yn y wlad hon. Mae'r adroddiad yn gerydd i bobl sydd wedi llywodraethu'r wlad hon yn y gorffennol, yn gerydd i gyfansoddiad y wlad hon, ac mae'n ceryddu'r holl bobl hynny sy'n dweud, 'Mae'n rhy anodd, felly rwy'n mynd i wrthod ymwneud â hyn.' Gwrthod ymwneud, nid yn unig â'r anhawster sy'n ein hwynebu, ond gwrthod ymwneud ag oblygiadau dynol hefyd.
Ac felly, Prif Weinidog, rwy'n croesawu'n fawr iawn yr hyn y gwnaethoch chi ei ddweud y prynhawn yma, wrth ateb cwestiynau ac yn eich datganiad. Gobeithiaf y byddwn yn gallu cael dadl resymol yn y flwyddyn newydd, fel yr ydych chi wedi awgrymu. Ond, Prif Weinidog, gobeithiaf y gallwch chi hefyd roi sicrwydd i bob un ohonom ni yma y byddwch chi, wrth symud ymlaen, yn gwneud hynny gyda'r brys a'r cyflymder y gwnaethoch chi sôn amdanynt y prynhawn yma, gyda'r ddealltwriaeth o'r materion dynol yr ydych chi wedi eu crybwyll y prynhawn yma, ond hefyd gyda dealltwriaeth glir o sut y bydd hyn yn effeithio ar Gymru ac ar berthynas Cymru â gweddill y Deyrnas Unedig.
Un o'r cwestiynau a ofynnodd yr Arglwydd Thomas imi yn ystod fy nhystiolaeth oedd bod angen cael natur gymesur i ddatganoli. Roeddem yn sôn am Brydain Fawr, yn hytrach na'r Deyrnas Unedig gyfan. Ac rwy'n credu, gyda fy mhrofiad yn y Llywodraeth, bod angen y system gymesur honno o ddatganoli arnom ni. Roedd system anghymesur yn dderbyniol yn 1999, pan roeddem yn sefydlu llywodraeth ddatganoledig yng Nghymru, ond nid yw'n darparu sefydlogrwydd llywodraethu a sefydlogrwydd setliad a fydd yn darparu'r gwasanaethau sydd eu hangen arnom ni a'r math o sefydlogrwydd cyfansoddiadol y bydd ei angen arnom ni yn y dyfodol.
Felly, Prif Weinidog, fel eraill y prynhawn yma, rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i chi am y datganiad hwn, a gobeithio y gallwch ein sicrhau y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i fwrw ymlaen â hyn, a bwrw ymlaen â hyn ar fyrder.
Llywydd, I thank Alun Davies for that. Let me respond to three or four points very quickly. He's absolutely right to point to the human consequences of the failures that the report outlines, and the human consequences are there right through the report. They stand out to you when you read them. The point I made earlier this afternoon about the apparent acceptability of saying to a witness, 'You've got to leave your house at 7 o'clock in the morning, maybe don't get back there till 7.30 p.m. at night'—that's fine as far as the Ministry of Justice is concerned. I don't think that's something that you would expect a vulnerable person, faced with the ordeal of a court case in front of them, to be able to just undertake without any consequences. So, the human part of this report—I thank Alun Davies for drawing attention to that.
We haven't talked about resources this afternoon, Llywydd, but Alun reminded me, and I should have said earlier, that funding will have to follow function if this report is ever to do what we want it to do. No Government can take on the responsibilities that are outlined in this report without being given the money that is necessary to discharge them properly.
I'm interested, of course, in the point Alun Davies made towards the end about symmetrical devolution. What I certainly think the report aims for is stable devolution. It aims for a coherent way of going about these responsibilities, putting them together in a package that will provide coherence and stability. There is an urgent need to get on with it. We will do that in terms of the recommendations that fall directly to us. And then we will inevitably be dependent on the willingness of others to move down that path with the same sense of determination.
Llywydd, hoffwn ddiolch i Alun Davies am hynna. Gadewch imi ymateb i dri neu bedwar pwynt yn gyflym iawn. Mae'n llygad ei le i gyfeirio at oblygiadau dynol y methiannau y mae'r adroddiad yn eu hamlinellu, ac mae'r oblygiadau dynol i'w gweld drwy'r adroddiad. Maen nhw'n amlwg iawn pan fyddwch chi'n eu darllen. Y pwynt a wneuthum yn gynharach y prynhawn yma ynglŷn â derbynioldeb ymddangosiadol dweud wrth dyst, 'mae'n rhaid i chi adael eich tŷ am 7 o'r gloch y bore, efallai nad ydych yn dychwelyd yno tan 7.30 y nos'—mae hynny'n briodol cyn belled ag y mae'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder yn y cwestiwn. Nid wyf yn credu bod hynny'n rhywbeth y byddech yn ei ddisgwyl i berson agored i niwed, gyda straen achos llys o'i flaen, allu ei wneud heb unrhyw oblygiadau. Felly, rhan ddynol yr adroddiad hwn—diolchaf i Alun Davies am dynnu sylw at hynny.
Nid ydym wedi siarad am adnoddau y prynhawn yma, Llywydd, ond fe'm hatgoffwyd gan Alun, a dylwn fod wedi dweud yn gynharach, y bydd yn rhaid i'r cyllid hwnnw ddilyn y swyddogaeth os yw'r adroddiad hwn i wneud yr hyn yr ydym ni eisiau iddo ei wneud. Ni all yr un Llywodraeth ymgymryd â'r cyfrifoldebau a amlinellir yn yr adroddiad hwn heb gael yr arian sy'n angenrheidiol i'w cyflawni'n briodol.
Mae gennyf ddiddordeb, wrth gwrs, yn y sylw a wnaeth Alun Davies tua'r diwedd am ddatganoli cymesur. Yr hyn yr wyf yn sicr yn credu y mae'r adroddiad yn anelu ato yw datganoli sefydlog. Mae'n anelu at ffordd gydlynol o fynd ati i sicrhau'r cyfrifoldebau hyn, gan eu rhoi at ei gilydd mewn pecyn a fydd yn darparu cydlyniad a sefydlogrwydd. Mae taer angen bwrw ymlaen â hyn. Byddwn yn gwneud hynny o ran yr argymhellion sy'n dod yn uniongyrchol i'n rhan. Ac yna byddwn yn anochel yn dibynnu ar barodrwydd eraill i wneud cynnydd ar hyn gyda'r un ymdeimlad o benderfyniad.
First Minister, as we've heard, the criminal justice system in England and Wales is in need of much improvement. There's a body of evidence that establishes that, and I think this authoritative report significantly adds to it. We know that far too many people are sent to prison, as you mentioned in your opening statement, compared to our our western European neighbours, for example, and that creates overcrowding, which makes rehabilitation very, very difficult indeed.
We know that many of the people there have mental health issues, alcohol and drug issues, which are not properly or adequately addressed. And we know that there's much overlap between the services that Welsh Government is responsible for in terms of those problems and the non-devolved criminal justice aspects. We know that it all needs to be joined up much more effectively, and devolution would make that joining up so much easier. It would also enable, of course, joined-up scrutiny from the Assembly and outside bodies.
So, I just think that what we have at the moment is failing morally and failing very much in practical terms. What we have as a consequence is more victims of crime in Wales, in our communities, so our communities in general suffer from a higher level of crime than would otherwise be the case. And, of course, the families of offenders suffer, as well as the offenders themselves. It's a very bleak and, I must say, depressing picture that has persisted for far too long.
So, I really do believe that this report now, this authoritative report, is an opportunity to make progress on these matters with medium and longer term devolution, but also with the shorter term steps that are pointed to. And I hope very much, First Minister, that, in due course, Welsh Government will be able to set out its response in those terms—the short-term measures that can be taken as well as the medium and longer term improvements in terms of devolution. And I would hope, and I know many here today would hope, that Welsh Government will be able to set that out as quickly as possible in the most practical terms.
Prif Weinidog, fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed, mae angen gwella'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yng Nghymru a Lloegr yn fawr. Mae yna gorff o dystiolaeth sy'n sefydlu hynny, ac rwy'n credu bod yr adroddiad awdurdodol hwn yn ychwanegu'n sylweddol ato. Gwyddom y caiff llawer gormod o bobl eu hanfon i'r carchar, fel y gwnaethoch chi grybwyll yn eich datganiad agoriadol, o'u cymharu â'n cymdogion yng ngorllewin Ewrop, er enghraifft, ac mae hynny'n creu gorlenwi, sy'n gwneud adsefydlu'n anodd iawn, yn wir.
Gwyddom fod gan lawer o'r bobl yno broblemau iechyd meddwl, problemau alcohol a chyffuriau, na chânt sylw priodol neu ddigonol. Ac rydym yn gwybod bod llawer o orgyffwrdd rhwng y gwasanaethau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gyfrifol amdanyn nhw o ran y problemau hynny a'r agweddau ar gyfiawnder troseddol nad ydynt wedi'u datganoli. Rydym yn gwybod bod angen i'r cyfan fod yn gydgysylltiedig yn llawer mwy effeithiol, a byddai datganoli yn gwneud y cydgysylltu hwnnw gymaint yn haws. Byddai hefyd yn galluogi, wrth gwrs, gwaith craffu cydgysylltiedig gan y Cynulliad a chyrff allanol.
Felly, credaf fod yr hyn sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd yn methu'n foesol ac yn methu'n fawr iawn mewn termau ymarferol. Yr hyn sydd gennym ni o ganlyniad yw mwy o ddioddefwyr troseddau yng Nghymru, yn ein cymunedau, felly mae ein cymunedau yn gyffredinol yn dioddef o fwy o droseddu nag a fyddai'n digwydd fel arall. Ac, wrth gwrs, mae teuluoedd troseddwyr yn dioddef, yn ogystal â'r troseddwyr eu hunain. Mae'n ddarlun llwm iawn, ac mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, digalon, sydd wedi parhau'n rhy hir o lawer.
Felly, rwy'n credu mewn difrif calon fod yr adroddiad hwn bellach, yr adroddiad awdurdodol hwn, yn gyfle i wneud cynnydd ar y materion hyn gyda datganoli tymor canolig a thymor hwy, ond hefyd gyda'r camau tymor byrrach y tynnwyd sylw atynt. Ac rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr iawn, Prif Weinidog, y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru, maes o law, yn gallu amlinellu ei hymateb yn y termau hynny—y mesurau tymor byr y gellir eu cymryd yn ogystal â'r gwelliannau tymor canolig a thymor hwy o ran datganoli. A byddwn yn gobeithio, ac rwy'n gwybod y byddai llawer yma heddiw yn gobeithio, y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gallu amlinellu hynny cyn gynted â phosib yn y modd mwyaf ymarferol.
I thank John Griffiths for that, Llywydd. It is an authoritative report, absolutely, and I completely agree with him. Far too many people get sent to prison in Wales. We've seen the figures from the Wales Governance Centre, and that is a failure of having a coherent system, but it's also a failure of purpose in the system as well.
I was told recently, from someone who had visited a women's prison, where there were tens of women from Wales in that prison, that more than half of them were there because they had failed to attend to the conditions that their probation officer had placed on them. They hadn't, as far as I could tell, committed a further offence; they'd simply not kept to the conditions of their supervision. Now, if I had managed to succeed all those years ago in getting the probation service into the hands of this National Assembly, I cannot imagine for a moment that we would have contemplated an outcome in which women were taken away from their families, with all the damage we know that had done, for not committing an offence, but for simply not observing the rules that the probation service is currently obliged to operate under.
So, yes, we would have a more joined-up system in a practical sense, but we would have a different sense of purpose for the system as well, and we'd be able to make that part of the purpose of the system right through it so that every aspect of the system was operating in the direction that we would want to see it operate, and the report gives us that opportunity.
Rwy'n diolch i John Griffiths am hynna Llywydd. Mae'n adroddiad awdurdodol, yn bendant, ac rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr ag ef. Caiff llawer gormod o bobl eu hanfon i'r carchar yng Nghymru. Rydym ni wedi gweld y ffigurau o Ganolfan Llywodraethiant Cymru, ac mae hynny'n fethiant o ran cael system gydlynol, ond mae hefyd yn fethiant o ran diben yn y system hefyd.
Dywedwyd wrthyf yn ddiweddar, gan rywun a oedd wedi ymweld â charchar i fenywod, lle'r oedd degau o fenywod o Gymru yn y carchar hwnnw, fod mwy na'u hanner yno oherwydd eu bod wedi methu â chadw at yr amodau yr oedd eu swyddog prawf wedi'u gosod arnyn nhw. Nid oedden nhw, hyd y gallwn ddweud, wedi cyflawni trosedd arall; nid oedden nhw, yn syml, wedi cadw at amodau eu goruchwyliaeth. Nawr, pe bawn i wedi llwyddo i gael y maen i'r wal flynyddoedd lawer yn ôl i gael y gwasanaeth prawf i ddwylo'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn, ni allaf ddychmygu am eiliad y byddem wedi ystyried canlyniad lle câi menywod eu gwahanu o'u teuluoedd, gyda'r holl ddifrod yr ydym yn gwybod a ddoi yn sgil hynny, am beidio â chyflawni trosedd, ond am ddim ond peidio â chadw at y rheolau y mae'n rhaid i'r gwasanaeth prawf weithredu yn unol â nhw ar hyn o bryd.
Felly, byddai, byddai gennym ni system fwy cydgysylltiedig yn ymarferol, ond byddai gennym ni ymdeimlad gwahanol o ddiben ar gyfer y system hefyd, a byddem yn gallu gwneud hynny'n rhan o ddiben y system drwyddi draw fel bod pob agwedd ar y system yn gweithredu fel yr hoffem ei gweld yn gweithredu, ac mae'r adroddiad yn rhoi'r cyfle hwnnw inni.
Finally, Mark Isherwood.
Yn olaf, Mark Isherwood.
Diolch, Llywydd. The report refers to a number of matters. We heard reference to substance misuse, homelessness, perhaps education and health as well, which relate to devolved services. You've also made reference to a number of non-devolved matters, such as probation services, but we know that they're being reintegrated with the prison system, and the proposals of the UK Government recognise the devolution factor in the design of new systems. We already know that the UK Government has agreed with the Welsh Government that we don't need more women's prisons, we need community centres. Of course, we all support at least one of those being in Wales. We already know that the UK Government is moving to longer minimum sentences, recognising that short sentences damage rehabilitation and often criminalise people who might otherwise find a way to a more independent and happy life.
My concern, therefore, is that the report seems to focus to a large extent, or to a significant extent, on policies of Governments here and there, which come and go—Governments go, policies come and go—rather than focusing on whether, for all time, in perpetuity, the constitutional principle of the devolution of criminal justice would create a fairer, more just system for everybody, despite the fact that Governments and policies will change over time. It's a different and more political aspect. I wonder if you'd comment on, therefore, the need to focus on that constitutional issue in perpetuity, rather than our views of current or future Government policies or parties in Government.
Perhaps the elephant in the room, again, for me is the cross-border nature of crime and justice in Wales. It's always been thus. It's nothing new—it's no threat to nationhood, good or bad, it's a reality that most crime in Wales travels on a west-east axis and that crime measurement, support and intervention has always been therefore developed on that basis. How, therefore, do you respond to the fact that I can only find one reference in the report to any cross-border criminality, in the context of county lines, along the M4 corridor and north Wales? And the solution it proposes is joint working across the four Welsh forces in collaboration with other agencies, but no reference to partners across the board. How, therefore, again, do you respond to the reality that North Wales Police report increased collaboration with Merseyside and Cheshire forces on fire arms, intelligence, custody, property, forensics, and that they even share their regional organised crime unit with neighbouring forces, which is located in Warrington? So, how do we reconcile that reality, which has nothing to do with nationality or national identity, but simply demographics, geography and history, that we have that east-west movement?
And my final question is in response to something you mentioned earlier regarding the US system, and, if it works there effectively, why couldn't it work here. Of course, the US has an integrated network of criminal justice systems at federal and state level. The federal Government in Washington and the individual state Governments oversee various aspects of criminal justice and, in that context, if we are going to evolve into a more effective system that recognises the more federalised and federalising nature of the UK, do we not also need to look to more of a networked system, recognising tiered interventions, rather than simply trying to draw lines between systems according to where national borders lie?
Diolch, Llywydd. Mae'r adroddiad yn cyfeirio at nifer o faterion. Clywsom gyfeiriad at gamddefnyddio sylweddau, digartrefedd, efallai addysg ac iechyd hefyd, sy'n ymwneud â gwasanaethau datganoledig. Rydych chi hefyd wedi cyfeirio at nifer o faterion sydd heb eu datganoli, megis gwasanaethau prawf, ond rydym yn gwybod eu bod yn cael eu hailintegreiddio gyda'r system carchardai, ac mae cynigion Llywodraeth y DU yn cydnabod y ffactor datganoli wrth gynllunio systemau newydd. Gwyddom eisoes fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi cytuno â Llywodraeth Cymru nad oes arnom ni angen rhagor o garchardai i fenywod, mae arnom ni angen canolfannau cymunedol. Wrth gwrs, rydym ni i gyd yn cefnogi o leiaf un o'r rheini yng Nghymru. Rydym ni eisoes yn gwybod bod Llywodraeth y DU yn symud tuag at isafswm dedfrydau hirach, gan gydnabod bod dedfrydau byr yn niweidio adsefydlu ac yn aml yn gwneud pobl yn droseddwyr a fyddai fel arall yn gallu dod o hyd i ffordd fwy annibynnol a hapus o fyw.
Fy mhryder, felly, yw bod yr adroddiad fel pe bai'n canolbwyntio i raddau helaeth, neu i raddau sylweddol, ar bolisïau Llywodraethau yma ac acw, sy'n mynd a dod—mae llywodraethau'n dod i ben—mae polisïau'n mynd a dod, yn hytrach na chanolbwyntio, unwaith ac am byth, yn barhaol, ar ba un a fyddai'r egwyddor gyfansoddiadol o ddatganoli cyfiawnder troseddol yn creu system decach, fwy cyfiawn i bawb, er gwaetha'r ffaith y bydd Llywodraethau a pholisïau'n newid dros amser. Mae'n agwedd wahanol a mwy gwleidyddol. Tybed a fyddech chi felly'n gwneud sylwadau ynghylch yr angen i ganolbwyntio ar y mater cyfansoddiadol hwnnw yn barhaol, yn hytrach nag ein barn nawr ac yn y dyfodol am bolisïau'r Llywodraeth neu bleidiau'r Llywodraeth.
Efallai mai'r broblem amlwg sydd wedi’i hanwybyddu, unwaith eto, i mi yw natur drawsffiniol troseddu a chyfiawnder yng Nghymru. Felly y bu hi erioed. Nid yw'n ddim byd newydd—nid yw'n fygythiad i genedligrwydd, da na drwg, mae'n wir bod y rhan fwyaf o droseddau yng Nghymru yn symud rhwng y gorllewin a'r dwyrain a bod mesur troseddu, ynghyd â chymorth ac ymyrryd, wastad wedi cael eu datblygu ar y sail honno. Sut, felly, ydych chi'n ymateb i'r ffaith na allaf ond canfod un cyfeiriad yn yr adroddiad at unrhyw droseddu trawsffiniol, yng nghyd-destun llinellau cyffuriau, ar hyd coridor yr M4 a Gogledd Cymru? A'r ateb y mae'n ei gynnig yw cydweithio rhwng y pedwar heddlu yng Nghymru mewn cydweithrediad ag asiantaethau eraill, ond does dim cyfeiriad at bartneriaid yn gyffredinol. Felly, sut, eto, ydych chi'n ymateb i'r realiti bod Heddlu Gogledd Cymru yn dweud y buont yn cydweithio mwy gyda lluoedd Glannau Mersi a swydd Gaer ynghylch arfau, cudd-wybodaeth, gwarchodaeth, eiddo, gwaith fforensig, a'u bod hyd yn oed yn rhannu eu huned troseddau cyfundrefnol rhanbarthol gyda lluoedd cyfagos, sydd wedi'i leoli yn Warrington? Felly, sut mae cysoni'r realiti hwnnw, nad oes ganddo ddim i'w wneud â chenedligrwydd na hunaniaeth genedlaethol, dim ond demograffeg, daearyddiaeth a hanes, fod gennym ni'r symud hwnnw rhwng y dwyrain a'r gorllewin?
Ac mae fy nghwestiwn olaf yn ymateb i rywbeth y soniasoch amdano'n gynharach ynglŷn â system yr Unol Daleithiau, ac, os yw'n gweithio yno'n effeithiol, pam na allai weithio yma. Wrth gwrs, mae gan yr Unol Daleithiau rwydwaith integredig o systemau cyfiawnder troseddol ar lefel ffederal a gwladwriaethol. Mae'r Llywodraeth ffederal yn Washington a'r llywodraethau gwladwriaethau unigol yn goruchwylio gwahanol agweddau ar gyfiawnder troseddol ac, yn y cyd-destun hwnnw, os ydym i esblygu i fod yn system fwy effeithiol sy'n cydnabod natur fwy ffederal y DU, a'r ffederaleiddio parhaus, onid oes angen inni hefyd edrych ar system mwy rhwydweithiedig, gan gydnabod bod angen ymyrryd ar sawl haen, yn hytrach na dim ond ceisio tynnu llinellau rhwng systemau yn ôl lle mae'r ffiniau cenedlaethol?
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.
Dirprwy Lywydd, can I welcome what Mark Isherwood said at the beginning about his party's support for the approach to women's imprisonment that this Government has adopted and worked with some of his colleagues in London on as well? We welcomed David Gauke's, when he was the Secretary of State at the Ministry for Justice, policy of abolishing short sentences of imprisonment. I fear, Dirprwy Lywydd, that, in the way that Mark Isherwood said policies come and go, this policy may have come and may already be going under the next occupant of the Ministry of Justice.
Mark Isherwood asked me about the constitutional argument, and I think, for me, it's always been relatively simple, really: decisions that affect only people in Wales should be made only by people in Wales. Given that these are decisions we're talking about that affect people who are in Wales, then the devolution of those services to be made by people elected to this National Assembly seems to me entirely consistent with that basic constitutional principle.
I don't myself believe that the cross-border issue is quite the showstopper that some Members here are trying to suggest. Even in a service as wholly devolved as the health service, we have a burns unit in Singleton hospital that is a regional resource that serves the south-west of England as well. It is perfectly possible, even when matters are devolved, to have proper collaboration and to work with others in pursuit of common ambitions, and I'm sure that we would be able to do that. The report actually deals with cross-border issues far more extensively, I think, than simply its county lines observation. It deals with the whole business of appointments of justices, how solicitors are qualified on an England-and-Wales basis; it regularly attends to cross-border issues.
But, in the constructive spirit that this discussion has been conducted, I'll end by thanking Mark Isherwood for the points he made at the end about the way in which different constitutional formats inside the United Kingdom would require us to look differently at how some of these cross-border matters would be resolved, and look forward to going on working with Members in all parts of the Chamber in order to make the most we can of this landmark report.
Dirprwy Lywydd, a gaf i groesawu'r hyn a ddywedodd Mark Isherwood ar y dechrau am gefnogaeth ei blaid i'r ymagwedd at garcharu menywod y mae'r Llywodraeth hon wedi ei mabwysiadu ac wedi gweithio gyda rhai o'i gydweithwyr yn Llundain arni hefyd? Fe wnaethom ni groesawu polisi David Gauke, pan oedd yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder, o ddiddymu dedfrydau byr o garchar. Ofnaf, Dirprwy Lywydd, yn y ffordd y dywedodd Mark Isherwood fod polisïau'n mynd a dod, ei bod yn bosib bod y polisi hwn wedi'i gyflwyno, ac efallai ei fod eisoes yn cael ei ddiddymu, gan aelod nesaf y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder.
Holodd Mark Isherwood fi am y ddadl gyfansoddiadol, ac rwy'n credu, i mi, mae wedi bod yn gymharol syml erioed, mewn gwirionedd: dim ond pobl yng Nghymru ddylai wneud penderfyniadau sy'n effeithio yn unig ar bobl yng Nghymru. O gofio bod y penderfyniadau hyn yr ydym ni'n sôn amdanyn nhw yn effeithio ar bobl yng Nghymru, mae datganoli'r gwasanaethau hynny i'w penderfynu arnynt gan bobl sydd wedi'u hethol i'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn yn ymddangos i mi yn gwbl gyson â'r egwyddor gyfansoddiadol sylfaenol honno.
Nid wyf fi fy hun yn credu bod y mater trawsffiniol yn gymaint o faen tramgwydd ag y mae rhai Aelodau yma'n ceisio'i awgrymu. Hyd yn oed mewn gwasanaeth sydd wedi'i ddatganoli'n llwyr fel y gwasanaeth iechyd, mae gennym ni uned losgiadau yn Ysbyty Singleton sy'n adnodd rhanbarthol sy'n gwasanaethu De-orllewin Lloegr hefyd. Mae'n gwbl bosib, hyd yn oed pan fydd materion wedi'u datganoli, i gael cydweithio priodol ac i weithio gydag eraill er mwyn ymgyrraedd at uchelgeisiau cyffredin, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddem yn gallu gwneud hynny. Mae'r adroddiad mewn gwirionedd yn ymdrin â materion trawsffiniol yn fwy helaeth o lawer, yn fy marn i, na dim ond dal sylw ar linellau cyffuriau. Mae'n ymdrin â'r holl agwedd o benodi ynadon, sut mae cyfreithwyr yn cymhwyso ar sail Cymru a Lloegr; mae'n mynd i'r afael â materion trawsffiniol yn rheolaidd.
Ond, yn yr ysbryd adeiladol y cynhaliwyd y drafodaeth hon, terfynaf drwy ddiolch i Mark Isherwood am y sylwadau a wnaeth ar y diwedd ynghylch y modd y byddai gwahanol drefnau cyfansoddiadol o fewn y Deyrnas Unedig yn ei gwneud hi'n ofynnol inni edrych yn wahanol ar sut y cai rhai o'r materion trawsffiniol hyn eu datrys, ac yn edrych ymlaen at weithio gydag Aelodau ym mhob rhan o'r Siambr er mwyn gwneud y gorau y gallwn ni o'r adroddiad pwysig hwn.
Thank you very much, First Minister.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Prif Weinidog.
Item 4 on the agenda is a statement by the Minister for Housing and Local Government, on supporting local housing authorities to secure long-term housing options in the private rented sector, and I call on the Minister for Housing and Local Government, Julie James.
Eitem 4 ar yr agenda yw datganiad gan y Gweinidog Tai a Llywodraeth Leol, ar gefnogi awdurdodau tai lleol i sicrhau opsiynau tai tymor hir yn y sector rhentu preifat, a galwaf ar y Gweinidog Tai a Llywodraeth Leol, Julie James.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. This statement provides details of the trial of a new scheme aimed at increasing the housing stock available to local authorities in discharging their housing duties, and, more particularly, their Part 2 Housing (Wales) Act 2014 duties. Local authorities' discharge of these duties has done much to prevent individuals and families from becoming homeless. However, there are still far too many whose homelessness is not prevented. This trial proposes using the private rented sector to increase the stock available to local authorities when discharging their Part 2 duties by offering tenants access to good-quality housing at affordable rents with an appropriate level of support. We are trialling the scheme in a small number of local authorities to prove the concept and provide the necessary evidence base for a model to be developed to roll out across Wales.
'Prosperity for All' emphasises the role good-quality homes play in all aspects of an individual’s life and the importance of secure, affordable housing as a basis for improved health and life outcomes. Insecurity of tenure or poor-quality housing can, of course, cause or exacerbate anxiousness and ill health, and limit the ability of renters to engage with their local community or for their children to settle in education.
Preventing and resolving homelessness in all its forms is a key priority for this Government. The numbers of households presenting as at risk, or already homeless, in Wales has been aggravated by benefits cuts and austerity. This Government is committed to building social homes at scale and pace, but we also accept that homes are not built in a day. We are looking at additional, innovative approaches to increasing the stock of housing, and a model such as this could make a significant and important difference for Wales.
Increasingly, local authorities are looking to the private rented sector to find homes for families and the individuals they support. However, the private rented sector is increasingly a tenure of choice for a far broader range of households than in the past. Long gone are the days when renting was something for students and young professionals before they 'settle down'. Today, in some areas, the market for rental properties is very competitive. Landlords can pick and choose to whom they rent and, as a result, have pushed some of our more vulnerable households out of that market.
Many local authorities work hard to identify landlords willing to take households on benefits and to accept the low rents afforded by benefits. This hard work is admirable, but frequently only results in a short-term solution. With only six months' security and little support, we know that often these tenancies break down and the household goes back through the 'revolving door'.
For those struggling financially, the disparity between local housing allowance rates and market rents limits access to the PRS. This problem is intensified by some of the anecdotal evidence suggesting private landlords are less likely to rent to those in receipt of benefits. Investing in and evaluating a trial focused on increasing access, quality and security for such groups is a worthy and worthwhile enterprise.
Working collaboratively with existing stakeholders we have developed a model that we believe will give local authorities a significant extra resource in helping to prevent and relieve homelessness. Finding an offer that also works for landlords has been an important part of developing this model. This is a win-win deal, it offers a good deal for those seeking a stable, good-quality home, and a good deal for landlords who want a long-term rental income stability without the day-to-day responsibility of being a landlord.
In exchange for a commitment from private sector landlords to lease their properties to a local authority for a period of up to five years, those property owners will receive guaranteed rent, every month, for the period of the lease, and an undertaking that, subject to fair wear and tear at the end of the five years, they will receive their property back in the same condition as they leased it. Additionally, property owners will be eligible for a grant and an interest-free loan to bring their properties up to a required standard, should their property not meet the minimum requirements for the trial. Interested private sector landlords will receive rent at the relevant local housing allowance rates—that turns out to be quite difficult to say—less a sum equivalent to a competitive management fee.
The minimum standard of properties accepted onto the trial will be linked to WHQS standards and, as I have said, there will be an element of grant and loan to ensure that any property participating in this trial is of a high standard. The households we are seeking to house here deserve high-quality homes and choice as much as any other household, but the incentives we will provide will also help improve the standards of the private rented sector more generally in Wales.
Tenants who live in these properties will be assured, subject to their observation of the terms of their contract, of up to five years of accommodation in the private rented sector at local housing allowance rates. Importantly, for both tenant and landlord, the households moving in will receive the support they need to help them thrive in their new homes.
As I have said, this is a win-win deal; it works for landlords and local authorities as much as it works for tenants. Tenants will have access to good-quality, affordable private sector housing with the kind of support that they would normally only have access to in social housing. Landlords can be confident that while receiving regular rent every month their property is being looked after and they need not worry about many of the day-to-day responsibilities that go with being a landlord as they will be carried out by the local authority as the managing agent. Local authorities will have the benefit of an extra resource to help meet their objectives for preventing and reducing homelessness.
We are all aware that supported, happy, settled, long-term tenants help to build more integrated communities. Tenants housed through this trial will be able to access a high level of support, should they require it, and an essential part of the trial will be promoting independence and the skills for life necessary to reduce the burden on the supply of social housing.
Local authorities are ideally placed to lead this initiative. Their private rented sector teams already have contact with a number of private sector landlords who might be interested in leasing their properties through such a model and they already know and work with the families that need these homes.
We will now be inviting local authorities to submit expressions of interest in running the trial. We will appoint three local authorities to operate the trial scheme, and these will be selected on the basis of a series of qualitative and quantitative measures. I will provide more detail on the successful areas in due course.
The goal is for this trial to provide a scaleable model that leads to a national scheme that provides significantly more affordable housing, of increased quality, with greater security of accommodation across Wales. Diolch.
Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Mae'r datganiad hwn yn rhoi manylion am gynllun arbrofol newydd sydd â'r nod o gynyddu'r stoc tai sydd ar gael i awdurdodau lleol o ran cyflawni eu dyletswyddau tai, ac, yn fwy arbennig, eu dyletswyddau ynghlwm wrth Ran 2 Deddf Tai (Cymru) 2014. Mae'r broses o gyflawni'r dyletswyddau hyn gan awdurdodau lleol wedi gwneud llawer i atal unigolion a theuluoedd rhag bod yn ddigartref. Fodd bynnag, mae llawer gormod o bobl na lwyddir i'w cadw rhag digartrefedd. Mae'r arbrawf hwn yn cynnig defnyddio'r sector rhentu preifat i gynyddu'r stoc sydd ar gael i awdurdodau lleol wrth gyflawni eu dyletswyddau Rhan 2 drwy gynnig tai o ansawdd da am renti fforddiadwy i denantiaid, gyda chymorth priodol. Rydym yn rhoi'r cynllun ar brawf mewn nifer fach o awdurdodau lleol er mwyn profi'r cysyniad a darparu'r sylfaen dystiolaeth angenrheidiol er mwyn datblygu model i'w gyflwyno ledled Cymru.
Mae 'Ffyniant i Bawb' yn pwysleisio swyddogaeth cartrefi o ansawdd da ym mhob agwedd ar fywyd unigolyn a phwysigrwydd tai diogel, fforddiadwy fel sail ar gyfer byw bywyd gwell ac iachach. Gall ansicrwydd deiliadaeth neu dai o ansawdd gwael, wrth gwrs, achosi neu waethygu pryder ac afiechyd, a chyfyngu ar allu rhentwyr i ymwneud â'u cymuned neu ar allu eu plant i ymgynefino mewn addysg.
Mae atal a datrys digartrefedd o bob math yn flaenoriaeth allweddol i'r Llywodraeth hon. Mae'r sefyllfa o ran nifer yr aelwydydd sydd mewn perygl, neu deuluoedd eisoes yn ddigartref, yng Nghymru wedi gwaethygu oherwydd cynni a thoriadau i fudd-daliadau. Mae'r Llywodraeth hon wedi ymrwymo i adeiladu cartrefi cymdeithasol ar raddfa fawr ac yn gyflym, ond rydym ni hefyd yn derbyn nad yw cartrefi'n cael eu hadeiladu mewn diwrnod. Rydym ni'n edrych ar ddulliau ychwanegol, arloesol o gynyddu'r stoc tai, a gallai model fel hyn wneud gwahaniaeth sylweddol a phwysig i Gymru.
Yn gynyddol, mae awdurdodau lleol yn disgwyl i'r sector rhentu preifat ddod o hyd i gartrefi ar gyfer y teuluoedd a'r unigolion maen nhw'n eu cefnogi. Fodd bynnag, yn gynyddol, mae ystod lawer ehangach o bobl nag oedd yn y gorffennol yn dewis rhentu yn y sector preifat yn gynyddol. Mae'r dyddiau pan oedd rhentu yn rhywbeth i fyfyrwyr a gweithwyr proffesiynol ifanc cyn iddyn nhw 'fwrw gwreiddiau' wedi hen ddiflannu. Heddiw, mewn rhai ardaloedd, mae'r farchnad ar gyfer eiddo rhent yn gystadleuol iawn. Gall landlordiaid ddewis i bwy y maen nhw'n rhentu ac, o ganlyniad, maen nhw wedi gwthio rhai o'n haelwydydd mwyaf agored i niwed allan o'r farchnad honno.
Mae llawer o awdurdodau lleol yn gweithio'n galed i ddarganfod landlordiaid sy'n fodlon derbyn teuluoedd ar fudd-daliadau ac i dderbyn y rhenti isel a gynigir gan fudd-daliadau. Mae'r gwaith caled hwn yn glodwiw, ond yn aml nid yw ond yn arwain at ateb tymor byr. Gyda dim ond chwe mis o sicrwydd a phrin ddim cymorth, gwyddom fod y tenantiaethau hyn yn aml yn chwalu a bod y teulu yn mynd yn ôl i'r cylch dieflig.
I'r rheini sy'n cael trafferth ariannol, mae'r gwahaniaeth rhwng cyfraddau'r lwfans tai lleol a rhenti'r farchnad yn cyfyngu ar eu gallu i rentu yn y sector preifat. Caiff y broblem hon ei dwysáu gan rywfaint o'r dystiolaeth anecdotaidd sy'n awgrymu bod landlordiaid preifat yn llai tebygol o rentu i'r rhai sy'n cael budd-daliadau. Mae gwerthuso a buddsoddi mewn cynllun arbrofol sy'n canolbwyntio ar ei gwneud hi'n haws i grwpiau o'r fath gael cartref sicr o ansawdd yn fenter deilwng ac yn werth ei gwneud.
Gan weithio ar y cyd â rhanddeiliaid presennol, rydym ni wedi datblygu model a fydd, yn ein barn ni, yn rhoi adnodd ychwanegol sylweddol i awdurdodau lleol i helpu atal a lliniaru digartrefedd. Mae dod o hyd i gynnig sydd hefyd yn gweithio i landlordiaid wedi bod yn rhan bwysig o ddatblygu'r model hwn. Mae hwn yn gynllun lle bydd pawb yn elwa, gan gynnig bargen dda i'r rhai sy'n chwilio am gartref sefydlog o ansawdd da, a bargen dda i landlordiaid sydd eisiau sefydlogrwydd incwm rhent hirdymor heb y cyfrifoldeb beunyddiol o fod yn landlord.
Yn gyfnewid am ymrwymiad gan landlordiaid sector preifat i brydlesu eu heiddo i awdurdod lleol am gyfnod o hyd at bum mlynedd, bydd y perchnogion eiddo hynny yn cael gwarant o rent, bob mis, am gyfnod y brydles, a dealltwriaeth, gan dderbyn y bydd rhywfaint o draul resymol ar ddiwedd y pum mlynedd, y cânt eu heiddo yn ôl yn yr un cyflwr ag yr oedd pan gafodd ei brydlesu. Hefyd, bydd perchnogion eiddo yn gymwys i gael grant a benthyciad di-log i ddod â'u heiddo i safon ofynnol, os nad yw eu heiddo yn bodloni'r gofynion sylfaenol ar gyfer y cynllun arbrofol. Bydd landlordiaid sector preifat sydd â diddordeb yn cael rhent ar y cyfraddau lwfans tai lleol perthnasol—mae hynny'n eithaf anodd ei ddweud—gyda swm wedi ei dynnu sy'n cyfateb i ffi rheoli gystadleuol.
Bydd safon ofynnol eiddo a dderbynnir ar y cynllun arbrofol yn gysylltiedig â safonau Safon Ansawdd Tai Cymru ac, fel y dywedais, bydd elfen o grant a benthyciad i sicrhau bod unrhyw eiddo sy'n rhan o'r arbrawf hwn o safon uchel. Mae'r teuluoedd yr ydym yn ceisio eu cartrefu yma yn haeddu cartrefi a dewis o ansawdd uchel gymaint ag unrhyw deulu arall, ond bydd y cymhellion y byddwn yn eu darparu hefyd yn helpu i wella safonau'r sector rhentu preifat yn fwy cyffredinol yng Nghymru.
Bydd tenantiaid sy'n byw yn yr eiddo, ar yr amod eu bod yn an