Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd

Plenary - Fifth Senedd

07/05/2019

Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair. 

The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.

1. Cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog
1. Questions to the First Minister

Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein hagenda ni'r prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Llyr Gruffydd.

The first item on our agenda this afternoon is questions to the First Minister, and the first question is from Llyr Gruffydd.

Ysbytai Cymunedol yn y Gogledd
Community Hospitals in North Wales

1. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am ysbytai cymunedol yn y Gogledd? OAQ53824

1. Will the First Minister make a statement on community hospitals in North Wales? OAQ53824

Diolch, Llywydd. Mae symud gwasanaethau o leoliadau acíwt i leoliadau cymunedol yn ganolog i ddyfodol yr NHS yng Nghymru. Yn y gogledd, mae hyn yn golygu ailfeddwl ac ailfodelu cyfraniad ysbytai cymunedol. Enghraifft o hyn yw’r cynllun i fuddsoddi £40 miliwn mewn ysbyty newydd i ogledd sir Ddinbych yn y Rhyl.

Thank you, Llywydd. Moving services from acute to community settings is central to the future of the Welsh NHS. In north Wales, that means rethinking and remodelling the contribution of community hospitals, as demonstrated in plans to invest £40 million in a new north Denbighshire community hospital in Rhyl.

Wel, fyddech chi'n cytuno â fi bod ysbyty preifat sydd ar fin cael ei adeiladu yn ardal Llanelwy yn dangos bod cau ysbytai cymunedol yn ôl yn 2013 wedi bod yn gamgymeriad? Oherwydd mi gollwyd rhyw 50 o welyau pan gaewyd yr ysbytai cymunedol yn y Fflint, yn Llangollen, ym Mhrestatyn ac ym Mlaenau Ffestiniog. Nawr, mi rybuddiodd nifer ohonom ni, a meddygon teulu ac eraill, ar y pryd fod angen y ddarpariaeth step-up, step-down yna, yn enwedig gyda phoblogaeth sy'n heneiddio yn y gogledd, wrth gwrs. Ond mi fynnodd y bwrdd iechyd, a'ch Llywodraeth chi, fwrw ymlaen i gau yr ysbytai. A nawr, wrth gwrs, rŷm ni'n gweld ysbyty preifat, 63 gwely, am gael ei adeiladu nepell o Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, yn union i lenwi y bwlch yna sydd wedi cael ei adael ar ôl. Ac nid fi sy'n dweud hynny; y datblygwyr eu hunain sy'n dweud hynny. Felly, beth rŷn ni'n ei weld, i bob pwrpas, yw preifateiddio haen arall o'r gwasanaeth iechyd yng Nghymru oherwydd cau yr ysbytai cymunedol. Nawr, onid yw hynny yn sgandal, ac oni ddylech chi a'r bwrdd iechyd esbonio i bobl gogledd Cymru pam rydych chi wedi gadael i hyn ddigwydd?

Would you agree with me that a private hospital that’s about to be built in the St Asaph area shows that the closure of community hospitals back in 2013 was a mistake? Because some 50 beds were lost when the community hospitals were lost in Flint, Llangollen, Prestatyn and Blaenau Ffestiniog. Now, many of us warned, as did many GPs and others, at the time that that step-up, step-down provision was required, particularly with an ageing population in north Wales. But the health board and your Government insisted on the closure of those hospitals. And now we see a private hospital with 63 beds to be built not a stone's throw from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, just to fill that gap that was left. And it’s not me saying that; it’s the developers themselves who are saying that. So, what we’re seeing, to all intents and purposes, is the privatisation of another layer of the health service in Wales because of the closure of those community hospitals. Now, isn’t that scandalous, and shouldn’t you and the health board explain to the people of north Wales why you’ve allowed this to happen?

Wel, Llywydd, dwi ddim yn cytuno o gwbl â beth mae'r Aelod wedi ei ddweud. Mae'n hanfodol i ddyfodol y gwasanaethau iechyd yng ngogledd Cymru i foderneiddio ac i symud gwasanaethau yn agosach at bobl a ble mae'n nhw'n byw, a, ble rŷm ni'n cadw gwasanaethau yn y gymuned, i'w moderneiddio nhw, fel rŷm ni wedi ei wneud ym Mlaenau Ffestiniog, er enghraifft, ble mae nifer fwy o wasanaethau ar gael i bobl leol nawr nag oedd pan oedd plaid yr Aelod yn trial stopio beth oedd y bwrdd lleol yn trial ei wneud. Ac nid yw'r ffaith bod ysbyty preifat wedi rhoi cais mewn i'r gogledd yn golygu dim byd am breifateiddio gwasanaethau rŷm ni'n eu darparu yn y gogledd. Os yw ysbyty preifat eisiau trial adeiladu yn y gogledd, mae hi lan i'r bobl sy'n cefnogi'r ysbyty preifat yna. Ond dyw'r ysbyty preifat yna ddim yn dibynnu ar waith sy'n dod o'r sector cyhoeddus, achos rŷm ni'n rhoi gwasanaethau drwy wasanaethau'r NHS yng ngogledd Cymru, a'r gwasanaethau rŷm ni'n eu rhoi yw'r gwasanaethau sydd agosaf i ble mae pobl yn byw, a gwasanaethau sy'n mynd i lwyddo yn y dyfodol.

Well, Llywydd, I don’t agree with what the Member has said in any way whatsoever. It’s crucial for the future of health services in north Wales that we modernise and that we move services closer to people and where they live, and, where we retain services in the community, we need to modernise them, as we have done in Blaenau Ffestiniog, for example, where more services are now available to local people, and certainly more than was the case when the Member’s party was trying to stop what the local board was trying to do in that area. And the fact that a private hospital has submitted a bid doesn’t mean anything about the privatisation of the services that we provide in north Wales. If a private hospital wants to try to build services in north Wales, it’s up to people who wish to support that private hospital. But that private hospital doesn’t rely on work coming from the public sector, because we are providing services through NHS services in north Wales, and the services we provide are the services that are as close as possible to where people live, and services that will succeed in the future.

First Minister, hospitals at all levels, to include our community hospitals, rely on teams of hard-working staff, who, as you know, are facing an additional increase in pressures. I am really sad to stand here today, though, noting that staff are facing a further challenge. Shockingly, Wales Online has discovered that assaults on hospital staff have reached record high levels in Wales, with attacks taking place on average 10 times every single day. First Minister, there were 3,805 physical assaults against staff reported by Welsh health boards in 2017-18, with this representing a 70 per cent increase since 2010. What action will you take to support those already having been affected by assaults whilst in work, working in our hospitals? And also, how will you support our hard-working front-line health workers from further risks as regards violence, going forward?

Prif Weinidog, mae ysbytai ar bob lefel, gan gynnwys ein hysbytai cymuned, yn dibynnu ar dimau o staff gweithgar sydd, fel y gwyddoch, yn wynebu cynnydd ychwanegol o ran pwysau. Rwy'n drist iawn o fod yn sefyll yma heddiw, er hynny, yn nodi bod staff yn wynebu her arall. Yn frawychus, mae Wales Online wedi darganfod bod ymosodiadau ar staff ysbyty wedi cyrraedd y lefelau uchaf erioed yng Nghymru, gydag ymosodiadau'n digwydd 10 gwaith bob un dydd ar gyfartaledd. Prif Weinidog, adroddwyd 3,805 o ymosodiadau corfforol yn erbyn staff gan fyrddau iechyd Cymru yn 2017-18, ac roedd hyn yn cynrychioli cynnydd o 70 y cant ers 2010. Pa gamau wnewch chi eu cymryd i gynorthwyo'r rhai sydd eisoes wedi eu heffeithio gan ymosodiadau pan oedden nhw yn y gweithle, yn gweithio yn ein hysbytai? A hefyd, sut gwnewch chi gynorthwyo ein gweithwyr iechyd rheng flaen i amddiffyn eu hunain rhag risgiau pellach o ran trais, yn y dyfodol?

Llywydd, can I begin by agreeing with what Janet Finch-Saunders has said about the utter unacceptability of people facing assaults as part of their daily work? And those figures are shocking. I think the Member will agree with me that, in part, they are because of the greater willingness of people to report and record those incidents, which previously they may simply have accepted as part of the nature of the job that they do. That was never the right thing. And the actions that have been taken have been supported across the Chamber, to make it absolutely clear that people who work in our NHS deserve to go about the important work they do without the risk of being assaulted by people. It is, we understand, that NHS staff are often dealing with people who are distressed. They can be dealing with people who have problems of mental health, they can be dealing with people who have problems of substance misuse, and sometimes people's behaviour is inherently unpredictable. In those circumstances, staff always, I know, want to work with people to resolve those difficulties. But staff also face difficulties from people who have been drinking, who come in to accident and emergency departments, for example, worse for wear for drink, and, in those circumstances, a zero-tolerance policy towards behaviour that leads to these difficulties is part of the way we deal with it in the NHS. We deal with it with our partners in the police service, with our colleagues in the trade union movement, because reporting, recording and then responding to those incidents is absolutely the way that we want to see those incidents eliminated.

Llywydd, a gaf i ddechrau trwy gytuno â'r hyn y mae Janet Finch-Saunders wedi ei ddweud am y sefyllfa gwbl annerbyniol o bobl yn wynebu ymosodiadau yn rhan o'u gwaith beunyddiol? Ac mae'r ffigurau hynny'n frawychus. Rwy'n credu y bydd yr Aelod yn cytuno â mi mai'r rheswm amdanyn nhw, yn rhannol, yw bod pobl yn fwy parod i hysbysu am y digwyddiadau hynny a'u cofnodi, efallai y bydden nhw wedi eu derbyn yn y gorffennol yn rhan o natur y gwaith y maen nhw'n ei wneud. Nid oedd hynny'n iawn erioed. A chefnogwyd y camau a gymerwyd ar draws y Siambr, i'w gwneud yn gwbl eglur bod pobl sy'n gweithio yn ein GIG yn haeddu gwneud y gwaith pwysig y maen nhw'n ei wneud heb y perygl o ddioddef ymosodiadau gan bobl. Mae'n ffaith, rydym ni'n deall, bod staff y GIG yn aml yn ymdrin â phobl mewn trallod. Efallai eu bod yn ymdrin â phobl sydd â phroblemau iechyd meddwl, efallai y byddan nhw yn ymdrin â phobl sydd â phroblemau camddefnyddio sylweddau, ac weithiau mae ymddygiad pobl yn anrhagweladwy yn ei hanfod. O dan yr amgylchiadau hynny, mae staff bob amser, mi wn, eisiau gweithio gyda phobl i ddatrys yr anawsterau hynny. Ond mae staff hefyd yn wynebu anawsterau gan bobl sydd wedi bod yn yfed, sy'n dod i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys, er enghraifft, wedi meddwi, ac, o dan yr amgylchiadau hynny, mae polisi o ddim goddefgarwch o ymddygiad sy'n arwain at yr anawsterau hyn yn rhan o'r ffordd yr ydym ni'n ymdrin ag ef yn y GIG. Rydym ni'n ymdrin ag ef gyda'n partneriaid yng ngwasanaeth yr heddlu, gyda'n cydweithwyr yn y mudiad undebau llafur, oherwydd mae'n gwbl sicr mai adrodd, cofnodi ac yna ymateb i'r digwyddiadau hynny yw'r ffordd yr ydym ni eisiau gweld y digwyddiadau hynny'n cael eu dileu.

13:35
Cyllid yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ar gyfer Cymru
European Union Funding for Wales

2. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gyllid yr UE ar gyfer Cymru? OAQ53823

2. Will the First Minister make a statement on EU funding for Wales? OAQ53823

I thank the Member for that question. Wales has been a long-term beneficiary of European Union funding. That continues to the present day, when over 90 per cent of our current structural funds allocation has now been invested in skills and infrastructure measures, including highly successful examples in the Member's own constituency. 

Diolchaf i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn yna. Mae Cymru wedi bod yn fuddiolwr hirdymor o gyllid gan yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae hynny'n parhau hyd heddiw, pan fo dros 90 y cant o'n dyraniad cronfeydd strwythurol presennol wedi ei fuddsoddi bellach mewn mesurau sgiliau a seilwaith, gan gynnwys enghreifftiau hynod lwyddiannus yn etholaeth yr Aelod ei hun.

Thank you, First Minister, and we can look around many constituencies where we see very important infrastructure and other projects that benefited the people of Wales as a result of EU funding. Funding is worth around £650 million a year to Wales. That means that, over a five-year-term, £3.25 billion comes into Wales. And, as yet, we have no long-term guarantee from the Tories. The Wales Office is silent, the UK Government remains silent, and the Welsh Tories remain silent. First Minister, what are the consequences of the Tories failing to deliver on those promises that Wales would not suffer a penny less as a result of Brexit?

Diolch, Prif Weinidog, a gallwn edrych o gwmpas nifer o etholaethau lle gwelwn seilwaith pwysig iawn a phrosiectau eraill a fu er budd pobl Cymru o ganlyniad i gyllid yr UE. Mae'r cyllid werth oddeutu £650 miliwn y flwyddyn i Gymru. Mae hynny'n golygu, dros gyfnod o bum mlynedd, bod £3.25 miliwn yn dod i mewn i Gymru. A, hyd yma, nid oes gennym unrhyw sicrwydd hirdymor gan y Torïaid. Mae Swyddfa Cymru yn dawedog, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn parhau i fod yn dawedog, ac mae'r Torïaid Cymreig yn parhau i fod yn dawedog. Prif Weinidog, beth yw canlyniadau'r Torïaid yn methu â chyflawni'r addewidion hynny na fyddai Cymru yn dioddef ceiniog yn llai o ganlyniad i Brexit?

Llywydd, the Conservative Party and the Secretary of State may be silent now on a long-term guarantee, but they were anything but silent in the run-up to the referendum in 2016, when it was the then leader of the Conservative party here in Wales who offered an absolute guarantee—that's his term—an absolute guarantee that Wales would not be a penny worse off as a result of leaving the European Union. That is why it is absolutely right that we hold the Conservative Party and the Conservative Government at the UK level to those promises. The money that Wales gets from the European Union comes to Wales because we qualify for it on the basis of our needs. Those needs will not have gone away the day after the United Kingdom leaves the European Union, if that is what takes place. And the money to respond to those needs must come in future from the UK Government. It would be a very strange message indeed, Llywydd, wouldn't it, to people who voted to leave the European Union that they were worse off as a result of their membership of the United Kingdom than they had been as a result of their membership of the European Union. That's for the UK Government to address. The money must come to Wales, not a penny less, and not a power lost either, Llywydd, because the decision as how to use that money, as Mick Antoniw has said, needs to rest here in this National Assembly for Wales, where it has ever since the start of devolution.

Llywydd, efallai fod y Blaid Geidwadol a'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn dawedog nawr ynghylch sicrwydd hirdymor, ond nid oedden nhw'n dawedog o gwbl yn y cyfnod cyn y refferendwm yn 2016, pan gynigiodd arweinydd y blaid Geidwadol ar y pryd yma yng Nghymru sicrwydd pendant—ei derm ef yw hwnnw—sicrwydd pendant na fyddai Cymru yr un geiniog ar ei cholled o ganlyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Dyna pam mae'n gwbl briodol i ni ddal y Blaid Geidwadol a'r Llywodraeth Geidwadol ar lefel y DU i'r addewidion hynny. Daw'r arian y mae Cymru yn ei gael gan yr Undeb Ewropeaidd i Gymru gan ein bod ni'n gymwys i'w dderbyn ar sail ein hanghenion. Ni fydd yr anghenion hynny wedi diflannu y diwrnod ar ôl i'r Deyrnas Unedig adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, os mai dyna fydd yn digwydd. Ac mae'n rhaid i'r arian i ymateb i'r anghenion hynny ddod gan Lywodraeth y DU yn y dyfodol. Byddai'n neges ryfedd iawn yn wir, Llywydd, oni fyddai, i bobl a bleidleisiodd i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd eu bod nhw ar eu colled o ganlyniad i'w haelodaeth o'r Deyrnas Unedig nag yr oedden nhw wedi bod o ganlyniad i'w haelodaeth o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae hwnnw'n fater i Lywodraeth y DU fynd i'r afael ag ef. Mae'n rhaid i'r arian ddod i Gymru, dim un geiniog yn llai, a heb golli unrhyw rym ychwaith, Llywydd, oherwydd mae angen i'r penderfyniad ynglŷn â sut i ddefnyddio'r arian hwnnw, fel y mae Mick Antoniw wedi ei ddweud, gael ei wneud yma yng Nghynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, lle mae wedi cael ei wneud ers dechrau'r cyfnod datganoli.

First Minister, we hear a lot of crowing on the Labour benches about European money post Brexit, but, of course, the reality is that it's not European money, it's our money that has been sent to the European Union and is being sent back to this country having had a slice of it taken away. Do you accept that, post Brexit, Wales has the opportunity to be able to invest in areas that are currently outside of the European funding programme because of their location and yet deserve some investment? So, do you welcome the opportunities that could be presented to Wales as a result of a UK shared prosperity fund, so that those deprived communities outside of west Wales and the Valleys can receive the support that they also deserve?

Prif Weinidog, rydym ni'n clywed llawer o glochdar ar y meinciau Llafur am arian Ewropeaidd ar ôl Brexit, ond, wrth gwrs, y gwir amdani yw nad arian Ewropeaidd yw hwn, ond ein harian ni sydd wedi cael ei anfon i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ac sy'n cael ei anfon yn ôl i'r wlad hon ar ôl i gyfran ohono gael ei gymryd. A ydych chi'n derbyn, ar ôl Brexit, bod gan Gymru gyfle i allu buddsoddi mewn ardaloedd sydd y tu allan i'r rhaglen ariannu Ewropeaidd ar hyn o bryd oherwydd eu lleoliad ac eto'n haeddu rhywfaint o fuddsoddiad? Felly, a ydych chi'n croesawu'r cyfleoedd y gellid eu cynnig i Gymru o ganlyniad i gronfa ffyniant gyffredin y DU, fel y gall y cymunedau difreintiedig hynny y tu allan i orllewin Cymru a'r Cymoedd gael y gefnogaeth y maent hwythau hefyd yn ei haeddu?

I'm not as sanguine as the Member about the UK prosperity fund because we know next to nothing about what that fund proposes. We know next to nothing about the money. The chair of the Finance Committee is pointing out to me that when the Secretary of State for Wales has been invited to give evidence to Assembly committees so that we can have the detail that we need, he refuses to come here to answer those questions. So, I am by no means as sanguine as the Member is. Let me say this: we are working hard inside the Welsh Government, and through a group involving people beyond the Welsh Government, chaired by Huw Irranca-Davies, to make sure that we are prepared for the day in which that money continues to come to Wales, and where there are opportunities, if there are, to use that money in new and more flexible and more effective ways, of course, we will be ready to take those opportunities. But we know nothing about the money, we know nothing about where the powers lie, and it's the UK Government's responsibility to make sure that both of those things flow to Wales and remain in Wales in the future.

Nid wyf i mor frwd â'r Aelod am gronfa ffyniant y DU gan ein bod ni'n gwybod y nesaf peth i ddim am yr hyn y mae'r gronfa honno'n ei gynnig. Rydym ni'n gwybod y nesaf peth i ddim am yr arian. Mae Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cyllid yn fy hysbysu, pan wahoddwyd Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru i roi tystiolaeth i bwyllgorau'r Cynulliad fel y gallwn gael y manylion sydd eu hangen arnom, ei fod yn gwrthod dod yma i ateb y cwestiynau hynny. Felly, nid wyf i mor frwd â'r aelod o bell ffordd. Gadewch i mi ddweud hyn: rydym ni'n gweithio'n galed o fewn Llywodraeth Cymru, a thrwy grŵp sy'n cynnwys pobl y tu hwnt i Lywodraeth Cymru, dan gadeiryddiaeth Huw Irranca-Davies, i wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n barod ar gyfer y diwrnod pan fydd yr arian hwnnw'n parhau i ddod i Gymru, a lle ceir cyfleoedd, os oes rhai, i ddefnyddio'r arian hwnnw mewn ffyrdd newydd a mwy hyblyg a mwy effeithiol, wrth gwrs, y byddwn yn barod i achub ar y cyfleoedd hynny. Ond nid ydym yn gwybod dim am yr arian, nid ydym ni'n gwybod dim am leoliad y pwerau, a chyfrifoldeb Llywodraeth y DU yw gwneud yn siŵr bod y ddau beth hynny'n llifo i Gymru ac yn aros yng Nghymru yn y dyfodol.

13:40
Cwestiynau Heb Rybudd gan Arweinwyr y Pleidiau
Questions Without Notice from the Party Leaders

Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau. Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Paul Davies. 

Questions now from the party leaders. The leader of the opposition, Paul Davies. 

Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, do you have confidence in your health Minister?

Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, a oes gennych chi ffydd yn eich Gweinidog iechyd?

The health Minister's discharge of his responsibilities has been absolutely commendable, particularly in the recent issue, which I know lies behind the Member's question, in relation to the significant difficulties that have been faced in Cwm Taf maternity services. And as I said on the floor of the Assembly last week, it is because of the health Minister and because of the actions that he took in the autumn of last year, as these issues came to attention, to set up an independent inquiry, to publish that independent inquiry in full, to answer questions on the floor of this Assembly and beyond, that we are now in a position where the board is able to act on the recommendations that it has received and to make sure that future services for those mothers, and for babies in the Cwm Taf area are of the standard that they and we have a right to expect. 

Mae cyflawniad y Gweinidog iechyd o'i gyfrifoldebau wedi bod yn gwbl glodwiw, yn enwedig yn y mater diweddar, y gwn sy'n sail i gwestiwn yr Aelod, o ran yr anawsterau sylweddol a wynebwyd yng ngwasanaethau mamolaeth Cwm Taf. Ac fel y dywedais ar lawr y Cynulliad yr wythnos diwethaf, oherwydd y Gweinidog iechyd ac oherwydd y camau a gymerodd yn yr hydref y llynedd, wrth i'r materion hyn ddod i sylw, i sefydlu ymchwiliad annibynnol, i gyhoeddi'r ymchwiliad annibynnol hwnnw yn llawn, i ateb cwestiynau ar lawr y Cynulliad hwn a thu hwnt, yr ydym ni mewn sefyllfa erbyn hyn lle gall y Bwrdd weithredu ar sail yr argymhellion y mae wedi eu cael a gwneud yn siŵr bod gwasanaethau i'r mamau hynny yn y dyfodol, ac i fabanod yn ardal Cwm Taf, o'r safon y mae ganddyn nhw ac mae gennym ninnau yr hawl i'w disgwyl.

Well, I'm not sure whether the First Minister does have confidence in the health Minister because he didn't answer a straightforward question. But let's look at the facts and let's look at your Minister's record, shall we? Since Vaughan Gething became health Minister in 2014, there has been a catalogue of failures. Five out of seven health boards are in special measures or targeted intervention. The accident and emergency waiting time target of 95 per cent of patients being seen in four hours has never been met since it was introduced in 2009. Under Vaughan Gething's leadership, the number of patients seen within four hours has shockingly dropped further from 86 per cent when he was appointed in 2014, to a disgraceful 78 per cent now. Ambulance waiting times have been missed and, instead of taking responsibility and improving response times, the targets were scrapped and the goalposts moved. 

And then, last week, I raised with you the damning report into the Cwm Taf maternity services, despite formal concerns being raised seven years ago, and, as we know, 43 cases are now being reviewed. So, I put it to you, First Minister, given these catalogue of failures, why do you have confidence in the health Minister?

Wel, nid wyf i'n siŵr pa a oes gan y Prif Weinidog ffydd yn y Gweinidog iechyd oherwydd ni wnaeth ef ateb cwestiwn syml. Ond gadewch i ni edrych ar y ffeithiau a gadewch i ni edrych ar hanes eich Gweinidog, ie? Bu catalog o fethiannau ers i Vaughan Gething ddod yn Weinidog iechyd yn 2014. Mae pump o'r saith bwrdd iechyd yn destun mesurau arbennig neu ymyraethau wedi'u targedu. Nid yw'r targed amser aros ar gyfer adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys o 95 y cant o gleifion yn cael eu gweld mewn pedair awr erioed wedi cael ei gyrraedd ers ei gyflwyno yn 2009. O dan arweiniad Vaughan Gething, mae nifer y cleifion sy'n cael eu gweld o fewn pedair awr, yn syfrdanol, wedi gostwng o 86 y cant pan gafodd ei benodi yn 2014, i 78 y cant gwarthus nawr. Methwyd amseroedd aros am ambiwlansys, ac yn hytrach na chymryd cyfrifoldeb a gwella amseroedd ymateb, cafodd y targedau eu diddymu a symudwyd y pyst.

Ac yna, yr wythnos diwethaf, codais gyda chi yr adroddiad damniol ar wasanaethau mamolaeth Cwm Taf, er i bryderon ffurfiol gael eu codi saith mlynedd yn ôl, ac, fel y gwyddom, mae 43 o achosion yn cael eu hadolygu erbyn hyn. Felly, gofynnaf i chi, Prif Weinidog, o ystyried y rhestr hon o fethiannau, pam mae gennych chi ffydd yn y Gweinidog iechyd?

Well, Llywydd, what we hear, as ever, in an entirely partial and distorted account of the record of the health service here in Wales. It is because of decisions that the health Minister made on ambulance waiting times that ambulance waiting times in Wales have been met and exceeded in every one of the last 12 months, and why the model that was developed here in Wales is now being copied by other health services, including the health service where his party is in charge, in other parts of the United Kingdom. It is because of the focus of the health Minister on cancer waiting times, for example, that more people in Wales are treated today more quickly and more successfully than ever before in our history. 

And when things go wrong, as they inevitably will in a system of the size and sort that we have, then, in the case that the leader of the opposition highlights again this afternoon, I say to him again it is because of the decisive action that the Minister took in insisting that there was an independent review of the discovery of difficulties in Cwm Taf that we are now in a position of having the recommendations we need, the arrangements in place, and the genuine prospect of those services recovering and being back in place as we would want to see them as fast as that can be possibly be brought about. 

Wel, Llywydd, mae'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei glywed, fel arfer, yn grynodeb cwbl unochrog a gwyrdröedig o hanes y gwasanaeth iechyd yma yng Nghymru. Oherwydd penderfyniadau a wnaeth y Gweinidog iechyd am amseroedd aros ambiwlansys y mae amseroedd aros ambiwlansys yng Nghymru wedi cael eu bodloni a'u rhagori ym mhob un o'r 12 mis diwethaf, a pham mae'r model a ddatblygwyd yma yng Nghymru yn cael ei efelychu gan wasanaethau iechyd eraill erbyn hyn, gan gynnwys y gwasanaeth iechyd lle mae ei blaid ef wrth y llyw, mewn rhannau eraill o'r Deyrnas Unedig. Oherwydd pwyslais y Gweinidog iechyd ar amseroedd aros canser, er enghraifft, mae mwy o bobl yng Nghymru yn cael eu trin heddiw yn gyflymach ac yn fwy llwyddiannus nag erioed o'r blaen yn ein hanes.

A phan aiff pethau o chwith, fel y byddant yn anochel mewn system o'r maint a'r math sydd gennym ni, yna, yn yr achos y mae arweinydd yr wrthblaid yn tynnu sylw ato eto y prynhawn yma, dywedaf wrtho eto mai oherwydd y camau pendant a gymerodd y Gweinidog i fynnu bod adolygiad annibynnol yn cael ei gynnal o ddarganfod anawsterau yng Nghwm Taf yr ydym ni mewn sefyllfa erbyn hyn o gael yr argymhellion sydd eu hangen arnom ni, y trefniadau sydd ar waith, a'r posibilrwydd gwirioneddol y bydd y gwasanaethau hynny yn gwella ac yn ôl ar waith fel y byddem ni'n dymuno eu gweld ar waith mor gyflym ag y mae'n bosibl gwneud hynny.

It's quite clear, First Minister, that there have been serious failings under your health Minister's stewardship of the NHS. Now, a YouGov poll released today for the twentieth anniversary of this place has found that 29 per cent of people in Wales feel that the National Assembly has led to a decline in NHS standards. There has been a lack of leadership by successive Welsh Labour Governments, and it is quite clear that it is not devolution that has failed Wales, but Welsh Labour have failed devolution.

Now, your health Minister has been directly responsible for Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board since it was put into special measures four years ago next month. Since then, 29 per cent of patients in the Betsi Cadwaladr area are waiting more than four hours to be seen in A&E; 43 per cent of patients at Wrexham Maelor Hospital wait more than four hours in A&E; and, this is the worst in Wales, 38 people have died in unexplained or unintended incidents whilst in the care of Betsi Cadwaladr—38 deaths reported in the last year, which could have been avoided. This is more than all the other health boards put together.

And now—and now—we see the Cwm Taf maternity services scandal, where 27 babies have died. And last week's report made it absolutely clear that there was a lack of functioning governance and leadership. So, what does it actually take for people to take responsibility for these failures, First Minister? So, once again, given this catalogue of failures, why haven't you sacked your health Minister? 

Mae'n gwbl eglur, Prif Weinidog, y bu methiannau difrifol o dan stiwardiaeth eich Gweinidog iechyd o'r GIG. Nawr, mae pôl piniwn gan YouGov a gyhoeddwyd heddiw i nodi ugain mlynedd ers sefydlu'r lle hwn wedi canfod bod 29 y cant o bobl Cymru yn teimlo bod y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol wedi arwain at ddirywiad i safonau'r GIG. Cafwyd diffyg arweinyddiaeth gan Lywodraethau Llafur Cymru olynol, ac mae'n gwbl eglur nad datganoli sydd wedi gwneud cam â Chymru, ond mai Llafur Cymru sydd wedi gwneud cam â datganoli.

Nawr, mae eich Gweinidog iechyd wedi bod yn uniongyrchol gyfrifol am Fwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr ers iddo gael ei wneud yn destun mesurau arbennig bedair blynedd yn ôl i'r mis nesaf. Ers hynny, mae 29 y cant o gleifion yn ardal Betsi Cadwaladr yn aros mwy na phedair awr i gael eu gweld mewn adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys; mae 43 y cant o gleifion yn Ysbyty Maelor Wrecsam yn aros mwy na phedair awr mewn adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys; a, dyma'r gwaethaf yng Nghymru, mae 38 o bobl wedi marw mewn digwyddiadau anesboniadwy neu anfwriadol tra'r oeddent yng ngofal Betsi Cadwaladr—adroddwyd 38 o farwolaethau yn ystod y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, y gellid bod wedi eu hosgoi. Mae hyn yn fwy na'r holl fyrddau iechyd eraill gyda'i gilydd.

A nawr—a nawr—rydym ni'n gweld sgandal gwasanaethau mamolaeth Cwm Taf, lle mae 27 o fabanod wedi marw. Ac fe'i gwnaed yn gwbl eglur yn adroddiad yr wythnos diwethaf bod diffyg llywodraethu ac arweinyddiaeth weithredol. Felly, beth mae'n ei gymryd mewn gwirionedd i bobl gymryd cyfrifoldeb am y methiannau hyn, Prif Weinidog? Felly, unwaith eto, o ystyried y catalog hwn o fethiannau, pam nad ydych chi wedi diswyddo eich Gweinidog iechyd?

13:45

Well, Llywydd, I must say I think that last remark simply trivialises the importance of the issues that the Member rightly pointed to earlier in his question. Ever since these matters came to light, our focus has been on those brave women who came forward in Cwm Taf and who insisted that their stories were told, who have—as we know—suffered significant harm in their lives, which will be something that will live with them for many, many years to come, and what we need is a serious response to that position, not a scalp-hunting response. And it is the serious actions that the Minister has taken, and those actions will go on, because he's to be advised on any further action required to improve maternity services in Cwm Taf, as a result of the arrangements that he has put in place. That's a serious reaction to a genuinely serious position, and that's the sort of health service and that's the sort of Government that I think people in Wales are entitled to see and to continue to see in the future. 

Wel, Llywydd, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud fy mod i'n credu bod y sylw diwethaf yna yn bychanu pwysigrwydd y materion y cyfeiriodd yr Aelod atyn nhw yn gwbl briodol yn gynharach yn ei gwestiwn. Ers i'r materion hyn ddod i'r amlwg, mae ein pwyslais wedi bod ar y menywod dewr hynny a ddaeth ymlaen yng Nghwm Taf ac a fynnodd bod eu straeon yn cael eu hadrodd, sydd—fel y gwyddom—wedi dioddef niwed sylweddol yn eu bywydau, a fydd yn rhywbeth a fydd yn byw gyda nhw am flynyddoedd lawer iawn i ddod, a'r hyn sydd ei angen arnom ni yw ymateb o ddifrif i'r sefyllfa honno, nid ymateb o geisio ymddiswyddiadau. A dyma'r camau difrifol y mae'r Gweinidog wedi eu cymryd, a bydd y camau hynny'n parhau, oherwydd bydd yn cael ei hysbysu am unrhyw gamau pellach y mae angen eu cymryd i wella gwasanaethau mamolaeth yng Nghwm Taf, o ganlyniad i'r trefniadau y mae wedi eu rhoi ar waith. Mae hwnnw'n ymateb o ddifrif i sefyllfa wirioneddol ddifrifol, a dyna'r math o wasanaeth iechyd a dyna'r math o Lywodraeth y credaf fod gan bobl yng Nghymru yr hawl i'w gweld a pharhau i'w gweld yn y dyfodol.

Ar ran arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Rhun ap Iorwerth.  

On behalf of the Plaid Cymru leader, Rhun ap Iorwerth. 

Diolch, Llywydd. Mae 29 y cant o blant Cymru yn byw mewn tlodi. Ydy'r Prif Weinidog yn credu bod hynny yn dderbyniol? 

Thank you, Llywydd. Twenty nine per cent of Welsh children live in poverty. Does the First Minister believe that that is acceptable?

Wrth gwrs dyw hynny ddim yn dderbyniol, Llywydd. Yn y degawd cyntaf o ddatganoli, roedd nifer y plant sy'n byw mewn tlodi yng Nghymru yn mynd lawr flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn. Beth rŷn ni'n siarad amdano yw'r cyfnod o gyni, y cyfnod ble mae penderfyniadau'r Deyrnas Unedig wedi creu sefyllfa ble mae fwy o blant yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi ac mae nifer y plant sy'n byw mewn tlodi yn codi bob blwyddyn. Dyw hwnna ddim yn dderbyniol. Rŷn ni'n gwneud popeth rŷn ni'n gallu fel Llywodraeth, ond mae'r cyfrifoldeb yn nwylo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig, achos y pethau maen nhw wedi eu gwneud ym maes budd-daliadau, er enghraifft. Dyna beth sy'n creu nifer y plant sy'n byw mewn tlodi yng Nghymru. 

Of course that is unacceptable, Llywydd. In the first decade of devolution, the number of children living in poverty in Wales went down year on year. What we’re talking about is the period of austerity, the period when the United Kingdom’s decisions created a situation where more children in Wales live in poverty and the number is increasing year on year. That is not acceptable. We are doing everything that we can as a Government, but the responsibility lies in the hands of the United Kingdom Government, because of the actions they’ve taken in the field of benefits, for example. That is what is creating the numbers of children living in poverty in Wales.

Dwi yn cytuno ei fod o'n annerbyniol. Dwi hefyd yn cofio bod cyfres o Lywodraethau fan hyn wedi bod yn methu eu targedau ar daclo tlodi plant ers dechrau datganoli. Mae hwn yn un o'r pethau all godi fel pwnc trafod wrth nodi 20 mlynedd o ddatganoli. Ac ar yr ugeinfed penblwydd yna, mae pobl yn gallu ystyried dau beth, dwi'n meddwl. Yn gyntaf, mi allan nhw ddathlu'r ffaith bod gennym ni Senedd genedlaethol a bod dewis sefydlu Senedd wedi bod yn gam pwysig ymlaen o ran ein haeddfedrwydd ni fel cenedl. Mae'r Cynulliad, wrth gwrs, yn fforwm i bawb, i bob plaid. Mae o'n sefydliad gall pawb fod yn falch ohono fo. Ond, ar yr un pryd, mae yn naturiol bod pobl yn gofyn 'Pa mor effeithiol fu Llywodraethau Cymru dros yr 20 mlynedd yna?' A Llafur sydd wedi arwain pob un ohonyn nhw. Y Prif Weinidog yma ydy'r pedwerdydd Prif Weinidog Llafur. 

Felly, yn ôl â ni at y ffigurau tlodi yna. Mewn ychydig wythnosau, mi fydd y Cynulliad yma yn trafod cynnig wedi'i arwyddo gan Aelodau o sawl plaid, yn cynnwys plaid y Llywodraeth, yn galw am strategaeth i daclo tlodi efo cyllideb a chamau gweithredu pendant. Onid ydy hi'n sgandal, ar ôl 20 mlynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur, ein bod ni'n dal i fod mewn sefyllfa lle mae teimlad bod angen cael strategaeth o'r fath. Mae Aelodau meinciau cefn yn eiddgar i weithredu. Mae'r Cynulliad, felly, os liciwch chi, yn eiddgar i weithredu, ond Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru sydd wedi methu dro ar ôl tro, yn yr un ffordd ag yr ydych chi wedi methu â datrys problemau'r gwasanaeth iechyd. 

I agree that it’s unacceptable. I also recall that a series of Governments here have been missing their targets on tackling child poverty since the inception of devolution. This is one of the things that could arise as a topic for discussion in marking 20 years of devolution. And, on that twentieth anniversary, people can consider two things, I think. First of all, they can celebrate the fact that we do now have a national Senedd and that the choice to establish a Senedd was an important step forward in our maturity as a nation. The Assembly, of course, is a forum for everyone, for every party. It’s an institution that everyone can be proud of. But it’s natural that people will ask how effective Welsh Governments have been over that 20 years, and Labour has led each of those Governments. This First Minister is the fourth Labour First Minister.

So, back to the poverty figures. In a few weeks’ time, this Assembly will discuss a motion signed by Members of many parties, including the party of Government, calling for a strategy to tackle poverty with a budget and specific action points. Isn't it scandalous, after 20 years of Labour Government, that we are still in a situation where one feels that we need to have such a strategy? Backbench Members are eager to take action. The Assembly, if you like, is eager to take action, but it’s the Welsh Labour Government that has failed time and time again, just as you have failed to resolve the problems of the health service.

13:50

Well, Llywydd, let me find something to agree with in what the Member said, because the fact that we have this forum, and that the forum is an established part of the democratic landscape here in Wales, of course is a major achievement of the last 20 years and provides a forum in which debates of this sort can be carried out. The Member points to the fact that Labour, one way or another, has formed the Government here in Wales over that period. But there is a reason for that, Llywydd, and that's because, in every election since the Assembly was created, that is the decision that people who vote in Wales have made. And I absolutely understand that no party has any right to expect anybody to vote for them, and that my party has to earn every single vote at every single election that we are lucky enough to attract, and we will go on doing that and making that case to people in Wales as we approach another election. 

It will be for people in Wales, then, to decide whether or not what they want is another strategy, or whether they want the sort of practical actions that this Government is committed to making in the field of child poverty—in the things that we have done to more than double the school uniform grant; in the extra millions of pounds that we have found to bring thousands more children into free school meals in Wales; the fact that, even in this really difficult period of austerity, Wales is the only part of the United Kingdom that has a national approach to tackling holiday hunger, and we have nearly doubled the amount of money that we will put into that during the coming summer. It's for people in Wales to decide whether they would rather another strategy or would rather a Government that does those practical things, that uses the powers that we have every day to put to work to improve the lives of children in Wales. 

Wel, Llywydd, gadewch i mi ddod o hyd i rywbeth i gytuno ag ef yn yr hyn a ddywedodd yr Aelod, oherwydd mae'r ffaith bod y fforwm hwn gennym ni, a bod y fforwm yn rhan sefydledig o'r tirlun democrataidd yma yng Nghymru, wrth gwrs, yn un o lwyddiannau mawr yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf ac mae'n darparu fforwm lle gellir cynnal dadleuon o'r math hyn. Mae'r Aelod yn cyfeirio at y ffaith fod Llafur, mewn un ffordd neu'r llall, wedi ffurfio'r Llywodraeth yma yng Nghymru yn ystod y cyfnod hwnnw. Ond mae rheswm dros hynny, Llywydd, sef oherwydd, ym mhob etholiad ers creu'r Cynulliad, dyna'r penderfyniad y mae'r bobl sy'n pleidleisio yng Nghymru wedi ei wneud. Ac rwy'n llwyr ddeall nad oes gan yr un blaid unrhyw hawl i ddisgwyl i neb bleidleisio drosti, a bod yn rhaid i'm plaid i ennill pob un pleidlais ym mhob un etholiad yr ydym ni'n ddigon ffodus i'w denu, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud hynny a chyflwyno'r ddadl honno i bobl yng Nghymru wrth i ni agosáu at etholiad arall.

Mater i bobl Cymru, wedyn, fydd penderfynu pa un ai'r hyn y maen nhw ei eisiau yw strategaeth arall, pa un a ydyn nhw eisiau'r math o gamau ymarferol y mae'r Llywodraeth hon wedi ymrwymo i'w cymryd ym maes tlodi plant—yn y pethau yr ydym ni wedi eu gwneud i fwy na dyblu'r grant gwisg ysgol; yn y miliynau ychwanegol o bunnoedd yr ydym ni wedi dod o hyd iddyn nhw i gynnig prydau ysgol am ddim i filoedd mwy o blant yng Nghymru; y ffaith, hyd yn oed yn y cyfnod anodd iawn hwn o gyni cyllidol, mai Cymru yw'r unig ran o'r Deyrnas Unedig sydd â dull cenedlaethol o fynd i'r afael â newyn yn ystod y gwyliau, ac rydym ni bron wedi dyblu'r swm o arian y byddwn yn ei gyfrannu at hynny yn ystod yr haf nesaf. Cyfrifoldeb pobl yng Nghymru yw penderfynu a fyddai'n well ganddyn nhw gael strategaeth arall neu a fyddai'n well ganddyn nhw Lywodraeth sy'n gwneud y pethau ymarferol hynny, sy'n defnyddio'r pwerau sydd gennym ni bob dydd i weithio i wella bywydau plant yng Nghymru.

The First Minister says that it's up to the people of Wales to decide if they want another strategy. The point is your own backbenchers believe you don't have a strategy at all when it comes to tackling poverty, at a time when nearly a third of Welsh children live in poverty. 

Now, devolution has developed within European frameworks and I and Plaid Cymru believe that the evolution of a small nation like Wales, for the next 20 years and well, well beyond, will be best served by staying in the European Union. Our position on that is quite clear. After the failures of the British establishment over the past three years, does the First Minister agree with me that the people of Wales must now be allowed to vote on the terms of any deal on leaving the EU, and be given the option to stay, so power is genuinely put back in the hands of the people, whether they voted remain or leave three years ago on the principle of departing from the EU, or does he hope that Jeremy Corbyn and Theresa May can come to some sort of cosy agreement—or stitch-up, some might say—that can drive Brexit forward without the need for another vote?

Mae'r Prif Weinidog yn dweud mai cyfrifoldeb pobl Cymru yw penderfynu ar ba un a ydyn nhw eisiau strategaeth arall. Y pwynt yw bod aelodau eich meinciau cefn eich hun yn credu nad oes gennych chi strategaeth o gwbl pan ddaw i fynd i'r afael â thlodi, ar adeg pan fo bron i draean o blant Cymru yn byw mewn tlodi.

Nawr, mae datganoli wedi datblygu o fewn fframweithiau Ewropeaidd, ac rwyf i a Phlaid Cymru o'r farn mai aros yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd fydd y ffordd orau o esblygu gwlad fach fel Cymru, yn ystod yr 20 mlynedd nesaf ac ymhell y tu hwnt i hynny. Mae ein safbwynt ni ar hynny yn gwbl eglur. Yn dilyn methiannau'r sefydliad Prydeinig dros y tair blynedd diwethaf, a yw'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno â mi bod yn rhaid caniatáu erbyn hyn i bobl Cymru gael pleidlais ar delerau unrhyw gytundeb ar adael yr UE, a chael y dewis o aros, fel bod grym yn cael ei roi yn ôl yn nwylo'r bobl mewn gwirionedd, pa un a wnaethon nhw bleidleisio i aros neu adael dair blynedd yn ôl ar yr egwyddor o adael yr UE, neu a yw'n gobeithio y gall Jeremy Corbyn a Theresa May ddod i ryw fath o gytundeb glyd—neu dwyll, fel y byddai rhai'n ei ddweud—a fydd yn gallu gyrru Brexit yn ei flaen heb fod angen pleidlais arall?

Well, the Welsh Government's position, Llywydd, is the one that I rehearse every single week in front of the Assembly, and it was the position that the Member's party signed up to when we jointly published 'Securing Wales' Future'. We've always believed that there was a deal to be done that would protect the Welsh economy and Welsh jobs were we to leave the European Union. If a deal of that sort cannot be struck, then of course—we have said time and time again that the decision will have to return to the people. That's our policy, that remains our policy. It was the policy that his own party signed up to not that long ago. 

Wel, safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru, Llywydd, yw'r un yr wyf i'n ei ailadrodd bob wythnos gerbron y Cynulliad, a dyna'r safbwynt y cytunodd plaid yr Aelod iddo pan gyhoeddwyd 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru' gennym ar y cyd. Rydym ni wedi credu erioed bod bargen i'w tharo a fyddai'n diogelu economi Cymru a swyddi Cymru pe byddem ni'n gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Os na ellir taro bargen o'r math hwnnw, yna wrth gwrs—rydym ni wedi dweud dro ar ôl tro y bydd yn rhaid i'r penderfyniad fynd yn ôl i'r bobl. Dyna ein polisi, dyna yw ein polisi o hyd. Dyma'r polisi y cytunodd ei blaid ei hun iddo nid mor bell â hynny yn ôl.

Arweinydd UKIP, Gareth Bennett. 

The UKIP leader, Gareth Bennett.

Missed you last week.

Roeddwn i hiraeth ar eich ôl yr wythnos diwethaf.

Thank you. First Minister, if I could raise with you the issue of council tax, I think it's interesting that we are, this month, marking 20 years of the Welsh Assembly, because this 20-year period hasn't been particularly great for Welsh council tax payers. If we look at the figures, band D council tax rates in Wales have increased by 244 per cent since 1996. This is much higher than the general rate of inflation in that period. First Minister, do you think that rapidly-escalating council tax increases are a price worth paying in Wales to enjoy the benefits of a Welsh Labour Government permanently running the Welsh Assembly? 

Diolch. Prif Weinidog, os caf i godi gyda chi y mater o'r dreth gyngor, rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n ddiddorol ein bod ni, y mis hwn, yn nodi 20 mlynedd o Gynulliad Cymru, oherwydd ni fu'r cyfnod hwn o 20 mlynedd yn arbennig o dda i dalwyr y dreth gyngor yng Nghymru. Os edrychwn ni ar y ffigurau, mae cyfraddau treth gyngor band D yng Nghymru wedi cynyddu gan 244 y cant ers 1996. Mae hyn yn llawer uwch na'r gyfradd gyffredinol o chwyddiant yn y cyfnod hwnnw. Prif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n meddwl bod cynnydd sy'n codi'n gyflym i'r dreth gyngor yn bris gwerth ei dalu yng Nghymru i fwynhau manteision Llywodraeth Llafur Cymru yn rhedeg Cynulliad Cymru yn barhaol?

13:55

Well, the reason that there is a Welsh Government in the Assembly, Llywydd, as the Member knows, is because, whenever there has been an election since devolution, that has been the decision that the citizens of Wales have made. That's the reason why. It's not some sort of act of God; we didn't win it in a raffle. We won it by being on the doorstep and persuading people to vote for the Labour Party.

As far as council tax is concerned, those are decisions for local authorities across Wales to make. They too are answerable to their local populations. They too face elections in which local populations can pass a verdict on those local authorities. And, in a period of severe public expenditure restraint, where every week on the floor of the Assembly Members in different parties pop up demanding more money to be spent on local authority services—you can't have more money spent on services without raising that money from somewhere, and the council tax and the pressure on it is a reflection of the fact that we do not have money coming to Wales to invest in those services in the way that we would like to see it, and local authorities find themselves at the sharp end of some of that difficulty, and decisions on the council tax are made in that context.  

Wel, y rheswm pam mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn y Cynulliad, Llywydd, fel y mae'r Aelod yn gwybod, yw, pryd bynnag y cafwyd etholiad ers datganoli, dyna'r penderfyniad a wnaed gan ddinasyddion Cymru. Dyna'r rheswm pam. Nid yw'n rhyw fath o weithred gan Dduw; ni wnaethom ni ei ennill mewn raffl. Gwnaethom ni ei ennill drwy fod ar garreg y drws a pherswadio pobl i bleidleisio dros y Blaid Lafur.

Cyn belled ag y mae'r dreth gyngor yn y cwestiwn, penderfyniadau i awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru eu gwneud yw'r rheini. Maent hwythau hefyd yn atebol i'w poblogaethau lleol. Maent hwythau hefyd yn wynebu etholiadau lle gall poblogaethau lleol wneud dyfarniad ar yr awdurdodau lleol hynny. Ac, mewn cyfnod o gyfyngu difrifol ar wariant cyhoeddus, lle mae'r Aelodau Cynulliad mewn gwahanol bleidiau yn galw bob wythnos i fwy o arian gael ei wario ar wasanaethau awdurdodau lleol—ni ellir gwario mwy o arian ar wasanaethau heb godi'r arian hwnnw o rywle, ac mae'r dreth gyngor a'r pwysau arni yn adlewyrchiad o'r ffaith nad oes gennym ni arian yn dod i Gymru i fuddsoddi yn y gwasanaethau hynny yn y modd yr hoffem ni ei weld, ac mae awdurdodau lleol yn canfod eu hunain ar y rheng flaen o ran rhywfaint o'r anhawster hwnnw, a chaiff penderfyniadau ynghylch y dreth gyngor eu gwneud yn y cyd-destun hwnnw.

Yes, thank you for that answer. I'm glad that you recognise that the act of voting at the ballot box isn't an act of God, it's something that people with informed opinions actually do, and so you do take heed of the decisions, because that isn't the line you generally take as regards the vote of the people in Wales during the Brexit referendum.

Now, going back to the precise issue of council tax, yes, of course, local authorities are answerable to the electorate—that is a response that you have a habit of giving to me whenever I raise local government issues with you here in the Assembly. But, First Minister, it isn't going to impress people in Wales very much if we have an Assembly and you simply use the Chamber to dodge issues and avoid taking responsibility for policy areas that are clearly part of your responsibility as First Minister. Now, if we look at this issue of council tax, surely you must accept it's a preposterous situation when a Welsh council taxpayer who owns a £220,000 home in Neath pays more in council tax than the owner of an £85 million mansion in Kensington, as is the case this year.    

Ie, diolch am yr ateb yna. Rwy'n falch eich bod chi'n cydnabod nad gweithred Duw yw'r weithred o bleidleisio yn y blwch pleidleisio, mae'n rhywbeth y mae pobl â barn hyddysg yn ei wneud mewn gwirionedd, ac felly rydych chi'n cymryd sylw o'r penderfyniadau, oherwydd nid dyna'r safbwynt yr ydych chi'n ei fabwysiadu yn gyffredinol ar bleidlais y bobl yng Nghymru yn ystod y refferendwm Brexit.

Nawr, gan fynd yn ôl at union fater y dreth gyngor, ydy, wrth gwrs, mae awdurdodau lleol yn atebol i'r etholwyr—mae hwnnw'n ymateb yr ydych chi yn yr arfer o'i roi i mi pryd bynnag y byddaf yn codi materion llywodraeth leol gyda chi yma yn y Cynulliad. Ond, Prif Weinidog, nid yw'n mynd i gael argraff fawr ar bobl Cymru os oes gennym ni Gynulliad a'r cwbl yr ydych chi'n ei wneud yw defnyddio'r Siambr i osgoi problemau ac osgoi cymryd cyfrifoldeb am feysydd polisi sy'n amlwg yn rhan o'ch cyfrifoldeb chi fel Prif Weinidog. Nawr, os edrychwn ni ar y mater hwn o'r dreth gyngor, mae'n rhaid i chi dderbyn ei bod hi'n sefyllfa hurt pan fo trethdalwr yng Nghymru sy'n berchen ar gartref gwerth £220,000 yng Nghastell-nedd yn talu mwy o dreth gyngor na pherchennog plasty gwerth £85 miliwn yn Kensington, fel sy'n wir eleni.

Well, Llywydd, council tax rates are not set on the floor of this Assembly Chamber. The Assembly is responsible now for major taxation decisions that we make every year, but setting the council tax is not one of them. It is as a result of actions agreed in this National Assembly that we still have in Wales a national council tax benefit scheme, so that people who have the least pay no council tax at all, whereas the poorest families in the land in the part of the United Kingdom to which the Member refers are now paying £200 a year on average from benefits that have been frozen since 2015 towards council tax bills, and, in Wales, those families, I'm really pleased to say, pay nothing at all. So, where we are able to act and where we have responsibility to act, I think the National Assembly and the Welsh Government have acted together to protect those families who need that protection the most, while respecting the separate democratic accountabilities that local authorities have to make decisions that fall to them to make.

In terms of respecting democratic decisions, I take note of what the Member says about the European Union referendum. I think it's his party's policy that we should now have a third referendum on whether the National Assembly should continue to be in existence, despite the fact that we've had two referendums here, both of which—the first of which brought this Assembly into being, and the second of which confirmed its existence and strengthened its powers by a completely decisive majority. 

Wel, Llywydd, nid yw cyfraddau'r dreth gyngor yn cael eu pennu ar lawr y Siambr Cynulliad hon. Mae'r Cynulliad yn gyfrifol erbyn hyn am benderfyniadau trethiant mawr yr ydym ni'n eu gwneud bob blwyddyn, ond nid yw pennu'r dreth gyngor yn un ohonyn nhw. O ganlyniad i gamau y cytunwyd arnynt yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol hwn y mae gennym ni gynllun budd-dal treth gyngor genedlaethol yng Nghymru o hyd, fel nad yw'r bobl sydd â'r lleiaf yn gorfod talu unrhyw dreth gyngor o gwbl, tra bo'r teuluoedd tlotaf yn y wlad yn y rhan o'r Deyrnas Unedig y mae'r Aelod yn cyfeirio ati yn talu £200 y flwyddyn ar gyfartaledd erbyn hyn o fudd-daliadau sydd wedi cael eu rhewi ers 2015 tuag at filiau'r dreth gyngor, ac, yng Nghymru, nid yw'r teuluoedd hynny, rwy'n falch iawn o ddweud, yn talu dim byd o gwbl. Felly, pan ein bod ni'n gallu gweithredu a phan fo gennym ni gyfrifoldeb i weithredu, rwy'n credu bod y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol a Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gweithredu gyda'i gilydd i amddiffyn y teuluoedd hynny sydd angen yr amddiffyniad hwnnw fwyaf, gan barchu'r atebolrwydd democrataidd ar wahân bod yn rhaid i awdurdodau lleol wneud penderfyniadau y maen nhw'n gyfrifol am eu gwneud.

O ran parchu penderfyniadau democrataidd, rwy'n nodi'r hyn y mae'r Aelod yn ei ddweud am refferendwm yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rwy'n credu mai polisi ei blaid ef yw y dylem ni gael trydydd refferendwm nawr ar ba un a ddylai'r Cynulliad Cenedlaethol barhau i fodoli, er gwaethaf y ffaith ein bod ni wedi cael dau refferendwm yma, a'r ddau ohonyn nhw—y cyntaf ohonyn nhw yn dod â'r Cynulliad hwn i fodolaeth, a'r ail yn cadarnhau ei fodolaeth ac yn cryfhau ei bwerau drwy fwyafrif cwbl bendant.

Tynnwyd cwestiwn 3 [OAQ53803] yn ôl, ac felly cwestiwn 4, Mark Reckless. 

Question 3 [OAQ53803] is withdrawn. Question 4, Mark Reckless. 

Refferendwm yr Undeb Ewropeaidd
The European Union Referendum

4. Beth yw polisi Llywodraeth Cymru ar weithredu'r penderfyniad a wnaed yn refferendwm yr UE? OAQ53801

4. What is the Welsh Government’s policy on implementing the decision made in the EU referendum? OAQ53801

Llywydd, the Welsh Government has always respected the result of the referendum, but has never believed that people in Wales voted for harm to be done to their own economic future and that of their children. That remains the basis of our policy.  

Llywydd, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi parchu canlyniad y refferendwm erioed, ond nid yw erioed wedi credu bod pobl Cymru wedi pleidleisio o blaid niweidio eu dyfodol economaidd eu hunain a dyfodol economaidd eu plant. Dyna sail ein polisi o hyd.

14:00

The people of Wales voted to leave the European Union. Now, the First Minister doesn't agree with that decision, but doesn't he need to respect it? Did he see the results in the local elections in England last week and, in particular, that by far the worst results for Labour were across ex-coalfield communities? Does he agree with the Members who represent Blaenau Gwent, which voted to leave by 62 per cent, or Torfaen, which voted to leave by 60 per cent, that the electorate should be ignored and forced to vote again because they do not respect their constituents or the decision they made?

Pleidleisiodd pobl Cymru i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Nawr, nid yw'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno â'r penderfyniad hwnnw, ond onid oes angen iddo ei barchu? A welodd ef y canlyniadau yn yr etholiadau lleol yn Lloegr yr wythnos diwethaf ac, yn arbennig, bod y canlyniadau gwaethaf o bell ffordd i'r blaid Lafur ar draws cyn-gymunedau'r maes glo? A yw'n cytuno â'r Aelodau sy'n cynrychioli Blaenau Gwent, lle y pleidleisiodd 62 y cant i adael, neu Torfaen, lle y pleidleisiodd 60 y cant i adael, y dylai'r etholwyr gael eu hanwybyddu a'u gorfodi i bleidleisio eto gan nad ydyn nhw'n parchu eu hetholwyr na'r penderfyniad a wnaed ganddynt?

Well, Llywydd, it's never been the policy of the Welsh Government to ignore what voters say. I don't think that any member of the Welsh Government stood for one party and then ignored the views of the people who voted for them and decided to join another party here on the floor of the Assembly, so I don't think we need many lectures on this side of the Assembly about respecting democratic decisions.

As I said in my answer to the Member, we have always been focused on the form rather than the fact of leaving the European Union, because we respect the fact that there was a vote by people in Wales, and it's a vote that we regretted because we campaigned for the opposite result. I have always believed, as Steffan Lewis, our colleague, I remember said the day after the referendum, that while people in Wales may have voted to leave the European Union, nobody in Wales had voted to take leave of their senses. And it would be an act of leaving our senses to crash out of the European Union, to leave on the sort of terms that the Member is constantly advocating, because those would do profound economic and social damage to Wales, and the Welsh Government will not stand idly by and see that happen.

Wel, Llywydd, nid yw erioed wedi bod yn bolisi gan Lywodraeth Cymru i anwybyddu'r hyn y mae pleidleiswyr yn ei ddweud. Nid wyf i'n credu bod unrhyw aelod o Lywodraeth Cymru wedi sefyll dros un blaid ac yna wedi anwybyddu barn y bobl a bleidleisiodd drostyn nhw a phenderfynu ymuno â phlaid arall yma ar lawr y Cynulliad, felly nid wyf i'n meddwl bod angen llawer o bregethau arnom ni ar yr ochr yma i'r Cynulliad ar barchu penderfyniadau democrataidd.

Fel y dywedais yn fy ateb i'r Aelod, rydym ni wedi canolbwyntio erioed ar ffurf yn hytrach na ffaith ymadael â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, gan ein bod ni'n parchu'r ffaith y bu pleidlais gan bobl yng Nghymru, ac mae'n bleidlais yr oeddem ni'n ei gresynu oherwydd ein bod ni wedi ymgyrchu dros y canlyniad cyferbyniol. Rwyf i wedi credu erioed, fel yr wyf i'n cofio Steffan Lewis, ein cyd-Aelod, yn dweud y diwrnod ar ôl y refferendwm, er efallai bod pobl Cymru wedi pleidleisio o blaid gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, nad oedd neb yng Nghymru wedi pleidleisio i golli arnynt eu hunain. A byddai'n weithred o golli arnom ein hunain i syrthio allan o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, i adael ar y math o delerau y mae'r Aelod yn eu hargymell yn barhaus, gan y byddai'r rheini'n gwneud niwed economaidd a chymdeithasol difrifol i Gymru, ac ni wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru sefyll o'r neilltu a gweld hynny'n digwydd.

First Minister, as you quite rightly pointed out, the people of Blaenau Gwent did not vote for fewer services, did not vote for fewer jobs, did not vote to be poorer, did not vote to see a reduction in spending on essential public services. The people of Blaenau Gwent voted against austerity, voted against the Tory policy that is ripping the heart out of our communities, whether some people recognise it or not. On the basis that we are elected to protect the interests of the people we represent and to fight hard for the people we represent, can you assure me, First Minister, that you will keep fighting hard for a referendum that won't be fought on the lies of the previous referendum but on the hard reality of what we are facing in terms of a hard Brexit, a crash-out Brexit, a blind Brexit and a Brexit that'll undermine our economy and our ability to deliver services?

Prif Weinidog, fel y dywedasoch yn gywir ddigon, ni phleidleisiodd pobl Blaenau Gwent o blaid llai o wasanaethau, ni wnaethon nhw bleidleisio o blaid llai o swyddi, ni wnaethon nhw bleidleisio i fod yn dlotach, ni wnaethon nhw bleidleisio i weld gostyngiad i wariant ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus hanfodol. Pleidleisiodd pobl Blaenau Gwent yn erbyn cyni cyllidol, fe wnaethon nhw bleidleisio yn erbyn polisi'r Torïaid sy'n rhwygo'r galon o'n cymunedau, pa un a yw rhai pobl yn cydnabod hynny ai peidio. Ar y sail ein bod ni'n cael ein hethol i warchod buddiannau'r bobl yr ydym ni'n eu cynrychioli ac i frwydro'n galed dros y bobl yr ydym ni'n eu cynrychioli, a allwch chi fy sicrhau, Prif Weinidog, y byddwch chi'n parhau i frwydro'n galed dros refferendwm na fydd yn cael ei ymladd ar sail celwydd y refferendwm blaenorol ond ar sail gwir realiti yr hyn sy'n ein hwynebu o ran Brexit caled, Brexit heb gytundeb, Brexit dall a Brexit a fydd yn tanseilio ein heconomi a'n gallu i ddarparu gwasanaethau?

Well, Llywydd, let me agree with everything the Member said in relation to those complex reasons that lay behind the decisions that people made at the ballot box back in 2016, and particularly those parts of Wales that had felt themselves held back, felt themselves cut off from the prosperity that others were able to enjoy and had felt that they were being asked to bear an entirely unfair burden of austerity. Those people—I entirely agree with what the Member has said: none of those people voted to have a worse future for themselves or for their families. If a deal cannot be struck of the sort that protects those people's futures, that meets the six tests that the Labour Party has set out, then, going back to people for a further and final decision seems to me to be inevitable. As a Government, as I've said many times, if that position were to take place, nothing that we have seen in the nearly three years that have now lapsed since that referendum leads us to believe that the advice we gave back in 2016 was the wrong advice, and we will say again to people in Wales that, if they have that opportunity, our future is better secured and their futures and their families' futures are better secured through continued membership of the European Union.

Wel, Llywydd, gadewch i mi gytuno â phopeth a ddywedodd yr Aelod am y rhesymau cymhleth hynny a oedd yn sail i'r penderfyniadau a wnaeth pobl yn y bleidlais yn ôl yn 2016, ac yn arbennig y rhannau hynny o Gymru a oedd yn teimlo eu bod yn cael eu dal yn ôl, yn teimlo eu bod wedi eu torri i ffwrdd o'r ffyniant yr oedd eraill yn gallu ei fwynhau ac a oedd wedi teimlo y gofynnwyd iddyn nhw ysgwyddo baich cyni cyllidol cwbl annheg. Y bobl hynny—cytunaf yn llwyr â'r hyn y mae'r Aelod wedi ei ddweud: ni wnaeth yr un o'r bobl hynny bleidleisio i gael dyfodol gwaeth iddyn nhw eu hunain nac i'w teuluoedd. Os na ellir taro bargen o'r math sy'n diogelu dyfodol y bobl hynny, sy'n bodloni'r chwe phrawf y mae'r Blaid Lafur wedi eu hamlinellu, yna mae mynd yn ôl at y bobl am benderfyniad pellach a therfynol yn ymddangos yn anochel i mi. Fel Llywodraeth, fel yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud lawer gwaith, pe byddai'r sefyllfa honno yn digwydd, nid oes dim yr ydym ni wedi ei weld yn y bron i dair blynedd sydd wedi mynd heibio ers y refferendwm hwnnw wedi ein harwain i gredu bod y cyngor a roesom yn ôl yn 2016 yn gyngor anghywir, a byddwn yn dweud eto wrth bobl yng Nghymru, os cânt y cyfle hwnnw, bod ein dyfodol yn fwy diogel a bod eu dyfodol nhw a dyfodol eu teuluoedd yn fwy diogel trwy barhau i fod yn aelod o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd.

Egwyddorion Cydweithredol
Co-operative Principles

5. Sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn helpu i sefydlu egwyddorion cydweithredol ar lefel leol a chenedlaethol ledled Cymru? OAQ53795

5. How is the Welsh Government helping to embed co-operative principles at local and national level throughout Wales? OAQ53795

I thank the Member for that question. Co-operatives and mutuals add real value to the Welsh economy. Amongst other measures, the Welsh Government seeks to embed co-operative principles through the Social Services and Well-Being (Wales) Act 2014 and through our economic action plan.

Diolch i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn yna. Mae cwmnïau cydweithredol a chydfuddiannol yn ychwanegu gwerth gwirioneddol at economi Cymru. Ymhlith mesurau eraill, mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ceisio ymgorffori egwyddorion cydweithredol drwy Ddeddf Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol a Llesiant (Cymru) 2014 a thrwy ein cynllun gweithredu economaidd.

I thank the First Minister for that answer. As we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of this democratic institution, it's also a chance to celebrate the growth in Assembly Members and Ministers, indeed, over those 20 years who are co-operators and members of the Co-operative Party as well as the Labour Party. In fact, though the Co-operative Party is, of course, a sister party of the Labour Party, it also happens to be the second largest political group, Presiding Officer, although we're not precious about that at all. So, I want to thank Welsh Government for making good in its commitment to put in place a Minister for co-operation across Government and to Lee Waters for his engagement with the group with a co-operative agenda.

In the manifesto for 2016 from the Wales Co-operative Party, we urged railways run in partnership with passengers and staff, tackling the housing crisis through co-operative housing, sports fans having a say in the club they support, credit unions as the best way to support strong, personal and community financing arrangements and financial literacy, and more and more. So, could I ask the First Minister how does he rate progress now against these and other co-operative aims—shared aims: the current campaigns on food justice, on a national community bank that can be a truly accessible bank into all our communities across Wales, and, indeed the UK Labour commitment on doubling the size of the co-operative economy?

Now, I'm sure he won't be able to answer all these questions today, so perhaps I could ask him whether he'd consider meeting with the group and with Lee Waters, at some point, so we can have a really constructive discussion around those shared aims that we have for delivering social justice and working together for the common good.

Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog am yr ateb yna. Wrth i ni ddathlu ugeinfed pen-blwydd y sefydliad democrataidd hwn, mae hefyd yn gyfle i ddathlu'r twf o ran Aelodau a Gweinidogion y Cynulliad, yn wir, dros yr 20 mlynedd hynny sy'n gyd-weithredwyr ac yn aelodau o'r Blaid Gydweithredol yn ogystal â'r Blaid Lafur. Mewn gwirionedd, er bod y Blaid Gydweithredol, wrth gwrs, yn chwaer-blaid i'r Blaid Lafur, mae hefyd yn digwydd bod yr ail grŵp gwleidyddol mwyaf, Llywydd, er nad ydym yn fursennaidd ynghylch hynny o gwbl. Felly, hoffwn ddiolch i Lywodraeth Cymru am gyflawni ei hymrwymiad i gyflwyno Gweinidog cydweithrediad ar draws y Llywodraeth ac i Lee Waters am ei ymgysylltiad â'r grŵp gydag agenda gydweithredol.

Yn y maniffesto ar gyfer 2016 gan Blaid Gydweithredol Cymru, fe wnaethom annog rheilffyrdd i gael eu rhedeg mewn partneriaeth â theithwyr a staff, mynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng tai trwy dai cydweithredol, rhoi llais i gefnogwyr chwaraeon yn y clwb y maen nhw'n ei gefnogi, undebau credyd fel y ffordd orau o gynorthwyo trefniadau ariannu personol a chymunedol cryf a llythrennedd ariannol, a mwy a mwy. Felly, a gaf i ofyn i'r Prif Weinidog beth yw ei farn ar y cynnydd nawr yn erbyn y nodau hyn a nodau cydweithredol eraill—nodau a rennir: yr ymgyrchoedd presennol ar gyfiawnder bwyd, ar fanc cymunedol cenedlaethol a all fod yn fanc gwirioneddol hygyrch i bob un o'n cymunedau ledled Cymru, ac, yn wir ymrwymiad plaid Lafur y DU ar ddyblu maint yr economi gydweithredol?

Nawr, rwy'n siŵr na fydd yn gallu ateb yr holl gwestiynau hyn heddiw, felly efallai y caf i ofyn iddo a fyddai'n ystyried cyfarfod â'r grŵp a gyda Lee Waters, ar ryw adeg, fel y gallwn gael trafodaeth wirioneddol adeiladol ynghylch y nodau cyffredin hynny sydd gennym ar gyfer sicrhau cyfiawnder cymdeithasol a gweithio gyda'n gilydd er lles pawb.

14:05

Well, Llywydd, can I thank Huw Irranca-Davies for what he said today and the work that I know he does all the time to promote the co-operative movement, to speak up for the principles of co-operation and of partnership? He's absolutely right to point to the number of Welsh Co-operative Party Assembly Members here in the Chamber. I was very pleased to ask the Deputy Minister for Economy and Transport to particularly focus on the work that is being done on the co-operative economy. I'd be very pleased to meet the Member and others who have an interest in this, because on so many of the things that he mentioned in his supplementary question, there is work that we are determined to do here in Wales.

The £25 million Welsh management succession fund that has been set up by my colleague Ken Skates, through the Development Bank of Wales, is an absolutely practical example of the way in which we want employee ownership to grow here in Wales. We've recently supported a larger-scale programme for community-led housing, in conjunction with the Nationwide federation, to develop co-operative housing here in Wales, and the prospect of a community bank, I think, is one of the most exciting prospects that we have here in Wales. We know that there are whole communities where conventional banking no longer operates on the high street and in those communities, and we have an opportunity here in Wales, working with others, to develop a different sort of model that will return banking to the core of those communities, that will offer a service to small businesses—microbusinesses in particular—and doing it on the basis of those collaborative principles that the co-operative movement exemplifies.

Wel, Llywydd, a gaf i ddiolch i Huw Irranca-Davies am yr hyn a ddywedodd heddiw a'r gwaith y gwn ei fod yn ei wneud drwy'r amser i hyrwyddo'r mudiad cydweithredol, i siarad o blaid egwyddorion cydweithredu a phartneriaeth? Mae'n hollol iawn i dynnu sylw at nifer Aelodau Cynulliad y Blaid Gydweithredol yng Nghymru yma yn y Siambr. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o ofyn i Ddirprwy Weinidog yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth ganolbwyntio'n benodol ar y gwaith sy'n cael ei wneud ar yr economi gydweithredol. Byddwn yn falch iawn o gyfarfod â'r aelod ac eraill sydd â diddordeb yn hyn, oherwydd mae gwaith ar gynifer o'r pethau y cyfeiriodd atynt yn ei gwestiwn atodol yr ydym yn benderfynol o'i wneud yma yng Nghymru.

Mae cronfa olyniaeth rheoli Cymru o £25 miliwn, a sefydlwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod, Ken Skates, trwy Fanc Datblygu Cymru, yn enghraifft gwbl ymarferol o'r ffordd yr ydym ni eisiau i berchenogaeth cyflogeion dyfu yma yng Nghymru. Rydym ni wedi cefnogi rhaglen ar raddfa fwy yn ddiweddar ar gyfer tai a arweinir gan y gymuned, ar y cyd â ffederasiwn Nationwide, i ddatblygu tai cydweithredol yma yng Nghymru, ac mae'r posibilrwydd o fanc cymunedol, rwy'n credu, yn un o'r posibiliadau mwyaf cyffrous sydd gennym ni yma yng Nghymru. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod cymunedau cyfan lle nad yw bancio confensiynol yn gweithredu ar y stryd fawr ac yn y cymunedau hynny mwyach, ac mae gennym ni gyfle yma yng Nghymru, gan weithio gydag eraill, i ddatblygu gwahanol fath o fodel a fydd yn dychwelyd bancio i graidd y cymunedau hynny, a fydd yn cynnig gwasanaeth i fusnesau bach—microfusnesau yn arbennig—a'i wneud ar sail yr egwyddorion cydweithredol hynny y mae'r mudiad cydweithredol yn eu henghreifftio.

I've had a number of interesting conversations with Alun Davies and Mike Hedges over the last few weeks about the co-operative movement. Well, I found them interesting, anyway; you probably groan as you see me approaching you in the tea room. But it is an interesting concept, and it is a concept that has been embedded within Wales for many, many years now. My colleague Mark Isherwood often talks about the benefits of co-production in this Chamber, and co-production can be seen as one aspect of the co-operative agenda.

Can you tell us—? As you're aware, First Minister, co-production turns service users from merely passive recipients of public services into active shapers of those services and shapers of their own destiny in the future, something that I think Members from across all sides of this Chamber would buy into. Can you tell us how you're embedding those principles of co-production into Welsh public services, particularly at a local level, as Huw Irranca mentioned in his opening question?

Rwyf i wedi cael nifer o sgyrsiau diddorol gydag Alun Davies a Mike Hedges dros yr wythnosau diwethaf am y mudiad cydweithredol. Wel, roeddwn i'n meddwl eu bod nhw'n ddiddorol, beth bynnag; mae'n debyg eich bod chi'n grwgnach pan fyddwch chi'n fy ngweld i'n dod tuag atoch chi yn yr ystafell de. Ond mae'n gysyniad diddorol, ac mae'n gysyniad sydd wedi ei wreiddio yng Nghymru ers blynyddoedd lawer iawn erbyn hyn. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod Mark Isherwood yn sôn yn aml am fanteision cyd-gynhyrchu yn y Siambr hon, a gellir ystyried cyd-gynhyrchu fel un agwedd ar yr agenda gydweithredol.

A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni—? Fel y gwyddoch, Prif Weinidog, mae cyd-gynhyrchu yn troi defnyddwyr gwasanaeth o fod yn dderbynwyr goddefol gwasanaethau cyhoeddus i bobl sy'n llunio'r gwasanaethau hynny yn weithredol ac yn llunwyr eu tynged eu hunain yn y dyfodol, rhywbeth yr wyf i'n credu y byddai aelodau o bob ochr i'r Siambr hon yn ymrwymo iddo. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni sut yr ydych chi'n ymgorffori'r egwyddorion hynny o gyd-gynhyrchu yng ngwasanaethau cyhoeddus Cymru, yn enwedig ar lefel leol, fel y soniodd Huw Irranca yn ei gwestiwn agoriadol?

I want to agree with what the Member has said about the co-production principles—the fact that in a co-productive model, people who use our public services are regarded as people who have assets to contribute rather than being problems to be solved. And by identifying people's strengths and the things that they bring to the table, we are able to design services that are not organised around the question that begins by asking people, 'What's the matter with you today?'—a question that inevitably focuses on people's deficits—but we start those conversations by saying to people, 'What matters to you today?' Because if we're able to do that, then we are able to draw their contribution into that conversation, and to design outcomes alongside those people that meet their priorities. And in terms of doing it locally, let me remind the Member of a visit that I made to Raglan in his constituency, where he was also present, to see that co-production principle in operation in the field of social care, where, instead of having a pre-determined list of visits to make with time set aside for each visit, the worker was able to speak to the people they were visiting and work out with them how long they thought a visit was needed, to be flexible because those needs change over time and to co-produce the service that they were receiving in a way that was really highly spoken of, both by the people providing the service but also, in the visit that I made that day, by residents in Raglan, who felt that they were genuinely involved in the service they were receiving, rather than simply the recipient of it.

Hoffwn gytuno â'r hyn y mae'r Aelod wedi ei ddweud am yr egwyddorion cyd-gynhyrchu—y ffaith bod pobl sy'n defnyddio ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn cael eu hystyried yn bobl sydd ag asedau i'w cyfrannu yn hytrach na'u bod yn broblemau i'w datrys mewn model cyd-gynhyrchu. A thrwy nodi cryfderau pobl a'r pethau y maen nhw'n eu cynnig, rydym ni'n gallu cynllunio gwasanaethau nad ydyn nhw wedi eu trefnu ar sail y cwestiwn sy'n dechrau trwy ofyn i bobl, 'Beth sy'n bod arnoch chi heddiw?'—cwestiwn sy'n canolbwyntio'n anochel ar ddiffygion pobl—ond rydym ni'n dechrau'r sgyrsiau hynny trwy ddweud wrth bobl, 'Beth sy'n bwysig i chi heddiw?' Oherwydd os gallwn ni wneud hynny, yna gallwn dynnu eu cyfraniad i mewn i'r sgwrs honno, a chynllunio canlyniadau ochr yn ochr â'r bobl hynny sy'n cyflawni eu blaenoriaethau. Ac o ran ei wneud yn lleol, gadewch i mi atgoffa'r Aelod am ymweliad a wneuthum â Rhaglan yn ei etholaeth ef, lle'r oedd ef yn bresennol hefyd, i weld yr egwyddor gyd-gynhyrchu honno ar waith ym maes gofal cymdeithasol, lle, yn hytrach na chael rhestr o ymweliadau a benderfynwyd ymlaen llaw gydag amser wedi'i neilltuo ar gyfer pob ymweliad, roedd y gweithiwr yn gallu siarad â'r bobl yr oedd yn ymweld â nhw a phenderfynu gyda nhw am ba hyd yr oedden nhw'n credu yr oedd angen ymweliad, i fod yn hyblyg gan fod yr anghenion hynny'n newid dros amser ac i gyd-gynhyrchu'r gwasanaeth yr oedden nhw'n ei gael mewn ffordd a oedd yn uchel iawn ei barch, ymhlith y bobl a oedd yn darparu'r gwasanaeth, ond hefyd, yn yr ymweliad a wneuthum y diwrnod hwnnw, ymhlith trigolion Rhaglan, a oedd yn teimlo eu bod wir yn cymryd rhan yn y gwasanaeth yr oedden nhw'n ei gael, yn hytrach na dim ond ei dderbyn.

14:10
Athrawon Cyflenwi
Supply Teachers

6. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am y telerau ac amodau ar gyfer athrawon cyflenwi sy'n gweithio yng Nghymru? OAQ53827

6. Will the First Minister make a statement on the terms and conditions for supply teachers working in Wales? OAQ53827

I thank Hefin David for that. The Welsh Government recognises and values the work of supply teachers. We have supported the work of the National Procurement Service, which is in the final stages of a new framework for the employment of temporary and supply teachers here in Wales. 

Diolchaf i Hefin David am hynna. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cydnabod ac yn gwerthfawrogi gwaith athrawon cyflenwi. Rydym ni wedi cefnogi gwaith y Gwasanaeth Caffael Cenedlaethol, sydd ar gamau olaf fframwaith newydd ar gyfer cyflogi athrawon dros dro ac athrawon cyflenwi yma yng Nghymru.

I welcome that recognition and also the news announced on 6 April that supply teachers in Wales were going to be boosted by a Welsh Government mandated minimum daily pay rate. I think that's very much to be welcomed.

I think it is, in part, a tribute to the hard work of Sheila Jones, who is a Caerphilly constituent, a former supply teacher, and is now the supply teacher representative for the National Education Union Cymru. I spoke to her earlier today and she said that she still has some concerns. She says that a lot of discretion is still left to individual schools as to whether or not they employ supply teachers with qualified teacher status and whether or not they employ supply teachers through agencies. She's got grave concerns about how agencies are going to approach dialogue with the Welsh Government. And it also has implications for pensions for those supply teachers. 

Another constituent has also contacted me concerned that the pay framework won't apply to supply teachers in further education, because they won't have qualified teacher status. So, with those issues in mind, will the First Minister bear them in mind, and also, with the Minister for Education, commit to an ongoing further dialogue with supply teachers in order to address these issues?

Rwy'n croesawu'r gydnabyddiaeth honno a hefyd y newyddion a gyhoeddwyd ar 6 Ebrill y byddai athrawon cyflenwi yng Nghymru yn cael hwb gan gyfradd tâl dyddiol ofynnol wedi ei mandadu gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Rwy'n credu bod hynny i'w groesawu'n fawr.

Rwy'n credu ei fod, yn rhannol, yn deyrnged i waith caled Sheila Jones, sy'n un o etholwyr Caerffili, sy'n gyn-athrawes gyflenwi, ac erbyn hyn hi yw cynrychiolydd athrawon cyflenwi Undeb Cenedlaethol Addysg Cymru. Siaradais â hi'n gynharach heddiw a dywedodd bod ganddi rai pryderon o hyd. Mae'n dweud bod llawer o ddisgresiwn yn dal i gael ei adael i ysgolion unigol o ran pa un a ydyn nhw'n cyflogi athrawon cyflenwi â statws athro cymwysedig a pha un a ydyn nhw'n cyflogi athrawon cyflenwi drwy asiantaethau ai peidio. Mae ganddi bryderon dirfawr ynghylch y dull y mae asiantaethau yn mynd i'w fabwysiadu mewn trafodaethau gyda Llywodraeth Cymru. Ac mae ganddo oblygiadau o ran pensiynau i'r athrawon cyflenwi hynny hefyd.

Mae etholwr arall wedi cysylltu â mi hefyd yn pryderu na fydd y fframwaith cyflogau yn berthnasol i athrawon cyflenwi mewn addysg bellach, gan na fydd ganddyn nhw'r statws athro cymwysedig. Felly, o ran y materion hynny, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog eu cadw mewn cof, a hefyd, gyda'r Gweinidog Addysg, ymrwymo i ragor o drafodaethau parhaus gydag athrawon llanw er mwyn mynd i'r afael â'r materion hyn?

I thank Hefin David for those important points. I was very pleased to meet his constituent, Sheila Jones, while I was finance Minister responsible for the National Procurement Service, and it was largely as a result of the very important points that she and colleagues made that we revisited the framework that was then in place. We will now have 30 successful agencies on the framework and 22 of those agencies are Welsh suppliers. Hefin David is quite right, Llywydd, to say that a supply teacher recruited through an agency will have to have qualified teacher status. That's exactly as it should be; it's a requirement of the new framework, as will be minimum pay rates for qualified teachers, as will be the abolition of the Swedish derogation, which was particularly something that Sheila and her group were exercised about. There will be discretion. There's always been discretion at school level for schools either to use the framework or to recruit teachers outside the framework, and I think that that is an essential freedom that we recognise in the framework and want to sustain.

I hear what the Member says about FE qualified teachers, and he's right, of course, that they don't have qualified teacher status and therefore can't be recruited as supply teachers under the framework. But one of the things that the Welsh Government has done and the education Minister has done is to introduce new part-time courses that mean that somebody qualified as an FE teacher who wants to become qualified with qualified teaching status—that within one term, they can now take the actions that are needed to convert themselves from an FE teacher into a full classroom teacher, and then, of course, they will be available to take advantage of all the new things that the new framework will provide.

Diolchaf i Hefin David am y pwyntiau pwysig yna. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o gyfarfod ei etholwr, Sheila Jones, pan oeddwn i'n Weinidog cyllid yn gyfrifol am y Gwasanaeth Caffael Cenedlaethol, ac yn bennaf o ganlyniad i'r pwyntiau pwysig iawn a wnaeth hi a'i chydweithwyr y gwnaethom ni ailystyried y fframwaith a oedd ar waith ar y pryd. Bydd gennym ni 30 o asiantaethau llwyddiannus ar y fframwaith erbyn hyn ac mae 22 o'r asiantaethau hynny yn gyflenwyr o Gymru. Mae Hefin David yn llygad ei lle, Llywydd, i ddweud y bydd yn rhaid i athro neu athrawes cyflenwi a gaiff ei recriwtio drwy asiantaeth fod â statws athro cymwysedig. Dyna'n union fel y dylai hi fod; mae'n un o ofynion y fframwaith newydd, fel y bydd cyfraddau tâl gofynnol ar gyfer athrawon cymwysedig, fel y bydd diddymu rhanddirymiad Sweden, a oedd yn rhywbeth penodol yr oedd Sheila a'i grŵp yn weithredol yn ei gylch. Bydd disgresiwn. Bu disgresiwn erioed ar lefel ysgolion i ysgolion naill ai defnyddio'r fframwaith neu i recriwtio athrawon y tu allan i'r fframwaith, a chredaf fod hwnnw'n rhyddid hanfodol yr ydym ni'n ei gydnabod yn y fframwaith ac yn awyddus i'w gynnal.

Clywaf yr hyn y mae'r Aelod yn ei ddweud am athrawon cymwysedig mewn addysg bellach, ac mae'n iawn, wrth gwrs, nad oes ganddyn nhw statws athro cymwysedig ac felly na ellir eu recriwtio fel athrawon cyflenwi o dan y fframwaith. Ond un o'r pethau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei wneud ac mae'r Gweinidog addysg wedi ei wneud yw cyflwyno cyrsiau rhan-amser newydd sy'n golygu bod rhywun sydd wedi cymhwyso fel athro neu athrawes addysg bellach sydd eisiau cymhwyso gyda statws addysgu cymwysedig—y gallan nhw o fewn un tymor erbyn hyn, gymryd y camau sydd eu hangen i newid eu hunain o fod yn athro neu athrawes AB i fod yn athro neu athrawes dosbarth gyflawn, ac yna, wrth gwrs, byddan nhw ar gael i fanteisio ar yr holl bethau newydd y bydd y fframwaith newydd yn eu darparu.

14:15
Parthau Ugain Milltir yr Awr
Twenty Miles per Hour Zones

7. Beth yw barn Llywodraeth Cymru am y defnydd o barthau 20 mya yng Nghymru? OAQ53821

7. What is the Welsh Government's view on the use of 20 mph zones in Wales? OAQ53821

I thank the Member. The Welsh Government believe that 20 mph should be the default speed limit for residential areas. The Deputy Minister for Economy and Transport, together with the Welsh Local Government Association, is taking forward work to identify the practical actions needed to implement 20 mph speed limits in residential areas across Wales.

Diolchaf i'r aelod. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru o'r farn mai 20 mya ddylai fod y terfyn cyflymder rhagosodedig ar gyfer ardaloedd preswyl. Mae Dirprwy Weinidog yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth, ynghyd â Chymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru, yn bwrw ymlaen â gwaith i nodi'r camau ymarferol y mae angen eu cymryd er mwyn gweithredu terfynau cyflymder o 20 mya mewn ardaloedd preswyl ledled Cymru.

Can I congratulate the First Minister for making my supplementary utterly redundant? [Laughter.] Because I was going to call for exactly that default position. It's logical that we set the standard limit in built-up areas at 20 mph and then councils have the power to set it at 30 mph for those more arterial routes through their urban areas.

A gaf i longyfarch y Prif Weinidog am wneud fy nghwestiwn atodol yn gwbl ddiangen? [Chwerthin.] Oherwydd roeddwn i'n mynd i alw am yr union safbwynt rhagosodedig hwnnw. Mae'n rhesymegol ein bod ni'n gosod y terfyn safonol mewn ardaloedd adeiledig yn 20 mya ac yna mae gan gynghorau'r grym i'w osod yn 30 mya ar gyfer y llwybrau mwy uniongyrchol hynny drwy eu hardaloedd trefol.

I thank the Member for that. I've heard him previously speak up in favour of a default speed limit of 20 mph in residential areas and, of course, across this whole Assembly term, my colleague Ken Skates has provided hundreds of millions of pounds for small area 20 mph zones. What we now want to do is to go beyond that. The city of Cardiff is, I think, a good example of what can be done. As the Member says, Llywydd, local authorities have to have discretion to retain 30 mph zones on key arterial routes, but outside that, and in residential areas, we know that 20 mph zones reduce speed of traffic, reduce accidents, particularly accidents to children, and we want to see that become the default position right across Wales.

Diolchaf i'r Aelod am hynna. Rwyf i wedi ei glywed yn siarad o'r blaen o blaid terfyn cyflymder rhagosodedig o 20 mya mewn ardaloedd preswyl ac, wrth gwrs, ar draws y tymor Cynulliad cyfan hwn, mae fy nghyd-Aelod Ken Skates wedi darparu cannoedd o filiynau o bunnoedd ar gyfer parthau 20 mya dros bellteroedd bach. Yr hyn yr ydym ni eisiau ei wneud nawr yw mynd y tu hwnt i hynny. Credaf fod dinas Caerdydd yn enghraifft dda o'r hyn y gellir ei wneud. Fel y mae'r Aelod yn ei ddweud, Llywydd, mae'n rhaid i awdurdodau lleol gael disgresiwn i gadw parthau 30 mya ar brif lwybrau allweddol, ond y tu allan i hynny, ac mewn ardaloedd preswyl, rydym ni'n gwybod bod parthau 20 mya yn lleihau cyflymder traffig, yn lleihau damweiniau, yn enwedig damweiniau i blant, ac rydym ni eisiau gweld hynny'n dod yn sefyllfa ragosodedig ledled Cymru.

I very much welcome the setting up of the task and finish group, First Minister, I think, in recognition of a very strong level of cross-party support for this policy and a very strong campaign run across the UK by 20's Plenty, and we've had some important events in Wales to further that campaign. Would you agree with me that, in addition to the benefits that you've mentioned, it's very important in terms of enabling community life to strengthen, because older people will feel happier if they're able to walk along the streets with 20 mph limits in place and parents will feel much happier in enabling their young people to play outside? It will enable active travel—walking and cycling—to a greater extent, so it has very, very many benefits, and I'm pleased that they're now strongly recognised by Welsh Government.

Rwy'n croesawu'n fawr sefydlu'r grŵp gorchwyl a gorffen, Prif Weinidog, rwy'n credu, i gydnabod lefel gref iawn o gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol i'r polisi hwn ac ymgyrch gref iawn a gynhaliwyd ar draws y DU gan 20's Plenty, ac rydym ni wedi cael rhai digwyddiadau pwysig yng Nghymru i hyrwyddo'r ymgyrch honno. A fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn, yn ogystal â'r manteision yr ydych chi wedi eu crybwyll, o ran galluogi bywyd cymunedol i gryfhau, gan y bydd pobl hŷn yn teimlo'n hapusach os ydynt yn gallu cerdded ar hyd y strydoedd â therfynau 20 mya ar waith a bydd rhieni yn teimlo'n hapusach o lawer yn caniatáu i'w pobl ifanc chwarae yn yr awyr agored? Bydd yn galluogi teithio llesol—cerdded a beicio—i raddau mwy helaeth, felly mae ganddo lawer iawn o fanteision, ac rwy'n falch eu bod nhw'n cael eu cydnabod yn gryf gan Lywodraeth Cymru erbyn hyn.

Well, I thank John Griffiths, of course, for that. He's right, the task and finish group has a very important part to play, because it brings local authorities around the table with the Welsh Government to look at the practical ways in which we can make this happen. There are a whole series of advantages, including all the ones that the Member has mentioned, including the better air quality that you get through slower traffic speeds. In the jargon, Llywydd, the issues that John Griffiths has pointed to are talked of as 'community severance', the fact that fast-moving traffic through a community breaks one part of the community up from another, both geographically—but we know that those impacts fall differentially on people, whether it is older people, whether it's children, whether it's people without cars and so on, and so, 20 mph zones allow a reduction in that community severance, and that's another really important social benefit that comes from the policy.

Wel, diolchaf i John Griffiths, wrth gwrs, am hynna. Mae'n iawn, mae gan y grŵp gorchwyl a gorffen ran bwysig iawn i'w chwarae, gan ei fod yn dod ag awdurdodau lleol o amgylch y bwrdd gyda Llywodraeth Cymru i ystyried y ffyrdd ymarferol y gallwn wneud i hyn ddigwydd. Ceir cyfres helaeth o fanteision, gan gynnwys yr holl rai y mae'r Aelod wedi sôn amdanyn nhw, gan gynnwys yr ansawdd aer gwell yr ydych chi'n ei gael trwy gyflymder traffig arafach. Yn y jargon, Llywydd, sonnir am y materion y mae John Griffiths wedi cyfeirio atyn nhw fel 'gwahanu ardaloedd o bobtu'r ffordd', y ffaith bod traffig sy'n symud yn gyflym trwy gymuned yn gwahanu un rhan o'r gymuned oddi wrth un arall, yn ddaearyddol—ond gwyddom fod yr effeithiau hynny yn wahanol i bobl, pa un a ydyn nhw'n bobl hŷn, yn blant, yn bobl heb geir ac yn y blaen, ac felly, mae parthau 20 mya yn caniatáu llai o'r gwahanu ardaloedd o bobtu'r ffordd hwn, ac mae honno'n fantais gymdeithasol wirioneddol bwysig arall sy'n dod o'r polisi.

Cefnogi'r Sector Manwerthu
Supporting the Retail Sector

8. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gefnogi'r sector manwerthu? OAQ53807

8. What action is the Welsh Government taking to support the retail sector? OAQ53807

I thank the Member for that, Llywydd. Retail is a foundation sector in our economic action plan. Over the past year, we have increased business rate relief for the high street, expanded the business improvement district programme as we work with the sector in what are, we recognise, undoubtedly challenging times.

Diolchaf i'r Aelod am hynna, Llywydd. Mae manwerthu yn sector sylfaenol yn ein cynllun gweithredu economaidd. Dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, rydym ni wedi cynyddu'r rhyddhad ardrethi busnes ar gyfer y stryd fawr, wedi ehangu'r rhaglen ardal ar gyfer gwella busnes wrth i ni weithio gyda'r sector mewn cyfnod sydd, heb amheuaeth, yn anodd, fel yr ydym yn ei gydnabod.

Thank you very much, First Minister, for the answer. But the figures revealed by the Welsh Retail Consortium show that there were 1,100 fewer shops in Wales in 2018 than there were in 2010—a drop of nearly 9 per cent. They went on to say that business rates were partly to be blamed for these closures and that firms in Wales have recently faced the greatest rise in business rates in Britain. First Minister, in view of the decreasing footfall to Welsh shopping destinations and with shop vacancy levels among the highest in the United Kingdom, what action will your Government take to reverse the decline in the Welsh retail sector?

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Prif Weinidog, am yr ateb. Ond mae'r ffigurau a ddatgelwyd gan Gonsortiwm Manwerthu Cymru yn dangos bod 1,100 yn llai o siopau yng Nghymru yn 2018 nag a oedd yn 2010—gostyngiad o bron i 9 y cant. Aethon nhw ymlaen i ddweud bod ardrethi busnes yn rhannol i'w beio am yr achosion hyn o gau a bod cwmnïau yng Nghymru wedi wynebu'r cynnydd mwyaf i ardrethi busnes ym Mhrydain yn ddiweddar. Prif Weinidog, o ystyried bod llai o bobl yn ymweld â chyrchfannau siopa Cymru a bod lefelau siopau gwag ymhlith yr uchaf yn y Deyrnas Unedig, pa gamau wnaiff eich Llywodraeth eu cymryd i wrthdroi'r dirywiad yn sector manwerthu Cymru?

14:20

Well, Llywydd, let me begin by making it clear that business rates are charged for very good reasons, because businesses that operate on the high street get all the advantages that come with public services: the roads that people drive to are paid for by the public; the pavements that people walk on are paid for by the public; the education that is provided to their workers is paid for by the public; the health service that looks after their workers when they fall sick is paid for by the public. Business rates are a contribution that businesses make to the services that allow those businesses to prosper. Here in Wales we now invest more in business rate relief than at any time in the whole of devolution. More than three quarters of business rate payers in Wales benefit from the different forms of rate relief that are provided by the Welsh Government, and in this financial year, we are investing an extra £23.6 million specifically in high street rates relief.

Now, that's not to say for a moment that there aren't real challenges that the high street faces. We know that out-of-town shopping and online shopping make a great difference on the high street. We know that there are changing patterns of consumer behaviour. And 10 years into austerity, wages have been held back to the point where there is a lack of effective demand out there in the economy to buy the goods that are supplied on the high street. So, the challenges are real. We work very closely with the British Retail Consortium and with its Welsh members to make sure that the assistance that the public purse provides to those businesses is as effective as we can make it.

Wel, Llywydd, gadewch imi ddechrau drwy egluro bod ardrethi busnes yn cael eu codi am resymau da iawn, oherwydd mae'r busnesau sy'n gweithredu ar y stryd fawr yn cael yr holl fanteision a ddaw yn sgil gwasanaethau cyhoeddus: mae'r cyhoedd yn talu am y ffyrdd y mae pobl yn gyrru arnynt; mae'r cyhoedd yn talu am y palmentydd y bydd pobl yn cerdded arnynt; y cyhoedd sy'n talu am yr addysg a ddarperir i'w gweithwyr; mae'r cyhoedd yn talu am y gwasanaeth iechyd sy'n gofalu am eu gweithwyr pan fyddant yn sâl. Mae ardrethi busnes yn gyfraniad y mae busnesau'n ei wneud i'r gwasanaethau sy'n caniatáu i'r busnesau hynny ffynnu. Yma yng Nghymru rydym bellach yn buddsoddi mwy mewn rhyddhad ardrethi busnes nag ar unrhyw adeg yn holl gyfnod datganoli. Mae mwy na thri chwarter y rhai sy'n talu ardrethi busnes yng Nghymru yn elwa o'r gwahanol fathau o ryddhad ardrethi sy'n cael eu darparu gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ac yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon, rydym yn buddsoddi £23,600,000 ychwanegol yn benodol mewn rhyddhad ardrethi ar y stryd fawr.

Nawr, nid yw hynny'n dweud am eiliad nad oes heriau gwirioneddol yn wynebu'r stryd fawr. Gwyddom fod siopa ar gyrion trefi a siopa ar-lein yn gwneud gwahaniaeth mawr ar y stryd fawr. Gwyddom fod patrymau ymddygiad defnyddwyr yn newid. Ac wedi 10 mlynedd o gyni, mae cyflogau wedi'u dal yn ôl i'r pwynt lle mae diffyg galw effeithiol yn yr economi i brynu'r nwyddau sy'n cael eu cyflenwi ar y stryd fawr. Felly, mae'r heriau'n rhai gwirioneddol.  Rydym yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda Chonsortiwm Manwerthu Prydain a chyda'i aelodau yng Nghymru i sicrhau bod y cymorth y mae'r pwrs cyhoeddus yn ei roi i'r busnesau hynny mor effeithiol ag y gallwn ei wneud.

Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 9, Neil McEvoy.

And finally, question 9, Neil McEvoy.

Effaith Amgylcheddol Cynlluniau Datblygu Lleol
The Environmental Impact of Local Development Plans

9. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am effaith amgylcheddol cynlluniau datblygu lleol? OAQ53816

9. Will the First Minister make a statement on the environmental impact of local development plans? OAQ53816

Local planning authorities must comply with the legal requirements of the Planning and Compulsory Purchase Act 2004, the strategic environmental assessment directive of 2001 and associated regulations when preparing a development plan, including environmental impacts.

Mae'n rhaid i awdurdodau cynllunio lleol gydymffurfio â gofynion cyfreithiol Deddf Cynllunio a Phrynu Gorfodol 2004, y gyfarwyddeb asesiad amgylcheddol strategol 2001 a'r rheoliadau cysylltiedig wrth baratoi cynllun datblygu, gan gynnwys effeithiau amgylcheddol.

First Minister, last time you arrogantly gave no answer to my question—

Prif Weinidog, yn drahaus, ni roesoch ateb i'm cwestiwn y tro diwethaf—

There is no arrogance from the First Minister or any other Member of this Assembly. Please don't start—

Nid oes unrhyw drahauster gan y Prif Weinidog nac unrhyw aelod arall o'r Cynulliad hwn. Peidiwch â dechrau—

With respect, Presiding Officer, I said 'last time'—'last time'.

Gyda pharch, Llywydd, dywedais 'y tro diwethaf'—'y tro diwethaf '.

There is always respect. There is no arrogance. Just pose your question and scrutinise the First Minister.

Mae parch bob amser yma. Nid oes trahauster. Gofynnwch eich cwestiwn a chraffu ar waith y Prif Weinidog.

Last time, First Minister, you arrogantly gave no answer to my question—

Y tro diwethaf, yn drahaus, Brif Weinidog, ni roesoch ateb i'm cwestiwn—

No. [Inaudible.] The microphone is switched off and you have forfeited your right to ask the question.

Na. [Anglywadwy.] Mae'r meicroffon wedi'i ddiffodd ac rydych wedi fforffedu eich hawl i ofyn y cwestiwn.

2. Datganiad a Chyhoeddiad Busnes
2. Business Statement and Announcement

Y datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes yw'r eitem nesaf. Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei atebion. Felly, dwi'n galw ar y Trefnydd i wneud ei datganiad. Rebecca Evans.

The business statement and announcement is the next item. I thank the First Minister for his responses. I call on the Trefnydd to make the statement. Rebecca Evans.

Diolch, Llywydd. There are no changes to this week's business. Draft business for the next three weeks is set out on the business statement and announcement, which can be found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.

Diolch, Llywydd. Nid oes unrhyw newidiadau i fusnes yr wythnos hon. Mae'r busnes drafft ar gyfer y tair wythnos nesaf wedi'i nodi yn y datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes, sydd i'w weld ymhlith y papurau cyfarfod sydd ar gael i'r Aelodau yn electronig.

Minister, please, could we have a statement from the Deputy Minister for Culture, Sport and Tourism about the future of grass-roots rugby in Wales? The secretary of a junior rugby club was recently quoted as saying that grass-roots rugby is, in his words, 'dying on its feet' as amateur sides struggle to attract players. Around 30 per cent of teams in the amateur second and third divisions said that they had postponed games this season because of a lack of players. Eighty per cent—eight out of 10—have said that they had at least one fixture postponed because the opposition could not raise a team. Could we have a statement from the Deputy Minister on what discussion he has had with the Welsh Rugby Union about ensuring that grass-roots rugby has a viable future in Wales? And don't forget: I think rugby is Wales and Wales is rugby. Thank you.

Gweinidog, a gawn ni ddatganiad gan y Dirprwy Weinidog dros Ddiwylliant, Chwaraeon a Thwristiaeth am ddyfodol rygbi ar lawr gwlad yng Nghymru? Dyfynnwyd ysgrifennydd clwb rygbi iau yn ddiweddar yn dweud bod rygbi ar lawr gwlad, yn ei eiriau ef, yn  'marw ar ei draed' wrth i dimau amatur frwydro i ddenu chwaraewyr. Dywedodd fod tua 30 y cant o dimau yn yr ail a thrydedd adran amatur wedi gohirio gemau'r tymor hwn oherwydd prinder chwaraewyr. Dywedodd fod 80 y cant, wyth allan o bob 10—wedi gorfod gohirio o leiaf un gêm gan na allai'r gwrthwynebwyr ffurfio tîm. A gawn ni ddatganiad gan y Dirprwy Weinidog am ba drafodaethau y mae wedi'u cael gydag Undeb Rygbi Cymru ynghylch sicrhau bod gan rygbi ar lawr gwlad ddyfodol hyfyw yng Nghymru? A pheidiwch ag anghofio: dwi'n meddwl mai rygbi yw Cymru a Chymru yw rygbi. Diolch.

Thank you very much for that, and I would certainly agree with you in terms of the importance that we attach in Wales to our national sport. I know that the Deputy Minister will be having regular meetings with both Sport Wales and with colleagues in the Welsh Rugby Union to discuss issues relating to grass-roots sport in the round, but particularly to support for grass-roots rugby, and I will ask him to write to you with an update on his most recent discussions.

Diolch yn fawr iawn am hynny, a byddwn yn sicr yn cytuno â chi o ran y pwysigrwydd a roddwn yng Nghymru i'n camp genedlaethol. Gwn y bydd y Dirprwy Weinidog yn cynnal cyfarfodydd rheolaidd â Chwaraeon Cymru a chyda chydweithwyr yn Undeb Rygbi Cymru i drafod materion sy'n ymwneud â chwaraeon ar lawr gwlad yn eu cyfanrwydd, ond yn benodol i gefnogi rygbi ar lawr gwlad, a gofynnaf iddo ysgrifennu atoch gyda'r wybodaeth am ei drafodaethau diweddaraf.

14:25

Trefnydd, a report recently presented to Neath Port Talbot County Borough Council's Cabinet has threatened to withdraw from the Swansea bay city deal if sufficient progress isn't made over the coming months. Members will see parallels here with a similar threat to the education consortium, ERW, from the very same authority. Nevertheless, the loss of a local authority from the city deal, with the resulting uncertainty and upheaval, would clearly be unwelcome, particularly given recent difficulties. The report, written by the council's chief executive, Steve Phillips, also talks about remodelling three of the four projects that it currently leads on as part of that city deal.

Personally, I fail to see why any local authority would wish to reject UK and Welsh Government funding that could help economic growth within their locality. Clearly, as a regional Assembly Member, I would want to see Neath Port Talbot capitalising on the city deal funding available, so that it can try and tackle the hugely challenging set of economic circumstances that it faces. With Neath Port Talbot due to make a final decision on their city deal membership by the end of this year, will the Minister or Deputy Minister provide an update in terms of the work that they are doing with Neath Port Talbot on this matter? I would also look to the Welsh Government to confirm that if Neath Port Talbot were to withdraw from the city deal, other local authorities within the region would then be able to access the funding that was due to benefit Neath Port Talbot.

Trefnydd, mae adroddiad a gyflwynwyd yn ddiweddar i Gabinet Cyngor Bwrdeistref Sirol Castell-nedd Port Talbot wedi bygwth tynnu'n ôl o Fargen Ddinesig Bae Abertawe os na wneir digon o gynnydd dros y misoedd nesaf. Bydd yr Aelodau yn gweld cyffelybiaethau yma â bygythiad tebyg i'r consortiwm addysg, ERW, gan yr un awdurdod. Serch hynny, mae'n amlwg na fyddai croeso i golli cefnogaeth awdurdod lleol o'r fargen ddinesig, gyda'r ansicrwydd a'r cynnwrf fyddai'n deillio o hynny, yn enwedig o gofio'r anawsterau diweddar. Mae'r adroddiad, a ysgrifennwyd gan Brif Weithredwr y Cyngor, Steve Phillips, hefyd yn sôn am ailfodelu tri o'r pedwar prosiect y mae'n eu harwain ar hyn o bryd yn rhan o'r Fargen Ddinesig honno.

Yn bersonol, ni allaf weld pam y byddai unrhyw awdurdod lleol yn dymuno gwrthod cyllid gan Lywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Cymru a allai helpu i sicrhau twf economaidd yn eu hardal. Yn amlwg, fel Aelod Cynulliad rhanbarthol, byddwn yn awyddus i weld Castell-nedd Port Talbot yn manteisio ar y cyllid Bargen Ddinesig sydd ar gael, fel y gall geisio mynd i'r afael â'r gyfres o amgylchiadau economaidd heriol iawn y mae'n eu hwynebu. Gyda Chastell-nedd Port Talbot ar fin gwneud penderfyniad terfynol ar eu haelodaeth o'r Fargen Ddinesig erbyn diwedd y flwyddyn hon, a wnaiff y Gweinidog neu'r Dirprwy Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y gwaith y maent yn ei wneud gyda Chastell-nedd Port Talbot ar y mater hwn? Byddwn hefyd yn disgwyl i Lywodraeth Cymru gadarnhau pe bai Castell-nedd Port Talbot yn tynnu'n ôl o'r Fargen Ddinesig, y byddai awdurdodau lleol eraill o fewn y rhanbarth wedyn yn gallu cael gafael ar y cyllid a oedd ar gael er budd Castell-nedd Port Talbot.

Well, it is, of course, ultimately up to the leaders of the four local authorities to decide among themselves how they wish to strengthen the region's programme management office in response to the report that was published recently, and also to consider the roles of their committees and to prioritise the schemes and the programmes and the projects that they will bring forward. The Deputy Minister for Economy and Transport has recently reiterated his commitment to the Swansea bay city deal, and we stand ready, of course, to release funding to projects that demonstrate confidently that they are fit for purpose and can provide value for public money. But, may I suggest that you write to the Deputy Minister with your specific concerns, and when he is in a position to, he will respond regarding the specific actions that Neath Port Talbot may or may not take?    

Wel, mater i arweinwyr y pedwar awdurdod lleol yn y pen draw, wrth gwrs, yw penderfynu ymysg ei gilydd sut y maent am gryfhau swyddfa rheoli rhaglenni'r rhanbarth mewn ymateb i'r adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd yn ddiweddar. Mater iddyn nhw hefyd yw ystyried swyddogaethau eu pwyllgorau a blaenoriaethu'r cynlluniau a'r rhaglenni a'r prosiectau y byddant yn eu cyflwyno. Mae'r Dirprwy Weinidog dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth wedi ailadrodd ei ymrwymiad i Fargen Ddinesig Bae Abertawe yn ddiweddar, ac rydym yn barod, wrth gwrs, i ryddhau arian i brosiectau sy'n dangos yn hyderus eu bod yn addas i'w diben ac yn gallu rhoi gwerth am arian cyhoeddus. Ond, a gaf i awgrymu eich bod yn ysgrifennu at y Dirprwy Weinidog gyda'ch pryderon penodol, a phan fydd mewn sefyllfa i wneud hynny, y bydd yn ymateb o ran y camau penodol y gallai Castell-nedd Port Talbot eu cymryd, ai peidio?

On Thursday, Universities Wales will be publishing their report, 'Solving Future Skills Challenges in Wales', and it's going to be launched at the breakfast meeting on Thursday of the cross-party group on universities, which I chair, and to which all Members are invited, and attendance is expected. The report points out that our population here in Wales is generally older than in England and Scotland, as well as having lower levels of qualifications, and Members have talked a lot here about the potential impact of automation and the future of work in Wales, and how it would impact people's livelihoods in general, and their employability in particular.

A key question posed by the Universities Wales report is: how can we get more people of all ages higher up the skills ladder? That will be the subject of discussion in the cross-party group. Would the Trefnydd therefore be willing to commit to a debate on this subject in Welsh Government time, so that we can hear the views of the Minister for Education and the Deputy Minister for Economy and Transport, and have a detailed plan as to what they intend to do and how they intend to respond to that report?

Ddydd Iau, bydd Prifysgolion Cymru yn cyhoeddi eu hadroddiad,  'Datrys Heriau Sgiliau'r Dyfodol yng Nghymru', a bydd yn cael ei lansio yng nghyfarfod brecwast ddydd Iau o'r grŵp trawsbleidiol ar brifysgolion yr wyf yn gadeirydd arno. Mae gwahoddiad i'r holl Aelodau i fod yno, a disgwylir eu presenoldeb. Noda'r adroddiad fod ein poblogaeth yma yng Nghymru yn hŷn yn gyffredinol nag yn Lloegr a'r Alban. Hefyd mae gandddi lefelau is o gymwysterau. Mae'r Aelodau wedi sôn llawer yma am effaith bosibl awtomatiaeth a dyfodol gwaith yng Nghymru, a sut y byddai hyn yn effeithio ar fywoliaeth pobl yn gyffredinol, a'u cyflogadwyedd yn benodol.

Cwestiwn allweddol y mae adroddiad Prifysgol Cymru yn ei ofyn yw: sut y gallwn gael mwy o bobl o bob oed yn uwch i fyny'r ysgol sgiliau? Bydd hynny'n destun trafodaeth yn y grŵp trawsbleidiol. A fyddai'r Trefnydd felly'n barod i ymrwymo i ddadl ar y pwnc hwn yn amser Llywodraeth Cymru, fel y gallwn glywed barn y Gweinidog Addysg a'r Dirprwy Weinidog dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth, a chael cynllun manwl o ran yr hyn y maent yn bwriadu ei wneud a sut y maent yn bwriadu ymateb i'r adroddiad hwnnw?

Thank you very much, and I'm sure that colleagues in Government will be looking very carefully at the report that will be published on Thursday of this week, and I certainly expect good attendance for your event as well. In terms of the issues that you have raised, many of them are addressed through the approach that we are taking through the employability programme, which takes a different approach to the one that we've had before, which often has been about early intervention in ensuring that people have the best start in terms of their career. But, actually, we know that people will need support right throughout their career to upskill and move on to roles, and that people at all ages need the kind of support that the Welsh Government should be providing. I do think that that's encapsulated within the employability plan, but colleagues will have heard your request for a statement and the opportunity to debate it within the Chamber.  

Diolch yn fawr iawn, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd fy nghydweithwyr yn y Llywodraeth yn edrych yn ofalus iawn ar yr adroddiad a fydd yn cael ei gyhoeddi ddydd Iau'r wythnos hon, ac rwy'n sicr yn disgwyl presenoldeb da ar gyfer eich digwyddiad hefyd. O ran y materion yr ydych wedi'u codi, rydym yn ymateb i lawer ohonynt drwy'r dull gweithredu yr ydym yn ei ddilyn drwy'r rhaglen gyflogadwyedd, sy'n mynd ati mewn ffordd wahanol i'r un a fu gennym o'r blaen, a oedd yn aml yn ymwneud ag ymyrryd yn gynnar i sicrhau bod pobl yn cael y dechrau gorau o ran eu gyrfa. Ond, mewn gwirionedd, rydym yn gwybod bod angen cymorth ar bobl drwy gydol eu gyrfa i uwchsgilio a symud ymlaen i swyddi uwch, a bod ar bobl o bob oed angen y math o gymorth y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn ei ddarparu. Credaf fod hynny wedi'i grisialu yn y cynllun cyflogadwyedd, ond bydd fy nghyd-aelodau wedi clywed eich cais am ddatganiad a'r cyfle i gael dadl arno yn y Siambr.

Could I call for two statements? The first is on support for disabled people experiencing violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence in Wales. Last week, I chaired a joint meeting of the cross-party groups on disability and on violence against women and children, looking at the impact of violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence on disabled women. We produced a report—or, more importantly, we launched a report—jointly produced by Disability Wales and Welsh Women's Aid on supporting disabled people in these areas. Because evidence continues to show that disabled people are more likely to experience violence, abuse and sexual violence in these areas, yet support and resources for them are still limited. A series of recommendations were made—I haven't got time now to list them all, but I would urge the Welsh Government to look at those recommendations and respond accordingly.

Secondly, and finally, could I call for a report on support for deaf people and people who are hard of hearing in Wales? Because this is Deaf Awareness Week—6 to 12 May. We know that, for instance, the Department for Work and Pensions's Disability Confident campaign is encouraging Disability Confident employers to boost deaf awareness by checking out Action on Hearing Loss's employers' hub. We know that Remploy Cymru's work and health programme Wales includes people who are deaf or with hearing loss who need support. I was contacted this weekend by COS, the Centre of Sign Sight Sound, based in Colwyn Bay, of which I'm patron, talking about their project on deaf awareness for children, and the many activities they're taking across north Wales this week. And we also know—a few weeks ago, we debated the Deffo!, the voice of deaf youth in Wales, petition, when they stated that in 2003 the UK Government and in 2004, this place, the Assembly recognised British Sign Language as a language in its own right. But 16 years later, we've made little progress in some areas, and our education as a whole, a generation later, is still failing our deaf young people. It has to stop, and we have to do something about it. Given all these areas, the progress achieved, the good news, the third sector working, but also the problems that continue to be highlighted, I call for a statement recognising Deaf Awareness Week accordingly.

A gaf i alw am ddau ddatganiad? Mae'r cyntaf yn ymwneud â chymorth i bobl anabl sy'n profi trais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol yng Nghymru. Yr wythnos diwethaf, cadeiriais gyfarfod ar y cyd rhwng y grwpiau trawsbleidiol ar anabledd ac ar drais yn erbyn menywod a phlant, gan edrych ar effaith trais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol ar fenywod anabl. Lluniwyd adroddiad gennym—neu, yn bwysicach, lansiwyd adroddiad gennym—adroddiad a luniwyd ar y cyd gan Anabledd Cymru a Chymorth i Fenywod Cymru ar gefnogi pobl anabl yn y meysydd hyn. Mae tystiolaeth yn parhau i ddangos bod pobl anabl yn fwy tebygol o brofi trais, cam-drin a thrais rhywiol yn y meysydd hyn. Ond eto i gyd, mae'r cymorth a'r adnoddau ar eu cyfer yn dal yn gyfyngedig. Gwnaed cyfres o argymhellion—nid oes gennyf amser yn awr i'w rhestru i gyd, ond byddwn yn annog Llywodraeth Cymru i edrych ar yr argymhellion hynny ac ymateb yn unol â hynny.

Yn ail, ac yn olaf, a gaf i alw am adroddiad ar gymorth i bobl fyddar a phobl sy'n drwm eu clyw yng Nghymru? Oherwydd mae'r wythnos hon yn  Wythnos Ymwybyddiaeth o fod yn Fyddar—6 i 12 Mai. Rydym yn gwybod, er enghraifft, bod ymgyrch Hyderus o Ran Anabledd yr Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau yn annog cyflogwyr Hyderus o Ran Anabledd i hybu ymwybyddiaeth o fyddardod drwy edrych ar ganolfan cyflogwyr 'Action on Hearing Loss'. Gwyddom fod gwaith a rhaglen iechyd Remploy Cymru yn cynnwys pobl sy'n fyddar neu sydd â nam ar eu clyw sydd angen cymorth arnynt. Cysylltwyd â mi'r penwythnos hwn gan COS, y Ganolfan Arwyddo Golwg Sain, sydd wedi'i lleoli ym Mae Colwyn ac sy'n cael ei chefnogi gennyf i, yn siarad am eu prosiect ar ymwybyddiaeth o fyddardod i blant, a'r llu o weithgareddau y maent yn eu trefnu ar draws y Gogledd yr wythnos hon. Ac rydym hefyd yn gwybod—ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, cawsom ddadl ar ddeiseb DEFFO!, llais pobl ifanc fyddar yng Nghymru, pan wnaethant nodi yn 2003 fod Llywodraeth y DU ac yn 2004, y lle hwn, fod y Cynulliad yn cydnabod iaith arwyddion Prydain fel iaith yn ei rhinwedd ei hun. Ond 16 mlynedd yn ddiweddarach, nid ydym wedi gwneud llawer o gynnydd mewn rhai meysydd, ac mae ein haddysg yn gyffredinol, genhedlaeth yn ddiweddarach, yn dal i wneud cam â'n pobl ifanc fyddar. Rhaid rhoi diwedd ar hyn, a rhaid inni wneud rhywbeth am y peth. O ystyried yr holl feysydd hyn, y cynnydd a wnaed, y newyddion da, gwaith y trydydd sector, ond hefyd y problemau sy'n parhau i gael eu hamlygu, galwaf am ddatganiad i gydnabod Wythnos Ymwybyddiaeth o Fyddardod yn unol â hynny. 

14:30

Thank you for raising both of those issues. With regard to the violence against women, and particularly against disabled women, I would be very grateful if you would share a copy of the report that you referred to with me, and I'll be sure that the relevant Minister is able, then, to explore the report and look at the recommendations for Welsh Government that are within it. And the health Minister has indicated that he would be happy to write with an update on the support for people who are deaf and who are hard of hearing across the range of issues that you've outlined in your question today.

Diolch ichi am godi'r materion hynny. O ran y trais yn erbyn menywod, ac yn enwedig yn erbyn menywod anabl, byddwn yn ddiolchgar iawn pe baech yn rhannu copi o'r adroddiad y cyfeiriasoch ato gyda mi, a byddaf yn sicr y gall y Gweinidog perthnasol, felly, archwilio'r adroddiad ac edrych ar yr argymhellion i Lywodraeth Cymru sydd ynddi. Mae'r Gweinidog Iechyd hefyd wedi dweud y byddai'n fodlon ysgrifennu i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y gefnogaeth i bobl fyddar a phobl sy'n drwm eu clyw ar yr holl faterion yr ydych wedi sôn amdanynt yn eich cwestiwn heddiw.

I, like many other people, am concerned about the treatment of homeless people in this country. I was horrified to see the Labour-run Cardiff Council forcibly evict homeless people from parkland in Museum Avenue. People might have seen one homeless man crying out as his belongings were tossed into the back of a flatbed van, heading for who knows where. 'They basically just took my world' was how we responded. Now, I know the Minister with responsibility for homelessness was not happy with the punitive approach her Labour Party colleagues on Cardiff Council took to tackling homelessness in the city centre. She, like me, was probably left wondering why they seemed to take the advice of a Tory councillor who said, 'Tear down the tents in the city centre'. So, will the Welsh Government join me in condemning the actions of Cardiff Council? And can we also have a statement from the Government outlining good and compassionate practice in terms of dealing with homeless people, who are amongst the most vulnerable in our society, and, of course, who are growing in number? And taking a compassionate approach to tackling homelessness would also involve repealing the Vagrancy Act of 1824. Because of their extra autonomy, Scotland and the north of Ireland have already repealed this archaic legislation, which specifically criminalises rough-sleeping and begging. We can't wait for Westminster to get rid of legislation that's been around for nearly 200 years. This is yet another reason why we need full devolution of our criminal justice system, so that we can develop workable, compassionate and evidence-based laws that tackle the problems that we have in society and not allow them to be added to.

Rwyf i, fel llawer o bobl eraill, yn pryderu am y modd y caiff pobl ddigartref eu trin yn y wlad hon. Roeddwn yn arswydo o weld Cyngor Caerdydd, sy'n cael ei redeg gan Lafur, yn troi pobl ddigartref allan o barcdir yn Rhodfa'r Amgueddfa. Efallai fod pobl wedi gweld un dyn digartref yn gweiddi gan fod ei eiddo wedi'i daflu i gefn fan, a phwy a ŵyr i ble yr aeth honno. 'Maen nhw wedi cymryd fy myd i, yn y bôn' oedd ei ymateb. Nawr, gwn nad oedd y Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol am ddigartrefedd yn hapus â'r dull o gosbi a gymerodd ei chyd-aelodau yn y Blaid Lafur ar Gyngor Caerdydd wrth fynd i'r afael â digartrefedd yng nghanol y ddinas. Mae'n debyg ei bod hi, fel minnau, yn meddwl tybed pam yr oeddent fel petai'n cymryd cyngor gan gynghorydd Torïaidd a ddywedodd, 'Tynnwch y pebyll yng nghanol y ddinas i lawr'. Felly, a wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru ymuno â mi i gondemnio'r camau a gymerwyd gan Gyngor Caerdydd? Ac a gawn ni hefyd ddatganiad gan y Llywodraeth yn amlinellu arfer dda a thosturiol o ran ymdrin â phobl ddigartref, sydd ymhlith y rhai mwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas, ac, wrth gwrs, sy'n cynyddu mewn niferoedd? Byddai gweithredu mewn modd tosturiol wrth fynd i'r afael â digartrefedd hefyd yn golygu diddymu Deddf Crwydradaeth 1824. Oherwydd eu hymreolaeth ychwanegol, mae'r Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon eisoes wedi diddymu'r ddeddfwriaeth hynafol hon, sy'n barnu bod cysgu allan a chardota yn drosedd. Allwn ni ddim aros i San Steffan gael gwared ar ddeddfwriaeth sydd wedi bodoli ers bron 200 o flynyddoedd. Mae hwn yn rheswm arall eto pam mae angen datganoli ein system cyfiawnder troseddol yn llawn, er mwyn inni allu datblygu deddfau ymarferol, tosturiol a seiliedig ar dystiolaeth sy'n mynd i'r afael â'r problemau sydd gennym mewn cymdeithas ac nid yn caniatáu ychwanegu atynt.

We clearly recognise the complex and difficult balance that local authorities do have to strike between supporting individuals and also responding to wider community safety issues, and those are challenges that the police also have to face. But supporting rough-sleepers off the streets and into accommodation isn't always easy, but it is our expectation that local authorities and services, including the police, do take a trauma-informed approach to doing that, and ensuring that the individual is at the heart of any actions that are taken.

You mentioned having that compassionate approach, and Welsh Government has invested in psychologically informed training for front-line housing professionals, and we would expect local authorities also to take a trauma-informed approach to all service delivery. Front-line services will often be dealing with extremely vulnerable individuals, particularly rough-sleepers, and whether the issue being raised is one of anti-social behaviour or drug use, supporting that individual to get the help that they need has to be at the heart of any response. I know that the Minister for Housing and Local Government is taking a very strong interest in this and showing strong leadership on it. She's established a taskforce with Cardiff Council and the prison service, which will look to offer people accommodation who are in these very vulnerable situations, through the housing first model in Cardiff.

Rydym yn cydnabod yn glir y cydbwysedd cymhleth ac anodd y mae awdurdodau lleol yn gorfod ei sicrhau rhwng cefnogi unigolion a hefyd ymateb i faterion ehangach sy'n ymwneud â diogelwch cymunedol, ac mae'r rheini'n heriau y mae'n rhaid i'r heddlu eu hwynebu hefyd. Nid yw cefnogi'r rhai sy'n cysgu allan ar y strydoedd a sicrhau llety iddynt bob amser yn hawdd, ond rydym yn disgwyl i awdurdodau lleol a gwasanaethau, gan gynnwys yr heddlu, fynd ati i wneud hynny ar sail gwybodaeth am drawma, a sicrhau bod yr unigolyn wrth wraidd unrhyw gamau a gymerir.

Soniasoch am y dull tosturiol hwnnw, ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi buddsoddi mewn hyfforddiant sy'n seiliedig ar seicoleg ar gyfer gweithwyr tai proffesiynol yn y rheng flaen, a byddem yn disgwyl i awdurdodau lleol hefyd fynd ati i weithredu ar sail gwybodaeth am drawma o ran pob gwasanaeth cyflawni. Bydd gwasanaethau rheng flaen yn aml yn ymdrin ag unigolion sy'n agored iawn i niwed, yn enwedig pobl sy'n cysgu allan, ac os yw'r mater dan sylw yn ymwneud ag ymddygiad gwrthgymdeithasol neu ddefnyddio cyffuriau, mae cynorthwyo'r unigolyn hwnnw i gael y cymorth y mae ei angen arno'n ganolog i unrhyw ymateb. Gwn fod y Gweinidog dros Dai a Llywodraeth Leol yn cymryd diddordeb mawr yn hyn ac yn dangos arweiniad cryf yn y maes hwn. Mae wedi sefydlu tasglu gyda Chyngor Caerdydd a'r gwasanaeth carchardai, a fydd yn ceisio cynnig llety i bobl sydd yn y sefyllfaoedd bregus iawn hyn, drwy'r model tai cyntaf yng Nghaerdydd.

14:35

Last week I had the pleasure of meeting with the Go Girls, Go Brothers, Pobl, parents and Newport youth forum to discuss first-hand their experiences on universal credit. They spoke powerfully about the impact on their own lives. One key point that was discussed was that parents under the age of 25 are £66 a month worse off since the introduction of this scheme. Now, these families are not just statistics on a piece of paper, and it's painfully evident that this damaging and unfair policy from the Tory Government in Westminster is penalising and trapping these young people. Can we have a statement and update on what pressure the Welsh Government is putting on the UK Government to change this policy, and will you join me in commending the Go Girls, Go Brothers, Pobl, parents and Newport youth forum for their determined campaign? They certainly are a force to be reckoned with.

Yr wythnos diwethaf cefais y pleser o gwrdd â'r Fforwm 'Go Girls, Go Brothers,' pobl, rhieni a phobl ifanc Casnewydd i drafod wyneb yn wyneb am eu profiadau gyda chredyd cynhwysol. Siaradwyd yn rymus am yr effaith ar eu bywydau eu hunain. Un pwynt allweddol a drafodwyd oedd bod rhieni dan 25 oed ar eu colled o £66 y mis ers cyflwyno'r cynllun hwn. Nawr, nid ystadegau ar ddarn o bapur yn unig yw'r teuluoedd hyn, ac mae'n boenus o amlwg bod y polisi niweidiol ac annheg hwn gan y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan yn cosbi ac yn caethiwo'r bobl ifanc hyn. A gawn ni ddatganiad a diweddariad ynglŷn â pha bwysau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei roi ar Lywodraeth y DU i newid y polisi hwn, ac a wnewch chi ymuno â mi i ganmol y Fforwm Go Girls, Go Brothers, pobl, rhieni a phobl ifanc Casnewydd am eu hymgyrch benderfynol? Yn sicr, maent yn garfan hynod effeithiol.

I will certainly join you in complimenting those organisations on the work that they're doing to share their own real-life experiences and the challenges that they face, and to talk so openly about those things with people who they hope they're able to make a difference for them. I know that the Minister with responsibility for our liaison with the UK Government on all matters with welfare reform frequently raises various concerns relating to universal credit. I'll be sure to ensure that the issues relating specifically to young people—and the fact that they are worse off now, and, as you say, find themselves that they are penalised and being trapped in their current situations—are issues that are raised with the UK Government, and I'll ask the Minister to let you know the most recent representations that have been made. 

Yn sicr, ymunaf â chi i ganmol y sefydliadau hynny am y gwaith a wnânt i rannu eu profiadau real eu hunain a'r heriau y maent yn eu hwynebu, ac i siarad mor agored am y pethau hynny gyda phobl y maent yn gobeithio y byddant yn gallu gwneud gwahaniaeth  iddynt. Gwn fod y Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol am ein cyswllt â Llywodraeth y DU ar yr holl faterion sy'n ymwneud â diwygio lles yn aml yn codi amryw o bryderon ynghylch credyd cynhwysol. Byddaf yn siŵr o sicrhau bod y materion sy'n ymwneud yn benodol â phobl ifanc—a'r ffaith eu bod yn waeth eu byd yn awr, ac, fel y dywedwch, eu bod yn cael eu cosbi a'u caethiwo yn eu sefyllfaoedd presennol— yn faterion a godir gyda Llywodraeth y DU, ac fe ofynnaf i'r Gweinidog roi gwybod ichi am y sylwadau diweddaraf a wnaed.

Organiser, could I seek two statements, or certainly ministerial clarification? One is in relation to the environmental impact assessment that I've asked you and your predecessors about 101 times about Barry incinerator. We're in a new term, I live in hope—God loves a trier, he does—and I've tried long and hard in this Chamber to try and illicit some response from the Minister on this. Residents in Barry and beyond are very anxious to understand why the Minister has not carried out what she indicated was her favourite option, and instructed that an environmental impact assessment would be delivered for this particular site. I understand she was seeking legal clarification and legal advice. We are now 15 months—15 months—after that willingness from the Minister in ministerial questions back in February of last year was indicated. Surely the Government can come forward with a position on this after 15 months. 

And secondly, from the Cabinet Secretary for the environment and rural affairs, could I seek some form of timeline that she'll be responding to this—I think it was your own working group this year, Minister, tackling agricultural pollution? It was a very varied group of individuals and organisations that came together to bring recommendations forward to the Minister so that she could understand how agricultural pollution could be tackled without the need to revert to the nitrate vulnerable zones proposals that the Minister has brought forward at the moment. Those proposals are due to be enacted on 1 January 2020. It does seem slightly remarkable to me that there hasn't been a formal response, at least to the recommendations for the Government contained within this report. So, could I have an indication as to when the Minister might be responding to those recommendations? It seems that they enjoyed widespread support from all organisations that drew them up, where compromise was the order of the day from all parties, to come forward with a blueprint that wouldn't revert to legislation. So, if we could have an understanding of how that's progressing I'd be most grateful.

Trefnydd, a gaf i ofyn am ddau ddatganiad, neu eglurhad Gweinidogol yn sicr? Mae un yn ymwneud â'r asesiad o'r effaith amgylcheddol yr wyf wedi'i ofyn i chi a'ch rhagflaenwyr tua 101 o weithiau am losgydd y Barri. Yr ydym mewn tymor newydd, yr wyf yn byw mewn gobaith—mae Duw o blaid y rhai sy'n ymdrechu— ac yr wyf wedi gwneud hynny gyda'm holl egni am amser hir yn y Siambr hon i geisio cael unrhyw ymateb gan y Gweinidog am hyn. Mae trigolion y Barri a thu hwnt yn awyddus iawn i ddeall pam nad yw'r Gweinidog wedi ymgymryd â'r hyn a ddywedodd oedd ei hoff opsiwn, ac a ddywedodd y byddai asesiad o'r effaith amgylcheddol yn cael ei gynnal ar gyfer y safle penodol hwn. Deallaf iddo fod yn ceisio eglurhad cyfreithiol a chyngor cyfreithiol. Yr ydym bellach 15 mis—15 mis— ar ôl nodi'r parodrwydd hwnnw gan y Gweinidog mewn cwestiynau i Weinidogion yn ôl ym mis Chwefror y llynedd. Siawns na all y Llywodraeth gyflwyno safbwynt ar hyn ar ôl 15 mis.  

Ac yn ail, gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Amgylchedd a materion gwledig, a gaf i geisio rhyw fath o amserlen pryd y bydd hi'n ymateb i hyn—credaf mai eich gweithgor chi ydoedd eleni, Weinidog, yn mynd i'r afael â llygredd amaethyddol? Yr oedd yn grŵp amrywiol iawn o unigolion a sefydliadau a ddaeth at ei gilydd i gyflwyno argymhellion i'r Gweinidog fel y gallai ddeall sut y gellid mynd i'r afael â llygredd amaethyddol heb orfod troi'n ôl at y cynigion parthau perygl nitradau y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'u cyflwyno ar hyn o bryd. Mae disgwyl i'r cynigion hynny gael eu deddfu ar 1 Ionawr 2020. Mae'n ymddangos braidd yn rhyfedd i mi nad oes ymateb ffurfiol wedi bod, o leiaf i'r argymhellion ar gyfer y Llywodraeth sydd yn yr adroddiad hwn. Felly, a allwn gael syniad ynghylch pryd y bydd y Gweinidog efallai'n ymateb i'r argymhellion hynny? Mae'n ymddangos eu bod wedi cael cefnogaeth eang gan yr holl gyrff a'u lluniodd, lle'r oedd pob plaid yn barod i gyfaddawdu, i gyflwyno glasbrint na fyddai'n troi'n ôl at ddeddfwriaeth. Felly, os gallwn ni ddeall sut mae hynny'n mynd rhagddo, byddwn yn ddiolchgar iawn.

Thank you for raising both of these issues, and no-one would like more than me not to have to discuss the Barry incinerator with you in business statement week after week, but, unfortunately, we still don't have the legal clarification that we need to be able to bring a resolution there. 

On the issue of agricultural pollution, the Minister has indicated that she will bring forward a statement before the end of this term. 

Diolch ichi am godi'r ddau fater hyn, ac fe fyddai'n well gen i beidio gorfod trafod llosgydd y Barri gyda chi mewn datganiad busnes wythnos ar ôl wythnos, ond, gwaetha'r modd, nid oes gennym eto'r eglurhad cyfreithiol sydd ei angen inni allu datrys hyn.

Ar fater llygredd amaethyddol, mae'r Gweinidog wedi dweud y bydd yn cyflwyno datganiad cyn diwedd y tymor hwn.

14:40

Hoffwn i ofyn am ddau ddatganiad, os gwelwch yn dda. Mae nifer o ddisgyblion yn cael eu rhoi o dan anfantais am nad ydy llyfrynnau adolygu rhai o'r pynciau TGAU ar gael drwy'r Gymraeg, a hynny wythnosau yn unig cyn yr arholiadau. Yn benodol, dwi'n sôn am fathemateg uwch a busnes. Does yna ddim pwynt o gwbl iddyn nhw gyrraedd mewn pryd i'r arholiad, fel mae CBAC yn ei ddatgan heddiw.

Yr haf y llynedd, fe gyhoeddwyd adroddiad ar yr union bwnc yma gan y pwyllgor plant a phobl ifanc, efo nifer o argymhellion cynhwysfawr i geisio rhoi trefn ar y sefyllfa, ond dyma ni unwaith eto yn trafod y broblem. Mi fyddai'n ddefnyddiol iawn i Aelodau'r Cynulliad gael gwybod beth ddigwyddodd i'r argymhellion hynny, a pha weithredu fu arnyn nhw. Ac felly, hoffwn ofyn am ddatganiad gan y Llywodraeth yn nodi hynny, a hefyd pa gamau fydd yn cael eu cymryd gan y Llywodraeth i wneud yn siŵr na fyddwn ni ddim yn trafod hyn yn fan hyn eto y flwyddyn nesa. Mae'n bryd i hyn gael ei sortio, ac mae'n bryd i bobl ifanc yng Nghymru gael chwarae teg llawn ym mha bynnag iaith maen nhw'n dewis gwneud eu cyrsiau. 

Gan droi at bwnc arall: mae naw o awdurdodau lleol yng Nghymru bellach o'r farn bod angen i'r Llywodraeth ddileu'r anomali yma sy'n golygu nad ydy rhai perchnogion tai gwyliau yn talu unrhyw drethi. A dwi'n llongyfarch y naw awdurdod yma sydd wedi datgan hynny yn glir wythnos diwethaf. Dwi yn cyfarfod eich swyddogion chi i drafod hyn cyn bo hir, ond mae angen yr arweiniad gwleidyddol. Felly, a gaf i ofyn i chi am ddatganiad ar ba gamau mae eich Llywodraeth chi yn eu hystyried er mwyn datrys y sefyllfa anfoddhaol hon? Mi allai'r £2 filiwn sy'n cael ei cholli o goffrau Cyngor Gwynedd oherwydd hyn—. Mi fyddai'r arian yna yn medru cael ei ddefnyddio i ddiwallu'r angen am dai yn y maes cymdeithasol ac i gynyddu'r stoc tai ar gyfer pobl leol.

I would like to ask for two statements. Many pupils are placed at a disadvantage because revision textbooks for some GCSE subjects aren’t available through the medium of Welsh, and that’s just weeks before the exams. I’m specifically talking about higher maths and business. Now, there’s no point whatsoever for them to arrive in time for the exam, as WJEC have stated today.

In the summer of last year, a report was published on this very topic by the children and young people committee, with a number of recommendations made that were far-reaching in order to put the situation right, but here we are once again discussing this very same problem. It would be very useful for Assembly Members to receive an update on what happened to those recommendations, and what action has been taken on them? Therefore, I would like to ask for a statement from the Government noting that, and also I’d like to ask what steps will now be taken by Government to ensure that we aren’t discussing this in this place again next year. It’s time that this was sorted out, and it’s time that young people in Wales had full fair play in whatever language they study.

In turning to another subject, nine local authorities in Wales are now of the view that the Government needs to address this anomaly that means that some owners of holiday homes don’t pay any taxes. And I congratulate these nine authorities that have stated that clearly last week. I will be meeting your officials to discuss this in due time, but we need the political leadership here. So, may I ask you for a statement on what steps your Government is considering in order to resolve this unfortunate situation and unsatisfactory situation? The £2 million lost to the coffers of Gwynedd Council as a result of this—that money could be used to meet the need for social housing in the area and to increase the housing stock for local people.

Thank you very much. On the first issue of the Welsh-medium resources to support WJEC qualifications, I am able to provide an update, which is that we are committed to ensuring that the relevant resources are available to Welsh-medium learners, and we invest over £2.7 million annually to ensure this provision. In 2018-19, a grant funding amount of £1.1 million was awarded to the WJEC to provide Welsh versions of textbooks, including revision materials that are published commercially by publishers in England, and we will be increasing this grant funding in 2019-20 to £1.25 million, and that will equate to a further 50 new titles. Positive steps were taken last year by the WJEC and the publishers to reduce the lead-in time between the production of English textbooks and the availability to schools of the Welsh-language versions, and under the new curriculum, Welsh Government is working with partners to establish a new infrastructure in Wales for the production of relevant resources in both languages at the same time in the future. 

On the issue of the homes that are moving from paying council tax to seeking to pay business rates, of course I did send quite a detailed letter to you in terms of the steps that Welsh Government is taking to address this issue, and I'm pleased that you're able to take up that offer to have a briefing with officials in terms of Welsh Government action in this area. We do recognise that there is potentially an issue and that there should be safeguards in place, in the sense that houses or homes have to be available to rent for a certain number of days a year. But if there are individuals who are working their way around those rules, then perhaps we are needing to look at ways in which to expand on tightening up those rules. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn. O ran y mater cyntaf yn ymwneud â'r adnoddau cyfrwng Cymraeg i gefnogi cymwysterau CBAC, gallaf ddarparu'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf, sef ein bod wedi ymrwymo i sicrhau bod yr adnoddau perthnasol ar gael i ddysgwyr cyfrwng Cymraeg, ac rydym yn buddsoddi dros £2.7 miliwn bob blwyddyn i sicrhau'r ddarpariaeth hon. Yn 2018-19, dyfarnwyd swm o £1.1 miliwn o arian grant i CBAC i ddarparu fersiynau Cymraeg o werslyfrau, gan gynnwys deunyddiau adolygu a gyhoeddir yn fasnachol gan gyhoeddwyr yn Lloegr. Byddwn yn cynyddu'r arian grant hwn yn 2019-20 i £1.25 miliwn, a bydd hynny'n cyfateb i 50 o deitlau newydd eraill. Cymerwyd camau cadarnhaol y llynedd gan CBAC a'r cyhoeddwyr i leihau'r amser paratoi rhwng cynhyrchu gwerslyfrau Saesneg a phryd mae'r fersiynau Cymraeg ar gael i ysgolion, ac o dan y cwricwlwm newydd, mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda phartneriaid i sefydlu seilwaith newydd yng Nghymru ar gyfer cynhyrchu adnoddau perthnasol yn y ddwy iaith ar yr un pryd yn y dyfodol.  

O ran y cartrefi sy'n symud o dalu'r dreth gyngor i geisio talu ardrethi busnes, wrth gwrs fe anfonais lythyr eithaf manwl atoch yn nodi'r camau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i fynd i'r afael â'r mater hwn, ac rwy'n falch eich bod yn gallu manteisio ar y cyfle i gael sesiwn friffio gyda swyddogion o ran camau gweithredu Llywodraeth Cymru yn y maes hwn. Rydym yn cydnabod bod problem o bosibl ac y dylid cael mesurau diogelu ar waith, yn yr ystyr fod yn rhaid i dai neu gartrefi fod ar gael i'w rhentu am nifer penodol o ddyddiau'r flwyddyn. Ond os oes yna unigolion sy'n ceisio gweithredu o amgylch y rheolau hynny, yna efallai fod angen inni edrych ar ffyrdd o fynd rhagddi i dynhau'r rheolau hynny.  

Trefnydd, last week, I had the opportunity to visit a community pharmacy in Caergwlre in my constituency of Alyn and Deeside. And it's doing some fantastic work and is leading the way on the pilot scheme for a sore throat test and treat service in Wales. It's already delivered great results by radically reducing the amounts of medicine prescribed and reducing the pressure on local general practitioner services. Therefore, could the Minister for health bring forward a statement and update on this pilot scheme, because I actually think it would be a great benefit to Wales and our GP services to roll this out, to be well ahead of the game, ahead of this year's winter pressures that we will face?

Secondly, Llywydd, in Wales, as many people know, we are celebrating 20 years of devolution. And I truly am looking forward to both your and the First Minister's address to the Senedd Chamber later on. But, with your permission, can I pay a personal tribute to all those Assembly Members, including dad, who are no longer with us any more? It was 18 months ago today when we sadly lost dad, and I do know that he would love to be here with us. So, can I say 'thank you' to all those Assembly Members who are no longer here on behalf of Wales, to their families as well, for their commitment and hard work towards their communities and the people of Wales? [Applause.]

Trefnydd, yr wythnos diwethaf, cefais gyfle i ymweld â fferyllfa gymunedol yng Nghaergwrle yn fy etholaeth i, sef Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy. Ac mae'n gwneud gwaith gwych ac yn arwain y ffordd ar y cynllun peilot ar gyfer gwasanaeth profi a thrin dolur gwddf yng Nghymru. Mae wedi cael canlyniadau gwych eisoes drwy leihau'n sylweddol nifer y meddyginiaethau a ragnodir a lleihau'r pwysau ar wasanaethau meddygon teulu lleol. Felly, a wnaiff y Gweinidog Iechyd gyflwyno datganiad a diweddariad am y cynllun peilot hwn, oherwydd credaf y byddai o fudd mawr i Gymru ac i'n gwasanaethau meddygon teulu gyflwyno hyn, er mwyn bod ymhell ar y blaen, cyn inni wynebu pwysau'r gaeaf eleni?

Yn ail, Llywydd, yng Nghymru, fel y gŵyr llawer o bobl, rydym yn dathlu 20 mlynedd o ddatganoli. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn wir at eich anerchiad chi a'r Prif Weinidog i Siambr y Senedd yn nes ymlaen. Ond, gyda'ch caniatâd chi, a gaf i dalu teyrnged bersonol i bob un o'r Aelodau Cynulliad hynny, gan gynnwys fy nhad, sydd ddim gyda ni mwyach? Mae'n ddeunaw mis yn ôl i heddiw ers inni golli dad yn anffodus, a gwn y byddai wrth ei fodd yn cael bod yma gyda ni. Felly, a gaf fi ddweud 'Diolch' wrth yr holl Aelodau Cynulliad hynny nad ydynt yma bellach ar ran Cymru, i'w teuluoedd hefyd, am eu hymroddiad a'u gwaith caled dros eu cymunedau a phobl Cymru? [Cymeradwyaeth.]

14:45

Thank you very much, Jack. On the issue of community pharmacies, I know the Minister does update regularly. I know there was a written statement just a short while ago relating to community pharmacy, but you'll certainly be watching that pilot scheme very closely, and I will ask the Minister to think about when the next appropriate moment will be to talk about that.FootnoteLink

And I would absolutely endorse everything that you've said, on behalf of the Welsh Government, in terms of celebrating the contribution and remembering the contribution of all those Members of the Assembly who are no longer here. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Jack. O ran fferyllfeydd cymunedol, gwn fod y Gweinidog yn rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf yn rheolaidd. Gwn fod datganiad ysgrifenedig wedi ei chyflwyno ychydig amser yn ôl yn ymwneud â fferylliaeth gymunedol, ond byddwch yn sicr yn gwylio'r cynllun peilot hwnnw'n agos iawn, a byddaf yn gofyn i'r Gweinidog ystyried pryd fydd y tro nesaf y bydd yn briodol siarad am hynny.FootnoteLink

Byddwn yn llwyr gefnogi popeth yr ydych wedi'i ddweud, ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru, o ran dathlu'r cyfraniad a chofio cyfraniad holl Aelodau'r Cynulliad nad ydynt yma mwyach.

Gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynglŷn â phrosesau ymgynghori'r Llywodraeth, oherwydd bydd nifer ohonom ni, dwi'n siwr, weid cael tipyn o fraw o ddeall yn ddiweddar fod yna ddeiseb a gyflwynwyd i'r Pwyllgor Deisebau yn y Cynulliad yma, er bod yna filoedd lawer o enwau arni hi, dim ond 12 y cant o'r enwau hynny oedd â chyfeiriadau yng Nghymru? Ac, felly, roedd hynny'n codi cwestiwn, a mater i'r Pwyllgor Deisebau yw hynny, ond, wrth gwrs, mi gododd e yn fy meddwl i wedyn, 'Wel, beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud mewn ymatebion maen nhw'n eu derbyn i ymgynghoriadau? Sut gallwn ni, fel Aelodau fan hyn, fod yn sicr bod y Llywodraeth yn rhoi weighting addas i ymatebion o Gymru, oherwydd mi fydd deisebau yn cael eu cyflwyno fel rhan o ymatebion i ymgynghoriadau?' Mi fydd ymatebion sy'n cael eu cynhyrchu ar y we gan grwpiau, mudiadau ymgyrchu a lobio hefyd yn cyfrannu at yr ymgynghoriadau hynny. A dwi'n meddwl, o ran tryloywder, a wnewch chi, fel Llywodraeth, ystyried cyhoeddi pa ganran o bob ymgynhoriad rŷch chi'n derbyn—a ddim restrospectively efallai, ond o hyn ymlaen—eich bod chi'n cyhoeddi pa ganran o bob ymateb neu o bob ymgynghoriad sydd â'r ymatebion yn dod o Gymru, fel ein bod ni'n gallu bod yn glir bod y Llywodraeth yn rhoi ystyriaeth lawn i'r ymatebion hynny sy'n dod gan etholwyr Cymreig. 

May I ask for a statement from the Welsh Government on the Government’s consultation processes, because many of us will have been quite shocked to understand recently that a petition presented to the Petitions Committee in this Assembly, despite having thousands of signatories, only 12 per cent of those names had addresses in Wales? That raises a question, which is a matter for the Petitions Committee, of course, but it encouraged me to think, ‘Well, what does the Welsh Government do with the responses that it receives to consultations, and how can we as Members here be assured that the Government is giving appropriate weighting to responses from Wales, because petitions will be presented as part of responses to consultations?' Responses provided online by certain pressure groups and lobbyists will also contribute to those consultations. So, in terms of transparency, will you as a Government consider publishing what percentage of all consultations—and not retrospectively, perhaps, but from here on in—that you publish what percentage of responses to consultations have responses coming from Wales so that we can be clear that the Government is giving full consideration to those responses coming from Welsh constituents?

I'll certainly give consideration to what you've said and write to you with a response in terms of our approach to the information we publish and how we consider that weighting in relative terms from the people who respond from Wales and from elsewhere. 

Byddaf yn sicr yn rhoi ystyriaeth i'r hyn yr ydych wedi'i ddweud ac yn ysgrifennu atoch gydag ymateb o ran ein dull ni o ymdrin â'r wybodaeth a gyhoeddwn a sut rydym yn ystyried y pwysoliad hwnnw mewn termau cymharol gan y bobl sy'n ymateb o Gymru ac o fannau eraill.

I wanted to thank the Welsh Government, and the Minister for International Affairs and Welsh Language in particular, for writing a letter at my request last week to Jeremy Hunt, asking him to intervene in the case of my constituent, Imam Sis. This was a truly welcome intervention and I am sincerely grateful for it. Members might be aware that Imam Sis is now critically ill. He's been on hunger strike for 142 days. His condition is very serious. Could I ask the Welsh Government please to give an update to Members on the floor of this house on recent developments and, also, to please write to the European committee for the prevention of torture highlighting the case of Abdullah Öcalan, as it was instructed to do by this place on 20 March?  

Roeddwn am ddiolch i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac i'r Gweinidog dros faterion rhyngwladol a'r Iaith Gymraeg yn benodol, am ysgrifennu llythyr ar fy nghais i yr wythnos diwethaf at Jeremy Hunt, yn gofyn iddo ymyrryd yn achos fy etholwr, Imam Sis. Roedd hwn yn ymyriad a groesewir yn fawr ac rwyf yn wirioneddol ddiolchgar amdano. Efallai fod yr Aelodau yn gwybod bod Imam Sis bellach yn ddifrifol wael. Mae wedi bod ar streic newyn am 142 diwrnod. Mae ei gyflwr yn ddifrifol iawn. A gaf i ofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau yn y siambr hon am ddatblygiadau diweddar a, hefyd, i ysgrifennu at y Pwyllgor Ewropeaidd er atal artaith gan dynnu sylw at achos Abdullah Öcalan, fel y cyfarwyddwyd i'w wneud gan y lle hwn ar 20 Mawrth?

Thank you very much for raising what is an extremely important issue, which many people feel very, very passionately about, as we saw, I think, here in the debate that we had in the Assembly. As you say, the Minister for International Relations and Welsh Language has written to Jeremy Hunt, and she enclosed a copy of the letter, where she set out very clearly the seriousness of the situation as it currently stands. She also included a link to the transcript of the debate that we had here in the Assembly so that all of the contributions to that debate could be considered. And she was very clear that, given the UK Government's strong tradition of opposing human rights abuses, she would be very grateful if the issues, which were specifically spoken about in the debate and in your correspondence, could be addressed by the UK Government. And I'm sure that she'll share a copy of the response as soon as she receives it. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn am godi mater eithriadol o bwysig, un y mae llawer o bobl yn teimlo'n angerddol iawn yn ei gylch, fel y gwelsom, fe gredaf, yma yn y ddadl a gawsom yn y Cynulliad. Fel y dywedwch, mae'r Gweinidog dros gysylltiadau rhyngwladol a'r Iaith Gymraeg wedi ysgrifennu at Jeremy Hunt, ac amgaeodd gopi o'r llythyr, lle nododd yn glir iawn ddifrifoldeb y sefyllfa fel y mae ar hyn o bryd. Roedd hefyd wedi cynnwys dolen i drawsgrifiad o'r ddadl a gawsom yma yn y Cynulliad fel y gellid ystyried yr holl gyfraniadau i'r ddadl honno. Ac roedd hi'n glir iawn, o ystyried traddodiad cryf Llywodraeth y DU o wrthwynebu cam-drin hawliau dynol, y byddai'n ddiolchgar iawn pe bai modd i Lywodraeth y DU fynd i'r afael â'r materion yr ymdriniwyd â nhw yn benodol yn y ddadl ac yn eich gohebiaeth. Ac rwyf yn siŵr y bydd hi'n rhannu copi o'r ymateb cyn gynted ag y bydd yn ei dderbyn.

14:50

Trefnydd, I'm sure we’ll all be devastated by the report published yesterday by the 450 experts on their work on the state of the world’s nature and the fact that nearly a million species are at risk of extinction. We know that native species have disappeared from our land, our seas and our shorelines, and crops are at risk because of the decline in pollinators. And we know that the species at the bottom of the food chain, insects, is causing catastrophic declines in our bird life, and generally it is a call to action for all of us. So, I wondered if we could have a statement from the Welsh Government on how we are going to completely rethink our use of our land and our seas and, in particular, the way we produce our food, because, simply, inaction is not an option amidst this catastrophic climate and natural environmental catastrophe. I know that global targets will be set in China next year, but surely Wales must be in the lead in changing our behaviour to try and avoid the catastrophe that faces us all.

Trefnydd, rwy'n siŵr y byddwn ni i gyd wedi cael ein llorio gan yr adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd ddoe gan y 450 o arbenigwyr ar eu gwaith ar gyflwr natur y byd a'r ffaith bod bron miliwn o rywogaethau mewn perygl o ddiflannu. Gwyddom fod rhywogaethau brodorol wedi diflannu o'n tir, ein moroedd a'n glannau, a bod cnydau mewn perygl oherwydd y dirywiad mewn pryfed peillio. Gwyddom fod y rhywogaeth ar waelod y gadwyn fwyd, sef pryfed, yn achosi dirywiad trychinebus i fywyd adar, ac yn gyffredinol mae'n rhybudd i bob un ohonom  weithredu. Felly, tybed a allem gael datganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynghylch sut y byddwn yn ailfeddwl yn llwyr am ein defnydd o'n tir a'n moroedd ac, yn benodol, y ffordd yr ydym yn cynhyrchu ein bwyd, oherwydd, yn syml, nid yw diffyg gweithredu yn opsiwn o gwbl i'r hinsawdd drychinebus hon a'r trychineb amgylcheddol naturiol. Gwn y bydd targedau byd-eang yn cael eu gosod yn Tsieina'r flwyddyn nesaf, ond siawns na ddylai Cymru fod ar y blaen o ran newid ein hymddygiad er mwyn ceisio osgoi'r trychineb sy'n ein hwynebu ni i gyd.

As you say, that report was extremely concerning, and I know that the Minister with responsibility for the environment has asked her officials to study it and to provide advice as to what more Welsh Government could be doing in this particular area. The Minister has also recently, I think, made a statement on ‘Brexit and our Seas’, or intends to do so—

Fel y dywedwch, roedd yr adroddiad hwnnw'n peri pryder mawr, a gwn fod y Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol am yr Amgylchedd wedi gofyn i'w swyddogion ei astudio a rhoi cyngor ynghylch beth ymhellach y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud yn y maes penodol hwn. Mae'r Gweinidog hefyd wedi gwneud datganiad yn ddiweddar, rwy'n credu, ar 'Brexit a'n Moroedd', neu'n bwriadu gwneud hynny—

It's going out to consultation.

Mae'n mynd allan i ymgynghoriad.

It’s going out to consultation on that particular issue very shortly, and many of those issues, I think, will cut across into that consultation, and the way in which we seek to manage our marine areas post Brexit. But it's cetainly an issue, and the report is an issue that the Minister is very aware of and will be seeking to learn from.

Mae'n mynd allan i ymgynghoriad ar y mater penodol hwnnw yn fuan iawn, a bydd llawer o'r materion hynny, rwy'n credu, yn croesi i'r ymgynghoriad hwnnw, a'r ffordd yr ydym yn ceisio rheoli ein hardaloedd morol ar ôl Brexit. Ond mae'n broblem yn sicr, ac mae'r adroddiad yn fater y mae'r Gweinidog yn ymwybodol iawn ohono ac y bydd yn ceisio dysgu ohono.

Mi hoffwn i wneud cais am ddadl ar ddeintyddiaeth. Mae yna sawl haen o’n gwasanaeth deintyddol ni sydd angen trafodaeth a dwi’n meddwl y byddai dadl yn fodd o wyntyllu hynny. Yn gyntaf, mae pryderon difrifol ynglŷn â’r system cytundeb UDA—units of dental activity—lle mae yna, dwi’n argyhoeddedig, disincentive, os liciwch chi, i ddeintyddion ddelio â phroblemau lluosog, yn cynnwys yng nghegau plant sydd, dwi’n gwybod, yn methu â chael triniaeth.

Yn ail, mae angen inni gael trafodaeth ynglŷn â’r ddarpariaeth, yr argaeledd, sydd yna o ofal ar y gwasanaeth iechyd. Mi wnaeth syrjeri yn fy etholaeth i, Bridge Street Dental Practice ym Mhorthaethwy, gyhoeddi yn ddiweddar y bwriad i gau—problem cael gafael ar staff a oedd wrth wraidd hynny. Mi ysgrifennais i at fwrdd iechyd Betsi Cadwaladr yn gofyn beth mae’r cleifion fod i’w wneud. Yr ateb ges i oedd, ‘Dywedwch wrthyn nhw ffonio o gwmpas i chwilio am ddeintyddfa sydd yn cynnig gwasanaeth NHS’. Dwi’n gwybod mai prin iawn ydy’r cyfleon i bobl gael mynediad at wasanaeth NHS, ac yn wir, ar restr ddiweddar, Caergybi, yn fy etholaeth i, oedd y lle lle oedd disgwyl i bobl deithio bellaf i gael gwasanaeth deintyddol—59 milltir, yn ôl a blaen, i’r ddeintyddfa agosaf, mae’n debyg.

Ac yn drydydd, fel y dywedais i, methiant i recriwtio deintyddion newydd oedd y broblem wrth wraidd penderfyniad Bridge Street Dental ym Mhorthaethwy. Fel ag y gwnaethom ni lwyddo efo'n hymgyrch i gael hyfforddiant meddygol ym Mangor, dwi’n meddwl y byddai’r ddadl hon hefyd yn fodd o wyntyllu’r angen am hyfforddiant deintyddol hefyd i ddatblygu oddi ar gefn yr hyfforddiant meddygol sydd yn dechrau yno’n fuan.

I would like to request a debate on dentistry. There are a number of levels of our dental service that needs discussion and I think a debate would be a means of airing those. First of all, there are serious concerns about the UDA agreement—the units of dental activity—where I’m convinced there is a disincentive for dentists to deal with multiple problems, including problems suffered by children who can’t access treatment.

Secondly, we need to have a debate on the availability of NHS dental care. A surgery in my constituency, Bridge Street Dental Practice in Menai Bridge, announced recently the intention to close—it was a problem in getting hold of staff that was the cause of that. I wrote to Betsi Cadwaladr to ask what the patients are now supposed to do. The response I received was, ‘Tell them to phone around looking for a dental surgery that provides NHS services.’ I know that the opportunities for people to access NHS services are few and far between, and, on a recent list, Holyhead in my constituency was the place where people had to travel furthest to access dental services—59 miles there and back to the nearest surgery.

And thirdly, as I said, a failure to recruit new dentists was the problem in terms of Bridge Street Dental in Menai Bridge. Just as we succeeded with our campaign to provide medical training in Bangor, I think that this debate would also be a means of discussing the need for dental training too, to be developed on the back of the medical training that is due to commence there soon.

You’ll recall that the health Minister made a statement very recently on access to dental services, and within that statement there was a strong focus on tackling health inequalities, with regard to both outcomes and access. The Minister will have heard your request for a fuller debate on dentistry that encapsulates recruitment and so on, and I’m sure he’ll give it his consideration.FootnoteLink

Fe gofiwch fod y Gweinidog Iechyd wedi gwneud datganiad yn ddiweddar iawn ar fynediad at wasanaethau deintyddol. Yn y datganiad hwnnw roedd ffocws cryf ar fynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau iechyd, o ran canlyniadau a mynediad at wasanaeth. Bydd y Gweinidog wedi clywed eich cais am ddadl lawnach ar ddeintyddiaeth, sy'n cwmpasu recriwtio ac ati, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd yn rhoi ystyriaeth iddo.FootnoteLink

I’d like a statement from the Welsh Government on the proposed closure of two Welsh-medium schools in Pontypridd. Labour Rhondda Cynon Taf wants to close ysgol Pont Siôn Norton and ysgol Heol-y-Celyn to build a bigger Welsh-medium school miles away—miles away—from pupils. There are children as young as three years of age who will be expected to travel up to six miles to go to school. It's extremely difficult for parents getting the children to the school. I'm told by some it'll be an impossibility. So, what we have here, despite the target of a million speakers, is a Labour council putting up barriers to working-class communities accessing the Welsh language in their own communities. Schools are more than bricks and mortar; they're building blocks of communities, and what is happening here in Rhondda Cynon Taf is an absolute disgrace. So, I'd like to know what the Government has to say about it.

Hoffwn gael datganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar y bwriad i gau dwy ysgol Gymraeg ym Mhontypridd. Mae Rhondda Cynon Taf o dan y blaid Lafur am gau ysgol Pont Siôn Norton ac Ysgol Heol-y-Celyn i adeiladu ysgol Gymraeg sydd filltiroedd i ffwrdd—milltiroedd i ffwrdd —o'r disgyblion. Mae yna blant mor ifanc â thair oed y bydd disgwyl iddynt deithio hyd at chwe milltir i fynd i'r ysgol. Mae'n anodd iawn i rieni sy'n mynd â'r plant i'r ysgol. Mae rhai yn dweud wrthyf y bydd yn amhosibl. Felly, yr hyn sydd gennym yma, er gwaethaf y targed o filiwn o siaradwyr, yw cyngor dan reolaeth Llafur yn gosod rhwystrau i gymunedau dosbarth gweithiol i gael mynediad i'r Gymraeg yn eu cymunedau eu hunain. Mae ysgolion yn fwy na brics a morter; maent yn gonglfeini i gymunedau, ac mae'r hyn sy'n digwydd yma yn Rhondda Cynon Taf yn warth llwyr. Felly, hoffwn wybod beth sydd gan y Llywodraeth i'w ddweud am y peth.

14:55

Can I encourage you to write to the education Minister with your concerns? Of course, it will be for the local authority to determine where it places its schools and where it invests in its schools within the local authority area, but I'm sure that you've shared your concerns with the local authority in terms of any impact it might have on access to Welsh-medium education, and I would encourage you to share those concerns with the education Minister.

A gaf i eich annog chi i ysgrifennu at y Gweinidog addysg yn mynegi eich pryderon? Wrth gwrs, mater i'r awdurdod lleol fydd penderfynu ymhle mae'n lleoli ei ysgolion ac ymhle mae'n buddsoddi yn ei ysgolion o fewn ardal yr awdurdod lleol. Ond rwy'n siŵr eich bod wedi mynegi eich pryderon gyda'r awdurdod lleol o ran unrhyw effaith y gallai hynny ei gael ar y gallu i gael addysg drwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg, a byddwn yn eich annog chi i sôn am y pryderon hynny gyda'r Gweinidog addysg.

3. Datganiad gan y Gweinidog Tai a Llywodraeth Leol: Adroddiad y Comisiwn Gwaith Teg
3. Statement by the Minister for Housing and Local Government: The Fair Work Commission's Report

Yr eitem nesaf o fusnes, felly, yw'r datganiad gan y Gweinidog Tai a Llywodraeth Leol ar adroddiad y Comisiwn Gwaith Teg. Dwi'n galw ar y Gweinidog i wneud ei datganiad, Julie James.  

The next item of business, therefore, is the statement by the Minister for Housing and Local Government on the report of the Fair Work Commission. I call on the Minister, Julie James, to make her statement.

Diolch, Llywydd. In March 2017, the then First Minister of Wales made clear the Welsh Government’s commitment to make Wales a fair work nation. Since that time, a huge amount of constructive work has been done in tripartite social partnership between Government and our business and trade union colleagues to begin to turn that commitment into practical reality.

Diolch, Llywydd. Ym mis Mawrth 2017, eglurodd Prif Weinidog Cymru ar y pryd ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i wneud Cymru yn wlad gwaith teg. Ers hynny, mae llawer iawn o waith adeiladol wedi cael ei wneud mewn partneriaeth gymdeithasol deirochrog rhwng y Llywodraeth a'n cydweithwyr mewn busnes ac undebau llafur i ddechrau gwireddu'r ymrwymiad hwnnw'n ymarferol.

Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.

The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.

I informed you all last July that we had appointed the Fair Work Commission, chaired by Professor Linda Dickens, to consider and work alongside our social partners to make recommendations on how Welsh Government can promote and encourage fair work in Wales. We felt it important for the commission to be independent of Government in order for it to be objective and to call it as it is. The report was drafted by the commission, free from editorial input from Welsh Government officials, and the commission was asked to report by March, and both the First Minister and I were delighted to receive the report when we met the commissioners at the end of March, and it's with great pleasure that we publish that report today.

Dirprwy Lywydd, I’d like to place on record the Welsh Government’s thanks to the commission for its commitment to what has clearly been a detailed piece of work over several months. It is a testament to the commission that they have not only reported on time but have produced an excellent and measured report. As acknowledged by the commission in its report, the Welsh Government is committed to fair work as a way of building a stronger, more resilient, more inclusive economy. 

I agree with the commission when they say that fair work accords with the long-established traditions in Wales of social solidarity and community cohesion. It is vital to addressing the inequality, poverty and well-being challenges we face in a twenty-first century Wales. I believe that the commission has developed achievable recommendations that provide a practical route forward to deliver that fair work Wales. It builds on the solid foundations we as a Welsh Government have already built, which include the ethical code on procurement in supply chains and our economic contract, which promotes fair work and inclusive growth.

The commission has made a total of 48 recommendations across eight areas for action. Firstly, it has sought to articulate why there is a clear need for us to embrace, promote and drive fair work across all sectors in Wales, the growing concern about the quality of jobs, the growth of low-paid, low-skill and insecure jobs, and the consequences of this in terms of low productivity, indebtedness, inequality and in-work poverty. The commission has developed a definition of fair work where workers are fairly rewarded, heard and represented, secure and able to progress in a healthy, inclusive environment where rights are respected. The definition will not only help Welsh Government use all its available levers to promote and encourage fair work, but it will also have meaning for employers and workers.   

Whilst we acknowledge there are limitations on what Welsh Government can do within the current devolution settlement, we asked the commission to consider the additional actions that could be taken, including the potential for new legislation. The commission has recommended how we might use the competence we have to drive fair work, and I’m pleased that it has endorsed the commitment we have already made as a Welsh Government to put social partnership on a statutory basis in order to embed social partnership more securely. 

The report has helpfully suggested how we might influence this vital policy area in non-devolved areas, an issue of particular importance as we leave the European Union. The Welsh Government has been clear that, in leaving the EU, there should be no weakening of existing employment rights, that new trade agreements should protect employment standards, and future UK employment legislation keeps pace with progressive EU employment law.      

The fourth area the commission considered was the use of economic incentives to promote fair work. Their proposals very much accord with the something-for-something ethos in the Welsh Government’s economic contract. We can already point to many instances of businesses of all shapes and sizes doing the right thing when it comes to fair work, and I am pleased at how the commission is helping us think about how that practice can be extended across Wales using the levers we have. 

Part 5 of the report considers the importance of trade unions and collective bargaining for fair work in the economy. The commission's research evidence consistently demonstrates that important fair work objectives are served by union and collective bargaining presence in the workplace. The commission states that trade union presence is important in embedding, monitoring and enforcing legal standards in workforce practice and in assisting effective enforcement of employment rights. We support the commission's fundamental assessment that trade unions and collective bargaining contribute to productivity and economic growth, while trade union weakness or absence contributes to inequality.

The commission has also considered how we might take action to create interest, enthusiasm and buy-in for the fair work Wales agenda and has recommended the steps we might take in assisting and supporting willing employers to be fair work organisations. This is a very important point. Fair work is a vital part of a modern, competitive economy and nobody has anything to fear from it. As a Welsh Government, we stand ready to work collaboratively with businesses and organisations of all sizes to build into a modern, competitive and productive twenty-first century economy.

Part 7 of the commission's report looks at the capacity for carrying the work forward in Wales and suggests that the existing institutions and mechanisms should be enhanced and additional mechanisms created, and has made recommendations as to how we might do this. In the final section of the report, the commission considers how we might improve and collect data in order to measure progress, which our knowledge and analytical service will need to consider in some detail.

Deputy Presiding Officer, I don't intend to go into that detail today, in advance of our formal response, other than to say that this report will help shape our thinking about how we use the powers and levers available to us to enhance employment opportunities in Wales. As the commission has indicted, fair work requires action beyond the scope of any single ministerial portfolio. Ministers will now discuss the report, its recommendations and implications for their portfolio areas with their officials to feed into the wider Welsh Government response.

I can, however, tell Members today that the Welsh Government will be accepting the six priority recommendations that the commission have developed. They accord with our commitment as a Government to drive fair work forward. They are that fair work will become the responsibility of all Welsh Ministers and officials; the proposed definition of fair work will be adopted and used across Welsh Government and in its promotion of fair work; the commission's findings will be used to inform the development of the proposed social partnership Act and how Welsh Government might promote trade unions and collective bargaining in consultation with social partners and stakeholders; a structure will be established and adequately resourced within Welsh Government to co-ordinate and drive fair work activities; and Ministers will monitor how fair work is being advanced within their areas to inform an annual Welsh Government report on fair work Wales.

The commission has invited formal responses from our social partners. We will provide the Welsh Government response that reflects their views in June. And, finally, as the commission has stated, our social partners will be crucial in carrying the fair work agenda forward. We will fully consult them on the implementation of the commission's recommendations on a tripartite basis and we will be hosting a fair work conference in June to develop an agreed approach. Diolch.

Rhoddais wybod i bawb ohonoch chi ym mis Gorffennaf y llynedd ein bod wedi penodi'r Comisiwn Gwaith Teg, dan gadeiryddiaeth Athro Linda Dickens, i ystyried a gweithio gyda'n partneriaid cymdeithasol i wneud argymhellion ar sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru hyrwyddo ac annog gwaith teg yng Nghymru. Roeddem ni'n teimlo ei bod yn bwysig i'r comisiwn fod yn annibynnol ar y Llywodraeth er mwyn iddo fod yn wrthrychol ac yn ddiflewyn ar dafod. Cafodd yr adroddiad ei ddrafftio gan y Comisiwn, yn rhydd o fewnbwn golygyddol gan swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru, a gofynnwyd i'r comisiwn adrodd erbyn mis Mawrth. Roedd y Prif Weinidog a minnau wrth ein boddau o gael yr adroddiad pan wnaethom ni gyfarfod â'r Comisiynwyr ddiwedd mis Mawrth, a phleser mawr yw cael cyhoeddi'r adroddiad hwnnw heddiw.

Dirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn gofnodi bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn diolch i'r Comisiwn am ei ymrwymiad i'r hyn sydd, yn amlwg, wedi bod yn ddarn trylwyr o waith dros nifer o fisoedd. Mae'n tystio i rinweddau'r Comisiwn ei fod nid yn unig wedi adrodd ar amser ond ei fod wedi cynhyrchu adroddiad rhagorol ac ystyriol. Fel y cydnabu'r Comisiwn yn ei adroddiad, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i waith teg fel ffordd o greu economi sy'n gryfach, yn fwy cydnerth ac yn fwy cynhwysol.

Rwy'n cytuno â'r Comisiwn pan ddywed fod gwaith teg yn cyd-fynd â thraddodiadau sy'n hirsefydlog yng Nghymru, sef cydsafiad cymdeithasol a chydlyniant cymunedau. Mae'n hanfodol inni fynd i'r afael â'r heriau o ran anghydraddoldeb, tlodi a lles yr ydym yn eu hwynebu yng Nghymru yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain. Rwyf i o'r farn fod y Comisiwn wedi datblygu argymhellion cyraeddadwy sy'n cynnig llwybr ymarferol i sicrhau'r gwaith teg hwnnw yng Nghymru. Mae'n adeiladu ar y seiliau cadarn yr ydym ni yn Llywodraeth Cymru wedi eu llunio eisoes, sy'n cynnwys y cod moesegol ar gaffael mewn cadwyni cyflenwi a'n contract economaidd, sy'n hyrwyddo gwaith teg a thwf cynhwysol.

Mae'r Comisiwn wedi gwneud cyfanswm o 48 o argymhellion mewn wyth maes ar gyfer eu gweithredu. Yn gyntaf, mae wedi ceisio mynegi pam mae angen clir inni anwesu, hyrwyddo a hybu gwaith teg ar draws pob sector yng Nghymru, y pryder cynyddol am ansawdd swyddi, y cynnydd mewn swyddi isel eu cyflog sy'n gofyn sgiliau isel ac o natur ansicr, a chanlyniadau hyn o ran cynhyrchiant isel, dyled, anghydraddoldeb a thlodi mewn gwaith. Mae'r Comisiwn wedi datblygu diffiniad o waith teg lle caiff gweithwyr eu gwobrwyo, eu clywed a'u cynrychioli'n deg, lle mae sicrwydd, ac y gallant ddod yn eu blaenau mewn amgylchedd sy'n iach a chynhwysol lle perchir hawliau. Bydd y diffiniad hwn nid yn unig yn helpu Llywodraeth Cymru i ddefnyddio ei holl ysgogiadau i hyrwyddo a hybu gwaith teg, ond bydd yn ystyrlon hefyd i gyflogwyr a gweithwyr.

Er ein bod yn cydnabod bod cyfyngiadau ar yr hyn y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud o fewn y setliad datganoli presennol, gofynnwyd i'r comisiwn ystyried y camau ychwanegol y gellid eu cymryd, gan gynnwys y potensial ar gyfer deddfwriaeth newydd. Mae'r Comisiwn wedi argymell sut y gallem ddefnyddio'r cymhwysedd sydd gennym i hybu gwaith teg, ac rwy'n falch ei fod wedi cymeradwyo'r ymrwymiad a wnaethom eisoes yn Llywodraeth Cymru i roi partneriaeth gymdeithasol ar sail statudol er mwyn gwreiddio partneriaeth gymdeithasol yn fwy cadarn.

Mae'r adroddiad wedi awgrymu mewn ffordd ddefnyddiol sut y gallem ddylanwadu ar y maes polisi hanfodol hwn mewn meysydd nad ydynt wedi eu datganoli, sy'n fater o bwys arbennig wrth inni adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn glir, wrth adael yr UE, na ddylid gwanhau hawliau cyflogaeth presennol, y dylai cytundebau masnach newydd ddiogelu safonau cyflogaeth, ac y dylai deddfwriaeth cyflogaeth y DU yn y dyfodol fod yn gydradd â chyfraith gyflogaeth flaengar yr UE.

Y pedwerydd maes a ystyriwyd gan y Comisiwn oedd y defnydd o gymhellion economaidd i hyrwyddo gwaith teg. Mae eu cynigion yn cyd-fynd ag ethos cyfnewid iach yng nghontract economaidd Llywodraeth Cymru. Rydym eisoes yn gallu cyfeirio at nifer o enghreifftiau o fusnesau o bob lliw a llun yn gwneud cyfiawnder ag ystyr gwaith teg. Ac rwy'n falch o weld sut y mae'r Comisiwn yn ein helpu ni i ystyried sut y gellir ymestyn yr arfer hwnnw ledled Cymru gan ddefnyddio'r ysgogiadau sydd gennym ni.

Mae rhan 5 yr adroddiad yn ystyried pwysigrwydd undebau llafur a bargeinio ar y cyd ar gyfer gwaith teg yn yr economi. Mae tystiolaeth ymchwil y Comisiwn yn dangos yn gyson fod amcanion pwysig o ran gwaith teg yn cael eu gwasanaethu gan bresenoldeb undebau a chydfargeinio yn y gweithle. Mae'r Comisiwn yn mynegi bod presenoldeb undebau llafur yn bwysig wrth wreiddio, monitro a gorfodi safonau cyfreithiol mewn arferion yn y gweithlu ac wrth helpu i orfodi hawliau cyflogaeth yn effeithiol. Rydym yn cefnogi asesiad sylfaenol y Comisiwn fod undebau llafur a chydfargeinio yn cyfrannu at gynhyrchiant a thwf economaidd, tra bod gwendid neu absenoldeb undebau llafur yn cyfrannu at anghydraddoldeb.

Mae'r Comisiwn wedi ystyried hefyd sut y gallem gymryd camau i ennyn diddordeb, brwdfrydedd a chyfranogiad i'r agenda o ran gwaith teg yng Nghymru ac argymhellodd y camau y gallem eu cymryd i gynorthwyo a chefnogi cyflogwyr ewyllysgar i fod yn sefydliadau gwaith teg. Mae hwn yn bwynt pwysig iawn. Mae gwaith teg yn rhan hanfodol o economi fodern, gystadleuol ac nid oes dim ynddo i godi dychryn ar neb. Yn Llywodraeth Cymru, rydym yn barod i weithio ar y cyd gyda busnesau a sefydliadau o bob maint i ddatblygu economi fodern, gystadleuol a chynhyrchiol i'r unfed ganrif ar hugain.

Mae Rhan 7 yn adroddiad y Comisiwn yn edrych ar y gallu i fwrw ymlaen â'r gwaith yng Nghymru ac mae'n awgrymu y dylid gwella'r sefydliadau a'r mecanweithiau presennol a chreu mecanweithiau ychwanegol, ac mae wedi gwneud argymhellion ynglŷn â sut i  wneud hyn. Yn adran olaf yr adroddiad, mae'r Comisiwn yn ystyried sut y gallem wella a chasglu data i fesur cynnydd, y bydd angen i'n gwasanaeth gwybodaeth a dadansoddi eu hystyried yn fanwl.

Dirprwy Lywydd, nid wyf i'n bwriadu mynd ar ôl y manylder hwnnw heddiw, cyn inni roi ein hymateb ffurfiol, ar wahân i ddweud y bydd yr adroddiad hwn yn helpu i lywio ein syniadau ynglŷn â'r modd y byddwn ni'n defnyddio'r pwerau a'r dulliau sydd ar gael inni ar gyfer gwella cyfleoedd cyflogaeth yng Nghymru. Fel y nododd y Comisiwn, mae gwaith teg yn gofyn am weithredu y tu hwnt i gwmpas unrhyw bortffolio gan Weinidog unigol. Bydd Gweinidogion nawr yn trafod yr adroddiad, ei argymhellion a'i oblygiadau i feysydd eu portffolio gyda'u swyddogion i borthi'r ymateb ehangach gan Lywodraeth Cymru.

Er hynny, gallaf ddweud wrth yr Aelodau heddiw y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn derbyn y chwe argymhelliad blaenoriaethol a ddatblygwyd gan y Comisiwn. Maen nhw'n cyd-daro â'n hymrwymiad fel Llywodraeth i ysgogi gwaith teg. Yr argymhellion yw y daw holl Weinidogion a swyddogion Cymru i fod yn gyfrifol am waith teg; y bydd y diffiniad arfaethedig o waith teg yn cael ei fabwysiadu a'i ddefnyddio ar draws Llywodraeth Cymru ac wrth hyrwyddo gwaith teg; y bydd canfyddiadau'r Comisiwn yn cael eu defnyddio i lywio datblygiad y Ddeddf partneriaeth gymdeithasol arfaethedig a sut y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru hyrwyddo undebau llafur a chyd-fargeinio drwy ymgynghori â phartneriaid cymdeithasol a rhanddeiliaid; y caiff strwythur ei sefydlu ac y caiff ei ariannu'n ddigonol o fewn Llywodraeth Cymru i gydgysylltu a llywio gweithgareddau gwaith teg; ac y bydd Gweinidogion yn monitro sut mae gwaith teg yn cael ei ddatblygu yn eu hardaloedd nhw i lywio adroddiad blynyddol Llywodraeth Cymru ar waith teg yng Nghymru.

Mae'r Comisiwn wedi gwahodd ein partneriaid cymdeithasol i roi ymatebion ffurfiol. Byddwn yn rhoi ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru a fydd yn adlewyrchu eu barn nhw ym mis Mehefin. Ac, yn olaf, fel y dywedodd y Comisiwn, bydd ein partneriaid cymdeithasol yn allweddol wrth barhau ag agenda gwaith teg. Byddwn yn ymgynghori'n llawn â nhw ynglŷn â gweithredu argymhellion y Comisiwn ar sail deirochrog a byddwn yn cynnal cynhadledd gwaith teg ym mis Mehefin i ddatblygu dull y cytunir arno. Diolch.

15:00

Well, 38 years ago, I was party to my thesis at university with two other students on industrial democracy, believe it or not, looking at many of these areas and experiments and proposals at that time, but, at core, recognising that a successful organisation listens to its customers, both externally and internally, and that an organisation that maximizes productivity and success, recognises employees, gives them responsibility, acknowledges their strengths, but also develops their potential—. How, within this, therefore, do you propose to recognise the need across all sectors, not just the private sector, to maximise the potential of effective performance management, where too often we hear, when the term is used, of appraisal only, which is meant to be a single snapshot of a year and not an opportunity to lecture an employee, when throughout the year the individual should be given voice to agree their needs, propose their own ideas and agree models and action plans to take that forward, including the training skills and involvement that they need to mutual benefit? Again, that seems to be something I couldn't pick out from the report thus far. 

You say that fair work accords with long-established traditions in Wales of social solidarity and community cohesion, and, clearly, it's disappointing that Wales, two decades after devolution, has the highest percentage of employees not on permanent contracts, the—once again—highest levels of unemployment and, of course, lowest levels of wages across the UK. 

You say the Welsh Government has been clear that, in leaving the EU, there should be no weakening of existing employment rights and I, of course, agree with you on that. What consideration have you given to the actual withdrawal agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the European Union and Council, where it, for example, refers to the rights of workers, the right not to be discriminated against on grounds of nationality, the right to equal treatment in respect of conditions of employment and work, and collective rights and so on, and also states that the United Kingdom should ensure no diminution of rights, safeguards or equality of opportunity as set out in the 1998 agreement entitled 'Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity' should result from withdrawal from the union. 

Beyond that, in your statement, you refer to collective bargaining and the role it can play in economic growth. A quick look at the UK Government website: it says you will need to work with the unions to discuss changes to employees' terms and conditions, but what discussions have you had or will you have with employers—private sector, third sector and statutory sector—to look at the potential implications of different models of taking this forward? As you know, at the moment, bargaining in the private sector is primarily conducted at company or workplace level, but industry-wide agreements or organisation-wide agreements are more common in the public sector. So, how will you ensure that the voice of employers, as well as employee representatives, are engaged in maximising employment and productivity and minimising absenteeism and labour turnover as we take this forward?

Of course, at UK level, the UK Government commissioned a report from Matthew Taylor regarding modern working to ensure that employee rights are protected and upgraded as we leave the EU and the UK labour market is successful and competitive as it evolves. The resulting 'Good Work' plan is part of the UK Government's modern industrial strategy and includes and upgrades the rights of millions of employees to ensure we benefit from fair and decent work. So, what assessment has the Welsh Government made of the UK Government's 'Good Work' plan and the opportunities that it represents for enhancing employee markets, conditions and terms in Wales in areas over which the Welsh Government has devolved responsibilities? What plans has the Welsh Government made to adjust the strategic objectives of Business Wales and the Development Bank of Wales in relation to the promotion of collective bargaining? What practical measures is the Welsh Government itself taking to support fair work, or the 'Good Work' plan, potentially, in employment in Wales? What assessment—finally—has the Welsh Government made in relation to how much public money will be involved in the adoption of the report's recommendations, for example, its suggestion that the Welsh Government continues investment in the Wales union learning fund, and the suggested promotion of fair work through other measures, including the development of a communications and marketing strategy to create widespread awareness of the agenda? Thank you. 

Wel, 38 mlynedd yn ôl, roeddwn i'n cymryd rhan mewn thesis yn y brifysgol gyda dau fyfyriwr arall ar ddemocratiaeth ddiwydiannol, coeliwch neu beidio, ac yn edrych ar lawer o'r meysydd a'r arbrofion a'r cynigion hyn bryd hynny. Ond, yn y bôn, roeddem yn cydnabod bod sefydliad llwyddiannus yn gwrando ar ei gwsmeriaid, yn allanol ac yn fewnol fel ei gilydd, a bod sefydliad sy'n gwneud y mwyaf o'i gynhyrchiant a llwyddiant yn cydnabod y gweithwyr, yn rhoi cyfrifoldeb iddynt, yn cydnabod eu cryfderau, ond hefyd yn datblygu eu potensial—. Sut, o fewn hyn, felly, yr ydych chi'n bwriadu cydnabod yr angen ar draws pob sector, nid y sector preifat yn unig, i fanteisio i'r eithaf ar botensial rheoli perfformiad effeithiol? Yn rhy aml o lawer, rydym yn clywed, pan ddefnyddir y term hwn, am werthuso yn unig, yr hyn a ddylai fod yn giplun o flwyddyn yn unig ac nid yn gyfle i roi pregeth i'r gweithiwr, pryd y dylid rhoi llais i'r unigolyn drwy gydol y flwyddyn i gytuno ar ei anghenion, i gynnig ei syniadau ei hun a chytuno ar fodelau a chynlluniau gweithredu i fwrw ymlaen â hynny, gan gynnwys y sgiliau hyfforddi a'r ymgysylltiad sydd eu hangen er budd pawb? Unwaith eto, mae'n ymddangos bod hynny'n rhywbeth na allwn dynnu sylw ato yn yr adroddiad hyd yma.

Rydych chi'n dweud bod gwaith teg yn cyd-fynd â thraddodiadau hirsefydlog yng Nghymru o gydsafiad cymdeithasol a chydlyniant cymunedol. Ac, yn amlwg, mae'n siomedig mai gan Gymru, ddau ddegawd ar ôl datganoli, y mae'r ganran uchaf o weithwyr heb gontractau parhaol, y lefelau uchaf o ddiweithdra ac—unwaith eto—wrth gwrs, y lefelau isaf o gyflog ledled y DU.

Rydych chi'n dweud bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cyhoeddi'n glir na ddylid gwanhau'r hawliau cyflogaeth presennol wrth adael yr UE, ac rwyf innau, wrth gwrs, yn cytuno â chi yn hynny o beth. Pa ystyriaeth a roddwyd gennych i'r cytundeb tynnu'n ôl gwirioneddol rhwng Teyrnas Unedig Prydain Fawr a Gogledd Iwerddon a'r Undeb a'r Cyngor Ewropeaidd, lle cyfeirir, er enghraifft, at hawliau'r gweithiwr, yr hawl i beidio â gwahaniaethu yn ei erbyn ar sail cenedligrwydd, yr hawl i driniaeth gyfartal o ran amodau cyflogaeth a gwaith, a hawliau ar y cyd ac yn y blaen. Mae hefyd yn datgan y dylai'r Deyrnas Unedig sicrhau nad yw hawliau, mesurau diogelu na chyfle cyfartal yn cael eu lleihau, fel y cânt eu nodi yng nghytundeb 1998 a elwir yn 'Hawliau, Mesurau Diogelu a Chyfle Cyfartal', yn digwydd yn sgil tynnu'n ôl o'r undeb.

Y tu hwnt i hynny, yn eich datganiad, rydych yn cyfeirio at gydfargeinio a swyddogaeth hynny o ran twf economaidd. O edrych yn sydyn ar wefan Llywodraeth y DU: mae'n dweud y bydd angen ichi weithio gyda'r undebau i drafod newidiadau yn nhelerau ac amodau'r gweithwyr, ond pa drafodaethau yr ydych chi wedi eu cael neu y byddwch yn eu cael gyda chyflogwyr—y sector preifat, y trydydd sector a'r sector statudol—i edrych ar y goblygiadau posibl sydd gan wahanol fodelau o ddirwyn hyn i ben? Fel y gwyddoch chi, ar hyn o bryd, mae bargeinio yn y sector preifat yn cael ei wneud yn bennaf ar lefel y cwmni neu'r gweithle. Ond mae cytundebau ar draws y diwydiant neu gytundebau ar draws y sefydliad yn fwy cyffredin yn y sector cyhoeddus. Felly, sut fyddwch chi'n sicrhau bod llais cyflogwyr, yn ogystal â chynrychiolwyr gweithwyr, yn rhan o'r gwaith o gynyddu cyflogaeth a chynhyrchiant i'r eithaf a lleihau absenoldeb a throsiant gweithwyr wrth inni fwrw ymlaen â hyn?

Wrth gwrs, ar lefel y DU, comisiynodd Llywodraeth y DU adroddiad gan Matthew Taylor ar weithio modern i sicrhau bod hawliau cyflogeion yn cael eu diogelu a'u huwchraddio wrth i ni adael yr UE a bod marchnad lafur y DU yn llwyddiannus ac yn gystadleuol wrth iddi esblygu. Mae'r cynllun 'Gwaith Da' sy'n deillio o hynny yn rhan o strategaeth ddiwydiannol fodern Llywodraeth y DU ac mae'n cynnwys ac yn uwchraddio hawliau miliynau o weithwyr i sicrhau ein bod ni'n elwa ar waith teg a pharchus. Felly, pa asesiad a wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru o gynllun 'Gwaith Da' Llywodraeth y DU a'r cyfleoedd y mae'n eu cynrychioli ar gyfer gwella marchnadoedd, amodau a thelerau cyflogeion yng Nghymru mewn meysydd y mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru gyfrifoldebau datganoledig amdanyn nhw? Pa gynlluniau a wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i addasu amcanion strategol busnes Cymru a Banc Datblygu Cymru o ran hyrwyddo bargeinio ar y cyd? Pa fesurau ymarferol a gymerodd Llywodraeth Cymru ei hun i gefnogi gwaith teg, neu'r cynllun 'Gwaith Da', o bosibl, gyda chyflogaeth yng Nghymru? Pa asesiad—yn olaf—a wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru mewn cysylltiad â faint o arian cyhoeddus a gaiff ei ddefnyddio i fabwysiadu argymhellion yr adroddiad, er enghraifft, ei awgrym y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru barhau i fuddsoddi yng nghyswllt Cronfa Ddysgu Undebau Cymru, a hyrwyddo gwaith teg drwy fesurau eraill fel yr awgrymir, gan gynnwys datblygu strategaeth cyfathrebu a marchnata i greu ymwybyddiaeth eang o'r agenda? Diolch yn fawr.  

15:05

I thank the Member for that comprehensive contribution. I think I got up to 24 questions in all. I don't think I'll be able to answer all of them today. I may be wrong, it may have been 27—I lost count there at one point—but, nevertheless, a tour de force in terms of some of the issues raised.

Unfortunately, I have to disappoint the Member and perhaps please the Deputy Presiding Officer by saying that, of course, all we're doing today is publishing a report and accepting the broad reach of the recommendations. Much of the detail that the Member referred to is embedded inside the more detailed parts of the report and, as I said, the commission is asking for responses to its report—and perhaps the Member would like to consider making one—from social partners and others across Wales. The Government will then respond towards the end of June, and we will then hold a fair work conference in order to take this forward in tripartite working. 

I think the Member pointed out quite a few of the things that we agree on, but perhaps he and I take a slightly different slant. The report, I thought, was a very well-balanced one. The employers have broadly greeted it with the same enthusiasm as the trade unions. So, I want to just once again take the opportunity to thank the commission for the really thorough piece of work they've done to welcome the Member's contribution, and to say that, if he wants to submit a response along those lines, we'll be very happy to consider it when we respond formally in due course.  

Rwy'n diolch i'r Aelod am y cyfraniad cynhwysfawr hwnnw. Rwy'n credu imi glywed hyd at 24 o gwestiynau i gyd. Nid wyf yn credu y gallaf ateb pob un ohonyn nhw heddiw. Efallai fy mod i'n anghywir, efallai fod yna 27—fe gollais i gyfrif ar un pwynt—ond, serch hynny, campwaith o ran rhai o'r materion a godwyd.

Yn anffodus, bydd yn rhaid imi siomi'r Aelod a phlesio'r Dirprwy Lywydd efallai drwy ddweud mai'r cyfan a wnawn ni heddiw, wrth gwrs, yw cyhoeddi adroddiad a derbyn cyrhaeddiad eang yr argymhellion. Mae llawer o'r manylion y cyfeiriodd yr Aelod atyn nhw wedi eu cynnwys yn rhannau mwy manwl yr adroddiad ac, fel y dywedais i, mae'r Comisiwn yn gofyn am ymatebion i'w adroddiad—ac efallai yr hoffai'r Aelod ystyried gwneud felly—gan bartneriaid cymdeithasol ac eraill ledled Cymru. Bydd y Llywodraeth yn ymateb tua diwedd mis Mehefin, ac yna byddwn yn cynnal cynhadledd gwaith teg i symud ymlaen â hyn gyda gweithgarwch tairochrog.

Rwy'n credu bod yr Aelod wedi tynnu sylw at gryn dipyn o bethau yr ydym ni'n cytuno arnyn nhw, ond efallai fod ei ogwydd ef ychydig yn wahanol i'r un sydd gennyf i. Roedd yr adroddiad, yn fy marn i, yn un cytbwys iawn. Cafodd groeso eang gan y cyflogwyr gyda'r un brwdfrydedd â'r undebau llafur. Felly, hoffwn fanteisio unwaith eto ar y cyfle hwn i ddiolch i'r Comisiwn am y gwaith gwirioneddol drylwyr a wnaeth. Hoffwn hefyd groesawu cyfraniad yr Aelod, a dweud, pe bai'n dymuno cyflwyno ymateb i'r cyfeiriad hwnnw, byddem yn hapus iawn i'w ystyried pan fyddwn yn ymateb yn ffurfiol maes o law.

15:10

Can I welcome the Minister's report on the publication of the Fair Work Commission's report? Of course, on this side, here on the Plaid Cymru benches, as we've expressed quite recently, we believe in the fair work agenda because of all the background that the Minister's outlined in her statement—the growing concern about the quality of jobs, the growth of low paid, low skilled, insecure jobs, and the consequences of this in terms of low productivity, indebtedness, inequality and in-work poverty.

So, I'd like to welcome the fact that the Welsh Government are taking this forward. I particularly welcome the fact that the Government will not only consult with the relevant stakeholders, as it is key to get them on board, but also the fact that this will be the responsibility of all Welsh Government Ministers.

Now, obviously, going forward, our job on this side of the Chamber is to ensure that implementation of the fair work agenda happens, and that it is consistently considered in legislation drafted by this Government, because, as we have seen in the past, and, as a former member of Cabinet has expressed in a session of the Finance Committee, the future generations Act can be and has been overlooked in the drafting, say, of a budget, and in other pieces of legislation as well. So, can I ask first of all that the Minister can assure us that due regard will be paid to the provisions of the future generations Act as we move forward with the fair work agenda?

In addition, can I ask: how will the provisions of the Fair Work Commission's work be reflected in future public procurement? We've heard, obviously, there's a lot of work being done at present, and the Minister emphasised all the work that is happening now that matches up with the Fair Work Commission's agenda, but what will change then in the future, because we've got the Fair Work Commission's report—how will that facilitate any change, particularly as regards future public procurement provision? And, finally, can I confirm the timeline when we can see some of the fair work agenda actually being brought into operation? Thank you. 

A gaf i groesawu adroddiad y Gweinidog ar gyhoeddiad yr adroddiad gan y Comisiwn Gwaith Teg? Wrth gwrs, ar yr ochr hon, yma ar feinciau Plaid Cymru, fel y mynegwyd gennym yn weddol ddiweddar, mae gennym ffydd yn yr agenda gwaith teg oherwydd yr holl gefndir a amlinellwyd gan y Gweinidog yn ei datganiad—y pryder cynyddol am ansawdd swyddi, y twf mewn swyddi â chyflog isel, o sgiliau isel ac o natur ansicr, a chanlyniadau hynny o ran cynhyrchiant isel, dyledion, anghydraddoldeb a thlodi mewn gwaith.

Felly, hoffwn groesawu'r ffaith bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwrw ymlaen â hyn. Rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith yn arbennig y bydd y Llywodraeth nid yn unig yn ymgynghori â'r rhanddeiliaid perthnasol, gan ei bod yn allweddol i gael eu cydsyniad nhw yn hyn o beth, ond hefyd y ffaith y bydd hyn yn gyfrifoldeb ar holl Weinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru.

Nawr, yn amlwg, wrth symud ymlaen, ein gwaith ni ar yr ochr hon i'r Siambr yw sicrhau bod yr agenda gwaith teg yn cael ei gweithredu, a'i bod yn cael ystyriaeth gyson mewn deddfwriaeth a gaiff ei drafftio gan y Llywodraeth hon. Oherwydd, fel y gwelsom yn y gorffennol, ac fel y mynegodd cyn aelod o'r Cabinet mewn sesiwn o'r Pwyllgor Cyllid, gall Deddf Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol gael ei hanwybyddu, ac mae hynny wedi digwydd, wrth ddrafftio cyllideb, dyweder, ac mewn darnau eraill o ddeddfwriaeth hefyd. Felly, a gaf i ofyn yn gyntaf i gyd i'r Gweinidog roi sicrwydd inni y rhoddir sylw dyledus i ddarpariaethau Deddf Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol wrth inni symud ymlaen gyda'r agenda gwaith teg?

Yn ogystal â hynny, a gaf i ofyn: sut y caiff darpariaethau'r gwaith gan y Comisiwn gwaith teg eu hadlewyrchu mewn caffael cyhoeddus i'r dyfodol? Rydym wedi clywed, mae'n amlwg, fod llawer o waith yn cael ei wneud ar hyn o bryd, a phwysleisiodd y Gweinidog yr holl waith sy'n digwydd nawr sy'n cyd-fynd ag agenda'r Comisiwn gwaith teg. Ond beth fydd yn newid i'r dyfodol gan fod gennym adroddiad y Comisiwn Gwaith Teg—sut wnaiff hynny hwyluso unrhyw newid, yn enwedig o ran darpariaeth caffael cyhoeddus i'r dyfodol? Ac yn olaf, a gaf i gadarnhad o'r llinell amser pan gawn weld rhywfaint o'r agenda gwaith teg yn cael ei gweithredu mewn gwirionedd? Diolch yn fawr.  

Yes, thank you very much for those points, Dai Lloyd. I'm very, very happy to confirm that we're looking very carefully to ensure that we enhance the well-being of future generations Act when we do this work and, indeed, when we do other work. You'll know that, in my previous portfolio, I was instrumental in getting a piece of research done to make sure that we don't inadvertently weaken that Act by subsequent legislation, and we're very keen to make sure we carry that forward into this Act as well. If necessary, we need to amend that Act to strengthen it, but that will be part of the consideration in taking forward the social partnership Act.  

In terms of public procurement, the report makes some very detailed recommendations about the use of public money as leverage in order to get particular types of response. That will be one of the things we'll be very carefully considering. The report has already been discussed with social partners and so on, so the timeline is that we will respond at the end of June once all the social partners, and anyone else who wants to make a contribution, have been able to do so. That's a very tight timescale in one way, but, in a sense, we've developed this in social partnership, so it's a timeline that people are happy with and happy to take forward. We'll then have a conference in June, which we'll be inviting a large range of stakeholders to, in order to shape it to go forward.

The whole purpose of this is, of course, to take the private sector, the public sector, the trade unions and the Government, including all of us here, along the same path together to a shared goal. And I think it's clear that there are shared goals here. The big question will be how can we get the most leverage in place in order to achieve those shared goals, and I think that, rightly, you'll be holding us to account on how fast we do that. 

Ie wir, diolch yn fawr am y pwyntiau hynny, Dai Lloyd. Rwy'n hapus iawn i gadarnhau ein bod yn bwriadu sicrhau gyda gofal mawr ein bod ni'n gwella Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol pan fyddwn ni'n gwneud y gwaith hwn ac, yn wir, pan fyddwn ni'n gwneud gwaith  arall. Byddwch yn gwybod fy mod i, yn fy mhortffolio blaenorol, wedi bod yn allweddol o ran cael darn o waith ymchwil i wneud yn siŵr nad ydym, yn anfwriadol, yn gwanhau'r Ddeddf honno drwy ddeddfwriaeth ddilynol, ac rydym yn awyddus iawn i wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n dwyn hynny ymlaen i'r Ddeddf hon hefyd. Os bydd raid, bydd angen inni ddiwygio'r Ddeddf honno i'w chryfhau hi, ond bydd hynny'n rhan o'r ystyriaeth wrth fwrw ymlaen â'r Ddeddf partneriaeth gymdeithasol.

O ran caffael cyhoeddus, mae'r adroddiad yn gwneud rhai argymhellion manwl iawn ynghylch defnyddio arian cyhoeddus fel trosoledd i gael ymatebion o fathau arbennig. Bydd hynny'n un o'r pethau y byddwn ni'n eu hystyried yn ofalus iawn. Mae'r adroddiad eisoes wedi cael ei drafod gyda phartneriaid cymdeithasol ac yn y blaen, felly'r amserlen yw y byddwn ni'n ymateb ddiwedd mis Mehefin pan fydd yr holl bartneriaid cymdeithasol, ac unrhyw un arall sydd am wneud cyfraniad, wedi cael cyfle i wneud hynny. Mae honno'n amserlen dynn iawn mewn un ffordd, ond, ar un ystyr, rydym wedi datblygu hyn mewn partneriaeth gymdeithasol, ac felly mae hi'n amserlen y mae pobl yn hapus â hi ac yn hapus i fwrw ymlaen â hi. Bydd gennym gynhadledd wedyn ym mis Mehefin, a byddwn yn gwahodd ystod eang o randdeiliaid iddi, er mwyn ei llunio ar gyfer mynd yn ein blaenau.

Holl ddiben hyn, wrth gwrs, yw mynd â'r sector preifat, y sector cyhoeddus, yr undebau llafur a'r Llywodraeth, gan gynnwys pawb ohonom ni yma, ar hyd yr un llwybr tuag at ein nod cyffredin. Ac rwy'n credu ei bod yn amlwg fod yna nodau cyffredin yma. Y cwestiwn mawr fydd sut y gallwn ni gael y dylanwad mwyaf ar gyfer cyflawni'r nodau cyffredin hynny, ac rwy'n credu y byddwch chi, yn briodol felly, yn ein dal ni i gyfrif o ran pa mor gyflym y byddwn ni'n gwneud hynny.  

Can I first of all welcome what is a very timely and a very comprehensive report on fair work? I think at a time when the two great challenges within our society and globally, really, are that of emergency climate change and the need to tackle that, but also the other great destabilising social factor, and that is the inequality of wealth and income—. And, in the UK, 60 per cent of all wealth is inherited; it's not earned, it's not created, it's inherited wealth, and we know the consequences of that. We are also aware that, year after year, for the last 10 years, the income for the poorest 10 per cent of society has gone down and the income of the top 10 per cent has increased. The figures for 2018 are that the poorest 10 per cent decreased by just under 2 per cent; the richest one fifth increased by almost 5 per cent, and that has been a trend really across Europe, and I think it's a destabilising factor.

There are many aspects to this report that are very important. I think this really adds support to the commitment by the First Minister to the introduction of a very timely social partnership Act, and that will put social partnership between trade unions, business and Welsh Government on a statutory basis. But can I just highlight one bit in there that I'm very pleased is in the report? It is recognising the link between collective bargaining, trade union membership and poverty. And we see this actually globally across Europe. The International Labour Organization has recently published incredibly valuable information, and it actually shows that, where there is collective bargaining, where working people actually have a voice within what happens within the industry, within society, their actual terms and conditions are better and the wealth gap—they're not pitted one against the other on a downward spiral to the lowest common denominator.

And might I suggest that there are three key criteria in a social partnership Act? One is obviously putting that partnership on a legislative footing. The second one is using our procurement of £5 billion to £6 billion a year. If companies want a share of that public funding, surely it is not unreasonable for us to establish and to set ethical standards of employment. Because if there was one fundamental principle that we can underwrite within this Assembly, within Wales, within the UK and further afield, it is this: if someone works hard for a full week's work, then they should be entitled as a matter of right to a decent standard of living. That surely must be the minimum standard, and us using our procurement power to do that seems to me is right. And then the fundamental point that follows on from that—and the reason for an Act—is that monitoring and enforcement must be the case. We have seen the disregard to the enforcement of the minimum wage, and we mustn't make that mistake. So, it seems to me that that's very important.

So, in terms of the three questions I'd like to ask you, one is about a potential timetable for the introduction of the promised social partnership Act. Secondly, do you think there might be an opportunity within that to incorporate some of the International Labour Organization convention on fair work? And, thirdly, perhaps a timeline in respect of the commitment also—the very valuable commitment—to the implementation of section 1 of the Equality Act 2010, which the Tories in Westminster have refused to implement, but which would enable us to take further action in terms of the promotion of a socioeconomic duty within our society.

A gaf i'n gyntaf groesawu'r adroddiad amserol iawn hwn ac un cynhwysfawr iawn hefyd ar waith teg? Mewn cyfnod pan mai'r ddwy her fawr sydd gennym ni yn ein cymdeithas ac yn fyd-eang, mewn gwirionedd, yw'r argyfwng newid hinsawdd a'r angen i fynd i'r afael â hynny, ond hefyd y ffactor mawr arall o ansefydlogrwydd cymdeithasol, sef yr anghydraddoldeb o ran cyfoeth ac incwm—. Ac, yn y DU, mae 60 y cant o'r holl gyfoeth wedi cael ei etifeddu; ni chafodd ei ennill, ni chafodd ei greu, mae'n gyfoeth a etifeddwyd, ac rydym yn gwybod am ganlyniadau hynny. Rydym hefyd yn gwybod, flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn, am y 10 mlynedd diwethaf, fod incwm y 10 y cant tlotaf mewn cymdeithas wedi gostwng a bod incwm y 10 y cant uchaf wedi cynyddu. Y ffigurau ar gyfer 2018 yw bod y 10 y cant tlotaf wedi gostwng ychydig yn is na 2 y cant; a chynnydd o bron 5 y cant yn y pumed ran gyfoethocaf, ac mae hynny wedi bod yn duedd ledled Ewrop mewn gwirionedd, ac rwy'n credu bod hyn yn achosi ansefydlogrwydd.

Mae llawer o agweddau ar yr adroddiad hwn sy'n bwysig iawn. Rwy'n credu bod hyn yn ychwanegu cefnogaeth at ymrwymiad y Prif Weinidog i gyflwyno Deddf partneriaeth gymdeithasol amserol iawn, a bydd hynny'n rhoi sail statudol i bartneriaeth gymdeithasol rhwng undebau llafur, busnesau a Llywodraeth Cymru. Ond a gaf i dynnu sylw at un peth yr wyf i'n falch iawn ohono yn yr adroddiad? Mae'n cydnabod y cysylltiad rhwng bargeinio ar y cyd, aelodaeth o undebau llafur a thlodi. Ac rydym yn gweld hyn mewn gwirionedd ledled Ewrop. Mae'r Sefydliad Llafur Rhyngwladol wedi cyhoeddi gwybodaeth anhygoel o werthfawr yn ddiweddar, ac mewn gwirionedd mae'n dangos lle ceir bargeinio ar y cyd, lle mae gan bobl sy'n gweithio lais gwirioneddol o fewn yr hyn sy'n digwydd o fewn y diwydiant, o fewn cymdeithas, mae eu telerau a'u hamodau gwirioneddol yn well a hefyd y bwlch cyfoeth—nid ydyn nhw'n cael eu gosod yn erbyn ei gilydd ac yn gostwng yn raddol i'r lefel gyffredin isaf.

Ac a gaf i awgrymu bod yna dri maen prawf allweddol mewn Deddf partneriaeth gymdeithasol? Un yn amlwg yw rhoi sylfaen ddeddfwriaethol i'r bartneriaeth honno. Yr ail yw defnyddio ein caffaeliad o £5 biliwn i £6 biliwn y flwyddyn. Os yw cwmnïau yn awyddus i gael cyfran o'r arian cyhoeddus hwnnw, mae'n sicr nad yw'n afresymol inni sefydlu a gosod safonau gwaith moesegol. Oherwydd os oes un egwyddor sylfaenol y gallwn ni ei gwarantu yn y Cynulliad hwn, yng Nghymru, yn y DU a'r tu hwnt, dyma hi: os bydd rhywun yn gweithio'n galed mewn wythnos waith lawn, yna dylai fod ganddo'r hawl ddiymwad i fywoliaeth o safon weddol. Dyna ddylai'r safon ofynnol fod, ac mae'n ymddangos i mi mai defnyddio ein pŵer caffael i wneud hynny yw'r peth iawn i'w wneud. Ac yna'r pwynt sylfaenol sy'n dilyn o hynny—a'r rheswm am y Ddeddf—yw bod yn rhaid i fonitro a gorfodi ddigwydd. Rydym ni wedi gweld gweithredu'r isafswm cyflog yn cael ei ddiystyru, ac ni ddylem wneud y camgymeriad hwnnw. Felly, mae'n ymddangos i mi fod hynny'n bwysig iawn.

Felly, o ran y tri chwestiwn yr hoffwn eu gofyn i chi, mae un yn ymwneud ag amserlen bosibl ar gyfer cyflwyno'r Ddeddf partneriaeth gymdeithasol a addawyd. Yn ail, a ydych chi'n credu y gallai fod cyfle o fewn honno i ymgorffori rhywfaint o gonfensiwn y Sefydliad Llafur Rhyngwladol ar waith teg? Ac, yn drydydd, llinell amser o bosibl yng nghyswllt yr ymrwymiad hefyd—yr ymrwymiad gwerthfawr iawn—i weithredu adran 1 o Ddeddf Cydraddoldeb 2010, y mae'r Torïaid yn San Steffan wedi gwrthod ei gweithredu, ond a fyddai'n ein galluogi ni i gymryd camau pellach i hyrwyddo dyletswydd economaidd gymdeithasol yn ein cymdeithas.

15:15

Thank you for that contribution. I entirely agree with the points that you've made. The report, I'm delighted to say—and I'll take this opportunity to just thank all of the fair work commissioners, who were, Deputy Presiding Officer, Professor Linda Dickens MBE, emeritus professor of industrial relations at the University of Warwick; Sharanne Basham-Pyke, the consultant director of Shad Consultancy Ltd; Professor Edmund Heery, Professor of employment relations at Cardiff Business School; and Sarah Veale CBE, who was head of the equality and employments rights department of the TUC until she retired in 2015. I think they've done a tremendous piece of work in a very short period of time. We set them a very tight deadline, with some trepidation, I have to say. I'm delighted by the piece of work that they've produced, but the timescale was driven by our desire to get the Act in place and the timing of it inside the Assembly term. So, that is the timetable, effectively.

They produced that piece of work; it's a very good piece of work. There'll be a rapid turnaround of our official response to that, then the conference in June for the taking forward of this in the tripartite social partnership—because that's, of course, the crux of it—with a view to getting a draft Act onto the Assembly floor as soon into the next autumn term as we can conceivably manage it. Mick Antoniw will be as familiar at least as I am, if not more familiar, with how far you've got to come back from the introduction of an Act in order to be able to get the instruction right, so time is of the essence. So, we want to get that in.

That Act will, I think, look to give teeth to the ethical procurement code of practice that we have so that people are rewarded for complying with it and for signing up to it, and we'll have to look to see whether there's something we can do where people breach it once they have signed up and so on. I think there is a whole set of things in the report—I know there's a whole set of things in the report about how we can embed proper collective bargaining across tiers of operation in our economy, not just in individual employers and so on. He will know at least as much, if not better than I do, how much trade union bargaining of that sort drove not only levels of pay—because this is not just about levels of pay; this is about levels of equality and share in the production that your labour produces. The report is very strong on that, I thought; I was very pleased to read that.

I would like to emphasise, at this point, that it is not causing our social partners any problem. That's why I'm able to say that this is consensual and very much in accordance with the Welsh traditions; I'm very pleased at that. And then, in terms of the equality Act duty, I completely agree with what he said. He will know that the Deputy Minister is taking forward the piece of research about how we can best encompass a rights agenda inside our legislation, building on the well-being of future generations Act and ensuring that we do enact the section 1 duty in the best possible way and how that leads across into the new Act that we are proposing.

I just want to say one final thing on this: this isn't just about procurement, although a procurement spend is very important and represents billions of pounds in our economy; this is about all Government funding. So, we will be looking to see what levers we can use to get fair work right across the economy in Wales, using all the levers of Government funding, and they are much more varied than just the procurement spend.

Diolch i chi am y cyfraniad hwnnw. Rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â'r pwyntiau yr ydych chi wedi eu gwneud. Mae'r adroddiad, rwy'n falch iawn o ddweud—ac rwyf i am achub ar y cyfle hwn i ddiolch i bob un o'r comisiynwyr gwaith teg, sef, Dirprwy Lywydd, yr Athro Linda Dickens MBE, athro Emeritws cysylltiadau diwydiannol ym Mhrifysgol Warwick; Sharanne Basham-Pyke, cyfarwyddwr ymgynghorol Shad Consultancy Ltd; Athro Edmund Heery, athro cysylltiadau cyflogaeth yn Ysgol Fusnes Caerdydd; a Sarah Veale CBE, a oedd yn bennaeth adran hawliau cydraddoldeb a chyflogaeth y TUC hyd nes iddi ymddeol yn 2015. Rwy'n credu eu bod nhw wedi gwneud darn aruthrol o waith mewn cyfnod byr iawn o amser. Roeddem wedi pennu cyfyngiadau mawr iawn o ran amser, gyda pheth anesmwythder, mae'n rhaid imi ddweud. Rwyf wrth fy modd gyda'r darn o waith y maen nhw wedi ei gynhyrchu, ond cafodd yr amserlen ei llywio gan ein hawydd i gael y Ddeddf yn ei lle a'i hamseru o fewn tymor y Cynulliad. Felly, dyna'r amserlen, i bob pwrpas.

Cynhyrchwyd y darn hwnnw o waith; darn da iawn o waith ydyw. Bydd ein hymateb swyddogol i hwnnw'n dod yn gyflym iawn, ac yna'r gynhadledd ym mis Mehefin i fwrw ymlaen â hyn yn y bartneriaeth gymdeithasol deirochrog—oherwydd dyna graidd y mater, wrth gwrs—gyda golwg ar gael Deddf ddrafft ar lawr y Cynulliad cyn gynted ag y mae hynny'n ymarferol bosibl ei reoli yn nhymor yr hydref nesaf. Bydd Mick Antoniw mor gyfarwydd â mi o leiaf, os nad yn fwy cyfarwydd, â pha mor bell y mae'n rhaid ichi ddod yn ôl o gyflwyniad Deddf er mwyn gallu cael y cyfarwyddyd yn iawn, felly mae amser yn hanfodol. Felly, rydym ni'n eiddgar i gael hynny i mewn.

Bydd y Ddeddf honno, yn fy marn i, yn rhoi pŵer i'r cod ymarfer caffael moesegol sydd gennym ni fel y bydd pobl yn cael eu gwobrwyo am gydymffurfio ag ef ac am ymuno ag ef, a bydd yn rhaid ystyried a oes unrhyw beth y gallwn ni ei wneud pan fydd pobl yn ei dorri ar ôl ymrwymo iddo ac yn y blaen. Rwy'n credu bod cyfres gyfan o bethau yn yr adroddiad—gwn fod yna gyfres gyfan o bethau yn yr adroddiad ynglŷn â sut y gallwn gynnwys cydfargeinio priodol ar draws haenau gweithredu yn ein heconomi, nid yn unig gyda chyflogwyr unigol ac yn y blaen. Bydd ef yn gwybod cymaint â hynny o leiaf, os nad yn well na mi, faint o fargeinio rhwng undebau llafur o'r math hwnnw a sbardunodd nid yn unig lefelau cyflog—oherwydd nid oes a wnelo hyn â lefelau cyflog yn unig; mae hyn yn ymwneud â lefelau cydraddoldeb a chyfranogiad yn y cynhyrchiant y mae eich llafur chi yn ei gynhyrchu. Mae'r adroddiad yn gryf iawn yn hynny o beth, yn fy marn i; roeddwn i'n falch iawn o ddarllen hynny.

Hoffwn i bwysleisio, ar hyn o bryd, nad yw hyn yn achosi unrhyw broblem i'n partneriaid cymdeithasol. Dyna pam y gallaf ddweud bod hyn yn gytûn ac yn bendant iawn yn unol â thraddodiadau Cymru; rwy'n falch iawn o hynny. Ac yna, o ran dyletswydd i'r Ddeddf Cydraddoldeb, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â'r hyn a ddywedodd ef. Bydd yn gwybod bod y Dirprwy Weinidog yn bwrw ymlaen â'r darn o waith ymchwil i'r ffordd orau o gwmpasu'r agenda hawliau o fewn ein deddfwriaeth, gan adeiladu ar Ddeddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol a sicrhau ein bod yn gweithredu dyletswydd adran 1 yn y ffordd orau bosibl a sut y bydd hynny'n arwain tuag at y Ddeddf newydd hon yr ydym yn ei chynnig.

Hoffwn ddweud un peth terfynol yn unig am hyn: nid yw hyn yn ymwneud yn unig â chaffael, er bod gwariant caffael yn bwysig iawn ac yn cynrychioli biliynau o bunnoedd yn ein heconomi; mae hwn yn ymwneud â holl gyllid y Llywodraeth. Felly, byddwn yn ystyried pa gyfryngau y gallwn ni eu defnyddio i gael gwaith teg ledled yr economi yng Nghymru, gan ddefnyddio holl ddulliau ariannu'r Llywodraeth, ac maen nhw'n llawer mwy amlweddog na'r gwariant caffael yn unig.

15:20

I'd like to welcome what I think is a very detailed and comprehensive report by the commission, Minister, and obviously it addresses issues that affect very many people right across Wales. In fact, I met with the commission as part of their evidence gathering as Chair of the Equalities, Local Government and Communities Committee, and I was very pleased with the commitment that I think they demonstrated at that meeting. There was a clear commitment to drawing up proposals that were workable and really would make a difference, which is entirely what I wanted to see. And, of course, the committee that I chair has carried out inquiries that are very relevant, particularly the inquiry on making low pay less prevalent across Wales, and also on parenting and employment, 'Work it out'. It's very pleasing, again, that many of the recommendations that we've made chime with the work and the recommendations of the commission, and we're very pleased to see that.

In particular, the commission has made recommendations identifying a voluntary living wage as the minimum wage floor for all fair work and seeking to establish guaranteed minimum hours as a default position for employment, both of which were recommendations from my equalities committee. And it's very encouraging that they say there should be no trade-off between the characteristics of fair work, highlighting the interaction between levels of pay and number and security of hours, which, I think, is really, really important and, again, something we highlighted in 'Making the economy work for people on low incomes'.

Minister, in terms of the recommendations that we've made in both those reports, the Government stated that it couldn't provide detailed responses while the Fair Work Commission was undertaking its work. Now that the report has been published, I would like to ask if the Government will now provide a more detailed response to my committee on those relevant recommendations. They were recommendations 18, 20, 21 and 22 in 'Making the economy work' and recommendations 9, 12, 28 and 34 in the parenting and employment report. Thank you.

Hoffwn i groesawu'r adroddiad gan y Comisiwn sydd, yn fy marn i, yn fanwl ac yn gynhwysfawr iawn, Gweinidog, ac mae'n amlwg ei fod yn mynd i'r afael â materion sy'n effeithio ar lawer iawn o bobl ledled Cymru. A dweud y gwir, fe wnes i gyfarfod â'r Comisiwn fel rhan o'r casglu tystiolaeth fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldebau, Llywodraeth Leol a Chymunedau, ac roeddwn i'n falch iawn o'r ymrwymiad a ddangoswyd ganddyn nhw yn y cyfarfod hwnnw. Roedd ymrwymiad clir i lunio cynigion a fyddai'n ymarferol ac yn gwneud gwahaniaeth gwirioneddol, sef yr union beth yr oeddwn i'n dymuno ei weld. Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'r Pwyllgor yr wyf i'n ei gadeirio wedi cynnal ymchwiliadau sy'n berthnasol iawn, yn enwedig yr ymchwiliad i wneud cyflog isel yn beth llai cyffredin ledled Cymru, a hefyd ar rianta a chyflogaeth, 'Wrth eich Gwaith'. Mae'n braf iawn, unwaith eto, fod llawer o'r argymhellion a wnaed gennym ni yn cyd-daro â gwaith ac argymhellion y Comisiwn, ac rydym ni'n falch iawn o weld hynny.

Yn benodol, mae'r Comisiwn wedi gwneud argymhellion yn nodi cyflog byw gwirfoddol fel yr isafswm cyflog gwaelodol ar gyfer pob gwaith teg ac yn ceisio sefydlu isafswm oriau gwarantedig yn sefyllfa ddiofyn ar gyfer cyflogaeth. Roedd y ddau beth hyn yn argymhellion gan fy mhwyllgor cydraddoldebau i. Ac mae'n galonogol iawn eu bod nhw'n dweud na ddylai fod unrhyw gyfaddawd o ran nodweddion gwaith teg, gan dynnu sylw at y rhyngweithio rhwng lefelau cyflog a nifer a sicrhad oriau, sydd, yn fy marn i, yn wirioneddol bwysig ac, unwaith eto, yn rhywbeth yr ydym yn tynnu sylw ato yn 'Gwneud i'r economi weithio i bobl ar incwm isel'.

Gweinidog, o ran yr argymhellion a wnaed gennym yn y ddau adroddiad hynny, mae'r Llywodraeth wedi dweud nad oedd yn gallu rhoi ymatebion manwl tra'r oedd y Comisiwn gwaith teg yn ymgymryd â'i waith. Gan fod yr adroddiad wedi cael ei gyhoeddi erbyn hyn, a gaf i ofyn a fydd y Llywodraeth yn rhoi ymateb manylach nawr i'm Pwyllgor i o ran yr argymhellion perthnasol hynny. Argymhellion 18, 20, 21 a 22 yn 'Gwneud i'r economi weithio' oedd y rhain ac argymhellion 9, 12, 28 a 34 yn yr adroddiad ar rianta a chyflogaeth. Diolch.

Well, I'm more than happy to make that commitment, because that is exactly what we said: we wanted to see what the Fair Work Commission said. In developing our response to the Fair Work Commission's report on social partnership, I'll be very pleased to make the commitment that we will respond in detail to your committee's report. You're absolutely right in pointing out that it's really pleasing to see the read-across between them. We are indeed on the same page, so to speak, so I'm very happy to make that commitment. We can make sure that we take into account all the evidence that the committee took into account as well in working up our conference in June, which I hope you'll be able to be a part of.

Because we're almost saying trusims here. It's quite clearly obvious to me, anyway—and actually, from what Mark Isherwood said, across the Chamber, so far—that you should be able to earn enough money in your place of work that you don't need any kind of Government benefit, otherwise, the work that you're doing clearly isn't fairly remunerated and you're unlikely to have a secure place of work. That does not contribute to any of the things that we hold dear—family or community cohesion, economic growth, proper career structures in Government and so on. But also, from the business point of view, it doesn't contribute to them being a viable and economic entity likely to grow. If you're not able to pay your employees a fair remuneration, you're unlikely to have a good business plan in place that allows your business to grow properly. These are the flip sides of the same coin and we really do need to be able to help our businesses get to the point where they see that.

And that's why I'm so pleased that we're taking this forward in social partnership. And our social partners very much take that on board. So, there's been no disagreement here. And as we develop our response to the recommendations in detail, I'm not anticipating that we will have any kick-back from that. We need to take our employers with us along this journey, so that they too can turn into the vibrant, viable businesses that we need to make our workers have secure and economically fair jobs.

Wel, rwy'n fwy na pharod i wneud yr ymrwymiad hwnnw, oherwydd dyna'n union a ddywedwyd gennym: roeddem eisiau gweld beth oedd gan y Comisiwn gwaith teg i'w ddweud. Wrth ddatblygu ein hymateb i adroddiad y Comisiwn gwaith teg ar bartneriaethau cymdeithasol, rwy'n falch iawn o wneud yr ymrwymiad i ymateb yn fanwl i adroddiad eich pwyllgor chi. Rydych chi'n llygad eich lle wrth dynnu sylw at y ffaith ei bod yn braf gweld y gyfatebiaeth o ddarllen y ddau. Rydym yn wir ar yr un dudalen, fel petai, ac felly rwy'n hapus iawn i wneud yr ymrwymiad hwnnw. Gallwn wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n ystyried yr holl dystiolaeth a ystyriwyd gan y Pwyllgor hefyd wrth ymlwybro tua'r gynhadledd ym mis Mehefin, yr wyf i'n gobeithio y byddwch chi'n gallu bod yn rhan ohoni.

Rydym yn llefaru ystrydebau yma, bron iawn. Mae'n hollol amlwg i mi, beth bynnag—ac yn wir, o'r hyn a ddywedodd Mark Isherwood, ar draws y Siambr, hyd yma—y dylech chi allu ennill digon o arian yn eich gweithle fel nad oes angen unrhyw fath o fudd gan y Llywodraeth arnoch chi, oherwydd fel arall, nid yw'r gwaith yr ydych yn ei wneud yn amlwg yn talu'n deg ac nid ydych chi'n debygol o fod mewn gweithle sy'n sicr. Nid yw hynny'n cyfrannu at unrhyw un o'r pethau yr ydym ni'n eu coleddu—cydlyniant teuluol neu gymunedol, twf economaidd, strwythurau gyrfa priodol mewn Llywodraeth ac yn y blaen. Ond hefyd, o safbwynt busnes, nid yw hynny'n cyfrannu at y ffaith eu bod nhw'n endid economaidd sy'n hyfyw ac sy'n debygol o dyfu. Os na allwch gynnig tâl teg i'ch gweithwyr, nid yw'n debygol y bydd gennych gynllun busnes da yn ei le a fydd yn caniatáu i'ch busnes dyfu'n iawn. Dwy ochr i'r un geiniog yw'r pethau hyn ac mae gwir angen inni allu helpu ein busnesau i gyrraedd y pwynt lle maen nhw'n gweld hynny.

Dyna pam yr wyf mor falch ein bod ni'n bwrw ymlaen â hyn mewn partneriaeth gymdeithasol. Ac mae ein partneriaid cymdeithasol yn derbyn hynny i raddau helaeth iawn. Felly, nid oes unrhyw anghytundeb wedi bod yn hyn o beth. Ac wrth inni ddatblygu ein hymateb manwl i'r argymhellion, nid wyf yn rhagweld unrhyw daro'n ôl yn sgil hynny. Mae angen inni dywys ein cyflogwyr gyda ni ar hyd y daith hon, fel y gallan nhw hefyd ddatblygu i fod y busnesau bywiog a hyfyw sydd eu hangen arnom i sicrhau bod gan ein gweithwyr swyddi diogel â thegwch economaidd.

15:25
4. Dadl: Mynd i'r Afael â Hiliaeth ac Anghydraddoldeb Hiliol
4. Debate: Tackling Racism and Racial Inequality

Item 4 on the agenda this afternoon is the debate on tackling racism and racial inequality, and I call on the Deputy Minister and Chief Whip to move the motion—Jane Hutt.

Eitem 4 ar yr agenda y prynhawn yma yw'r ddadl ar fynd i'r afael â hiliaeth ac anghydraddoldeb hiliol, ac rwy'n galw ar y Dirprwy Weinidog a'r Prif Chwip i gynnig y cynnig—Jane Hutt.

Cynnig NDM7041 Rebecca Evans, Darren Millar, Rhun ap Iorwerth

Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru:

1. Yn cefnogi:

a) yn galonnog y frwydr fyd-eang i ddiwreiddio hiliaeth ac ideoleg hiliol ac yn ymdrechu tuag at Gymru fwy cyfartal, gan fynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldeb hiliol o bob math; a

b) egwyddorion Confensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Ddiddymu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu ar sail Hil.

2. Yn galw ar Gomisiwn y Cynulliad ar ran Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru i hwyluso'r gwaith o lunio datganiad trawsbleidiol, yn crynhoi egwyddorion Diddymu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu ar sail Hil mewn ymgynghoriad â'r unigolion a'r sefydliadau mwyaf priodol.

Motion NDM7041 Rebecca Evans, Darren Millar, Rhun ap Iorwerth

To propose that the National Assembly of Wales:

1. Supports:

a) wholeheartedly the global fight to root out racism and racist ideology and strives towards a more equal Wales, tackling all forms of racial inequality; and

b) the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.

2. Calls on the Assembly Commission on behalf of the National Assembly for Wales to facilitate the development of a cross-party Welsh declaration embodying the principles of the CERD in consultation with the most appropriate persons and organisations.

Cynigiwyd y cynnig.

Motion moved.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I'm pleased to open this debate on the twentieth anniversary of this Assembly to tackle racism, to root out racist ideology and review our commitment to the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. I thank Plaid Cymru and the Welsh Conservatives for making this a joint motion to unite us today in the commitments we make as a result of this debate.

Fifty people died in the terrorist attacks in Christchurch on 15 March and 250 more in Sri Lanka on 21 April 2019. On 27 April 2019, on the last day of passover, the shooting at a synagogue outside San Diego left one woman dead and three others injured. The shooting came exactly six months after a shooting at a Pittsburgh synagogue, killing 11 people in the deadliest attack on Jews in US history. The global response to these terrorist attacks has been powerful and inspirational. In the wake of the New Zealand attack, the Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern called for a global effort to root out racism and bigotry. Her profound statement,

'They are us. The person who has perpetuated this violence against us is not',

requires us all to look at ourselves and our responsibilities personally and politically. She said that if we want to make sure globally that we are a safe, tolerant and inclusive world, we cannot think in terms of national boundaries. She said we must weed out racism where it exists and make sure that we never create an environment where it can flourish. Today, we have an opportunity to add our voices to the calls for racial harmony, peace and justice. We must publicly condemn racism, Islamophobia, Afrophobia and anti-Semitism wherever it occurs, and we must take further action to tackle racial inequalities that are present in our own country. We know that means that we must take action here in Wales.

We've already come a long way. Fifty years ago this year on 7 March 1969, the UK Government ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, making a commitment to condemn and eliminate all forms of racial discrimination and to criminalise acts of violence or incitement of violence against people from minority ethnic groups. We now have legislation that mirrors the standards in the convention, outlawing racial discrimination at work and in the provision of services such as healthcare, housing, employment and education. We must make that legislation work effectively here in Wales. In Wales, the systems we have in place for addressing hate crime and supporting victims are seen as world leading. Public bodies in Wales are subject to the public sector equality duty under the Equality Act 2010, with a duty to promote equal opportunity and foster good relations between groups in society.

The twenty-second of April, Deputy Llywydd, marked the twenty-sixth anniversary of the death of Stephen Lawrence and the first national Stephen Lawrence Day. We marked his life and the achievements of his family, which have created an important legacy to be safeguarded and built upon. Last year, here at the Senedd, we worked with Windrush community elders from Race Council Cymru to celebrate the contribution of the Windrush generation to British and Welsh life. That was such a powerful, moving and joyful event that we will be holding similar events around Wales, funded by the Welsh Government this year, and, I hope, for years to come.

Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. A hithau'n ugain mlynedd ers sefydlu'r Cynulliad, rwy'n falch o agor y ddadl hon i fynd i'r afael â hiliaeth, i gael gwared ar ideoleg hiliol ac i adolygu ein hymrwymiad i Gonfensiwn Rhyngwladol y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Ddileu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu Hiliol. Rwy'n diolch i Blaid Cymru ac i'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig am gyflwyno cynnig ar y cyd i'n huno heddiw yn yr ymrwymiadau y byddwn ni'n eu gwneud o ganlyniad i'r ddadl hon.

Bu farw 50 o bobl yn yr ymosodiadau terfysgol yn Christchurch ar 15 Mawrth a 250 arall yn Sri Lanka ar 21 Ebrill 2019. Ar 27 Ebrill 2019, ar ddiwrnod olaf y Pasg Iddewig, o ganlyniad i'r saethu mewn synagog ar gyrion San Diego bu farw un ddynes ac anafwyd tri arall. Digwyddodd y saethu yn union chwe mis ar ôl saethu mewn synagog yn Pittsburgh, lle lladdwyd 11 o bobl yn yr ymosodiad a laddodd y mwyaf o Iddewon yn hanes UDA. Bu'r ymateb byd-eang i'r ymosodiadau terfysgol hyn yn rymus ac yn ysbrydoliaeth. Yn sgil ymosodiad Seland Newydd, galwodd y Prif Weinidog Jacinda Ardern am ymdrech fyd-eang i gael gwared ar hiliaeth a rhagfarn. Mae ei datganiad angerddol,

Ni ydyn nhw. Nid felly'r sawl sydd wedi parhau â'r trais hwn yn ein herbyn,

yn rhoi rheidrwydd ar bob un ohonom ni i edrych arnom ni ein hunain a'n cyfrifoldebau yn bersonol ac yn wleidyddol. Dywedodd os ydym ni eisiau gwneud yn siŵr yn fyd-eang ein bod yn fyd diogel, goddefgar a chynhwysol, yna ni allwn ni feddwl yn nhermau ffiniau cenedlaethol. Dywedodd fod yn rhaid i ni gael gwared ar hiliaeth lle mae'n bodoli a gwneud yn siŵr nad ydym ni byth yn creu amgylchedd lle gall ffynnu. Heddiw, mae gennym ni gyfle i ategu'r galwadau am gytgord, heddwch a chyfiawnder hiliol. Rhaid inni gondemnio'n gyhoeddus, hiliaeth, Islamoffobia, Affroffobia a gwrth-Semitiaeth lle bynnag y mae'n digwydd, a rhaid inni wneud mwy i fynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau hiliol sy'n bodoli yn ein gwlad ein hunain. Gwyddom fod hynny'n golygu bod yn rhaid inni weithredu yma yng Nghymru.

Rydym ni eisoes wedi gwneud cynnydd mawr. Hanner can mlynedd yn ôl eleni ar 7 Mawrth 1969, cadarnhaodd Llywodraeth y DU y Confensiwn Rhyngwladol ar Ddileu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu Hiliol, gan ymrwymo i gondemnio a chael gwared ar bob math o wahaniaethu ar sail hil, ac i wneud gweithredoedd o drais neu gymell trais yn erbyn pobl o grwpiau lleiafrifoedd ethnig yn drosedd. Mae gennym ni bellach ddeddfwriaeth sy'n adlewyrchu safonau'r Confensiwn, gan wahardd gwahaniaethu ar sail hil yn y gwaith ac wrth ddarparu gwasanaethau megis gofal iechyd, tai, cyflogaeth ac addysg. Mae'n rhaid inni sicrhau bod y ddeddfwriaeth honno'n gweithio'n effeithiol yma yng Nghymru. Yng Nghymru, ystyrir bod y systemau sydd gennym ni ar gyfer mynd i'r afael â throseddau casineb a chynorthwyo dioddefwyr gyda'r gorau yn y byd. Mae'n rhaid i gyrff cyhoeddus yng Nghymru ymrwymo i ddyletswydd cydraddoldeb y sector cyhoeddus o dan Ddeddf Cydraddoldeb 2010, lle mae dyletswydd arnyn nhw i hyrwyddo cyfle cyfartal a meithrin cysylltiadau da rhwng grwpiau mewn cymdeithas.

Roedd yr ail ar hugain o Ebrill, Dirprwy Lywydd, yn nodi chwe blynedd ar hugain ers marwolaeth Stephen Lawrence a diwrnod cenedlaethol cyntaf Stephen Lawrence. Dathlwyd ei fywyd a chyflawniadau ei deulu, sydd wedi creu gwaddol pwysig i'w ddiogelu ac i adeiladu arno. Y llynedd, yma yn y Senedd, buom yn gweithio gyda phobl hŷn cymuned Windrush o Gyngor Hil Cymru i ddathlu cyfraniad cenhedlaeth Windrush i fywyd Prydain a Chymru. Roedd hwnnw'n ddigwyddiad mor rymus, teimladwy a llawen fel y byddwn ni'n cynnal digwyddiadau tebyg ledled Cymru, wedi'u hariannu gan Lywodraeth Cymru eleni, ac, rwy'n gobeithio, am flynyddoedd i ddod.

Let us be in no doubt, everyday racism, structural racism and racially motivated crimes are still each and every day having a profound impact on the lives and life outcomes of people in Wales. It's unacceptable that many BAME people in this country have come to the conclusion that they just need to tolerate everyday racism. In 2017, the British social attitudes survey evidenced that a quarter of people admitted being very or a little prejudiced towards people of other races. Structural and institutional racism is also very real. We know this for certain too, because of the pay gaps that exist and the lack of BAME people in more senior management or leadership positions.

Likewise, there is substantial evidence that many of our BAME children and young people are experiencing racist bullying in schools. Some of us will have heard the stories first hand. Show Racism the Red Card has had a major impact in schools. Their dedicated and experienced staff run workshops with children and young people, both to highlight the issues and change attitudes.

Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are also very real issues in Wales today, with extremist groups fuelling hatred and spreading lies. We must reinvigorate our approach in Wales, so that we can secure a more peaceful and more inclusive future, not least in the context of Brexit. That's why, for example, we're investing £2.4 million to expand our regional community cohesion programme, to identify and mitigate community tensions.

There are many other challenges facing us, but we're not starting from scratch. Over the last two years, we've been engaging with BAME communities right across Wales through our all-Wales BAME engagement programme, run by EYST, as well as through our Wales Race Forum. The engagement programme has given us recommendations for action to tackle racism and the inequalities that arise as a result. We can do something about this.

The themes of the programme are representation of BAME people in public and political life as a key theme—already a priority for this Welsh Government, and for me personally. I recognise that this is crucial to everything else we want to do. This isn't about tokenism or making up numbers. Wales needs diverse representation of ethnic minority groups, women and other protected characteristics in our top management positions and in our politics. We need to change the processes and culture of institutions. We won't succeed until we have fresh voices and new perspectives in our Welsh public bodies, in the council chambers, boardrooms and top tables, and of course in this Chamber.

On the second theme, employment and socioeconomic inequality, there is variation between and within different ethnic minorities, but the overall picture is clear enough: people from diverse ethnic backgrounds consistently face additional obstacles in the Welsh labour market.

And thirdly, the BAME engagement programme has made 13 far-reaching recommendations about tackling racial inequality in schools. Both I and the Minister for Education are determined to take action to tackle all types of racial inequalities in schools and improve outcomes. That is fundamental for unlocking the potential of the next generation of racially aware, ethical, informed citizens of Wales and the world, ready to be citizens of Wales and the world. We must take the important opportunities that we have through the new curriculum, our anti-bullying guidance, and our investment in professional learning for the school workforce.

Last but not least, tackling racist incidents, hate crimes, and structural racism has never been more urgent than at present: 68 per cent of all hate crimes are racially motivated. And nor can we afford to ignore the impact of right-wing extremism in Wales. Numbers may be small, but the activities of such groups, both online and locally, can have a disproportionate effect on our communities, and are a disgrace to our society as a whole.

So, finally, in opening this debate, we must continue to build a strong and diverse society, where people of every race, faith and colour are valued for their character and their actions. We want to create a peaceful and harmonious country where our children and future generations can thrive. It's crucial that encouraging reporting, supporting victims, holding perpetrators to account, continue to be top-level priorities. On our twentieth anniversary of devolution, we must make this a renewed commitment for the Welsh Government and this Assembly, and I look forward to this debate.

Gadewch inni fod yn gwbl sicr, mae hiliaeth bob dydd, hiliaeth strwythurol a throseddau hiliol yn dal i gael effaith ddofn ar fywydau a chanlyniadau bywyd pobl yng Nghymru. Mae hi'n annerbyniol bod llawer o bobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig yn y wlad hon wedi dod i'r casgliad bod angen iddyn nhw oddef hiliaeth bob dydd. Yn 2017, dangosodd arolwg agweddau cymdeithasol Prydain fod chwarter y bobl wedi cyfaddef eu bod fymryn yn rhagfarnllyd, neu'n rhagfarnllyd iawn, tuag at bobl o hil arall. Mae hiliaeth strwythurol a sefydliadol yn real iawn hefyd. Rydym ni'n gwybod fod hyn yn wir hefyd, oherwydd y bylchau cyflog sy'n bodoli a phrinder pobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig mewn swyddi uwch reoli neu arweinyddiaeth.

Yn yr un modd, ceir tystiolaeth sylweddol bod llawer o'n plant a'n pobl ifanc du, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig yn cael eu bwlio'n hiliol mewn ysgolion. Bydd rhai ohonom ni wedi clywed y straeon yn uniongyrchol. Mae Dangos y Cerdyn Coch i Hiliaeth wedi cael effaith fawr mewn ysgolion. Mae eu staff ymroddedig a phrofiadol yn cynnal gweithdai gyda phlant a phobl ifanc, er mwyn amlygu'r materion a newid agweddau.

Mae Islamoffobia a gwrth-Semitiaeth hefyd yn faterion real iawn yng Nghymru heddiw, gyda grwpiau eithafol yn sbarduno casineb a lledaenu celwydd. Rhaid inni dorchi llewys drachefn yng Nghymru, fel y gallwn ni sicrhau dyfodol mwy heddychlon a mwy cynhwysol, yn enwedig yng nghyd-destun Brexit. Dyna pam, er enghraifft, ein bod ni'n buddsoddi £2.4 miliwn i ehangu ein rhaglen cydlyniant cymunedol rhanbarthol, er mwyn adnabod a lliniaru tensiynau cymunedol.

Mae sawl her arall yn ein hwynebu, ond nid ydym yn dechrau o'r dechrau. Yn ystod y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf, rydym ni wedi bod yn gweithio gyda chymunedau duon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig ledled Cymru drwy ein rhaglen ymgysylltu Cymru gyfan ar gyfer pobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig, sy'n cael ei rhedeg gan Y Tîm Cymorth Ieuenctid Ethnig, yn ogystal â thrwy Fforwm Hil Cymru. Mae'r rhaglen ymgysylltu wedi rhoi argymhellion inni ar gyfer gweithredu i fynd i'r afael â hiliaeth a'r anghydraddoldebau sy'n deillio o hynny. Fe allwn ni wneud rhywbeth am hyn.

Themâu'r rhaglen yw cynrychioli pobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig mewn bywyd cyhoeddus a gwleidyddol fel thema allweddol—sydd eisoes yn flaenoriaeth i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac i mi'n bersonol. Rwy'n cydnabod bod hyn yn hanfodol i bopeth arall sydd arnom ni eisiau ei wneud. Nid yw hyn yn ymwneud â symboleiddiaeth na chyflawni rhifau. Mae angen cynrychiolaeth amrywiol ar Gymru o grwpiau lleiafrifoedd ethnig, menywod a phobl â nodweddion gwarchodedig eraill yn ein prif swyddi rheoli ac yn ein gwleidyddiaeth. Mae angen i ni newid prosesau a diwylliant sefydliadau. Ni fyddwn yn llwyddo nes bod gennym ni leisiau newydd a safbwyntiau newydd yn ein cyrff cyhoeddus Cymreig, yn siambrau'r cynghorau, ystafelloedd bwrdd ac ar y byrddau uchaf, ac wrth gwrs yn y Siambr hon.

O ran yr ail thema, cyflogaeth ac anghydraddoldeb cymdeithasol-economaidd, ceir amrywiaeth rhwng ac o fewn gwahanol leiafrifoedd ethnig, ond mae'r darlun cyffredinol yn ddigon clir: mae pobl o gefndiroedd ethnig amrywiol yn wynebu rhwystrau ychwanegol yn gyson ym marchnad lafur Cymru.

Ac yn drydydd, mae'r rhaglen ymgysylltu â phobl dduon, Asiaidd a lleiafrifoedd ethnig wedi gwneud 13 o argymhellion pellgyrhaeddol ynglŷn â mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldeb hiliol mewn ysgolion. Rwyf i a'r Gweinidog Addysg yn benderfynol o fynd ati i roi sylw i bob math o anghydraddoldeb hiliol mewn ysgolion a gwella canlyniadau. Mae hynny'n hanfodol fel bod y genhedlaeth nesaf yn cyflawni hyd ei heithaf ac yn dod yn ddinasyddion Cymru a'r byd sy'n ymwybodol o hil, sy'n hyddysg a moesegol, ac sy'n barod i fod yn ddinasyddion Cymru a'r byd. Rhaid inni fanteisio ar y cyfleoedd pwysig sydd gennym ni drwy'r cwricwlwm newydd, ein canllawiau gwrth-fwlio, a'n buddsoddiad mewn dysgu proffesiynol ar gyfer gweithlu'r ysgolion.

Yn olaf, ond nid yn lleiaf, nid yw mynd i'r afael â digwyddiadau hiliol, troseddau casineb, a hiliaeth strwythurol wedi bod yn fwy o frys nag yw ar hyn o bryd: mae 68 y cant o'r holl droseddau casineb yn cael eu cymell oherwydd hil. Ac ni allwn ni fforddio chwaith anwybyddu effaith eithafiaeth asgell dde yng Nghymru. Efallai fod y niferoedd yn fach, ond gall gweithgareddau grwpiau o'r fath, ar-lein ac yn lleol, gael effaith anghymesur ar ein cymunedau, ac maen nhw'n warth ar ein cymdeithas yn gyffredinol.

Felly, yn olaf, wrth agor y ddadl hon, rhaid inni barhau i adeiladu cymdeithas gref ac amrywiol, lle mae pobl o bob hil, ffydd a lliw yn cael eu gwerthfawrogi am eu cymeriad a'u gweithredoedd. Rydym ni eisiau creu gwlad heddychlon a chytûn lle gall ein plant a chenedlaethau'r dyfodol ffynnu. Mae'n hanfodol bod annog pobl i roi gwybod am droseddau, cynorthwyo dioddefwyr, dwyn tramgwyddwyr i gyfrif, yn parhau i fod yn flaenoriaethau pwysig. Ugain mlynedd ers datganoli, mae'n rhaid inni wneud hyn yn ymrwymiad o'r newydd i Lywodraeth Cymru a'r Cynulliad hwn, ac edrychaf ymlaen at y ddadl hon.

15:35

The UN convention on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination is an international treaty adopted in 1965 by the United Nations General Assembly. The convention covers the rights of all people to enjoy civil, political, economic and social rights without discrimination on grounds of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin. The UK ratified this in 1969, 50 years ago. 

Hate crime is defined as an offence that the victim considers to be driven by hostility towards their race, religion, sexual orientation, disability or transgender identity. It can include verbal abuse, intimidation, threats, harassment, assault and bullying, as well as damage to property. Although people's experience of hate crime captured by the crime survey of England and Wales has gone down steadily over the last decade, police recorded hate crime in England and Wales has more than doubled since 2012-13, when 42,255 such crimes were recorded. In part, this is due to improvements made by the police in identification and recording of crime offences and, in part, to more people coming forward to report these. However, there have also been spikes of hate crime. 

Speaking at last October's Celebrating International Integration Day event in the Temple of Peace, organised by NWAMI, the North Wales Association for Multicultural Integration, I referred to the Let Us Integrate through Music and Art Assembly event that I hosted last May with NWAMI and with Cwmbran-based KIRAN, the Knowledge-based Intercommunity Relationship and Awareness Network. As the honorary president of NWAMI, I've worked with the organisation for many years. NWAMI is dedicated to building up a cohesive community and integrated society in Wales in the twenty-first century, and to achieving this by promoting an understanding of, and respect for, this country's diverse cultures, through cultural engagement and interaction, education and training, organising cultural performances in music, dance and other art forms, as well as activities including speaker sessions and workshops.

In south Wales, Cwmbran-based KIRAN aims to advance education and raise awareness about different racial groups and different social and cultural settings. 

Mae Confensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Ddileu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu Hiliol yn gytundeb rhyngwladol a fabwysiadwyd ym 1965 gan Gynulliad Cyffredinol y Cenhedloedd Unedig. Mae'r Confensiwn yn cwmpasu hawliau pob unigolyn i fwynhau hawliau sifil, gwleidyddol, economaidd a chymdeithasol heb wahaniaethu ar sail hil, lliw, disgyniad neu darddiad cenedlaethol neu ethnig. Cadarnhaodd y DU hyn ym 1969, 50 mlynedd yn ôl.

Diffinnir trosedd casineb fel trosedd y mae'r dioddefwr yn ystyried ei fod wedi ei gymell gan elyniaeth tuag at ei hil, crefydd, cyfeiriadedd rhywiol, anabledd neu hunaniaeth drawsryweddol. Gall gynnwys cam-drin geiriol, codi ofn, bygwth, aflonyddu, ymosod a bwlio, yn ogystal â difrod i eiddo. Er bod profiad pobl o droseddau casineb, y ceir cipolwg arnyn nhw yn arolwg troseddu Cymru a Lloegr, wedi gostwng yn gyson dros y degawd diwethaf, mae troseddau casineb a gofnodwyd gan yr heddlu yng Nghymru a Lloegr wedi mwy na dyblu ers 2012-13, pan gofnodwyd 42,255 o droseddau o'r fath. Yn rhannol, mae hyn o ganlyniad i welliannau a wnaed gan yr heddlu o ran nodi a chofnodi troseddau ac, yn rhannol, oherwydd bod mwy o bobl yn rhoi gwybod am y rhain. Fodd bynnag, bu achosion o gynnydd hefyd mewn troseddau casineb.

Wrth siarad yn y digwyddiad Dathlu Diwrnod Integreiddio Rhyngwladol fis Hydref diwethaf yn y Deml Heddwch, a drefnwyd gan NWAMI, Cymdeithas Integreiddio Amlddiwylliannol Gogledd Cymru, cyfeiriais at Integreiddio drwy gyfrwng Cerddoriaeth a Chelf, sef digwyddiad wedi ei drefnu gan y Cynulliad a gynhaliais fis Mai diwethaf gydag NWAMI a chyda KIRAN o Gwmbrân, y rhwydwaith cysylltiadau rhyng-Gymunedol seiliedig ar wybodaeth. Yn rhinwedd fy swyddogaeth yn Llywydd Anrhydeddus NWAMI, rwyf wedi gweithio gyda'r mudiad ers blynyddoedd lawer. Mae NWAMI yn ymrwymedig i adeiladu cymuned gydlynol a chymdeithas integredig yng Nghymru yn yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, ac i gyflawni hyn drwy hybu dealltwriaeth a pharch tuag at amrywiol ddiwylliannau'r wlad hon, drwy ymgysylltu a rhyngweithio diwylliannol, addysg a hyfforddiant, trefnu perfformiadau diwylliannol ar ffurf cerddoriaeth, dawns a ffurfiau celfyddydol eraill, yn ogystal â gweithgareddau yn cynnwys sesiynau siaradwyr a gweithdai.

Yn y de, nod KIRAN, sydd wedi ei leoli yng Nghwmbrân, yw hyrwyddo addysg a chodi ymwybyddiaeth o wahanol grwpiau hiliol a gwahanol leoliadau cymdeithasol a diwylliannol.  

Will you take an intervention? 

A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?

You're describing some really good work on the part of some really good organisations in Wales. But do you accept that their work is made so much harder when politicians, like Boris Johnson from your party, refer to Muslim women as letterboxes, for example? 

Rydych chi'n disgrifio gwaith da iawn ar ran rhai sefydliadau gwirioneddol dda yng Nghymru. Ond a ydych chi'n derbyn fod eu gwaith yn llawer anoddach pan fo gwleidyddion, fel Boris Johnson o'ch plaid chi, yn cyfeirio at fenywod Mwslimaidd fel blychau llythyrau, er enghraifft?

I'm not going to comment on fly-by partisan comments, because I want this to be a united debate with a united message. I'm happy if we want to have a partisan debate on issues to partake in on that basis but not this debate.

In south Wales KIRAN want to promote knowledge and mutual understanding between different racial groups and generate activities to foster understanding between people from diverse backgrounds with the objective of encouraging acceptance of social diversities and facilitating meaningful engagement between members from different communities.

Last May, I had a meeting in the Assembly with the Welsh Refugee Council, the North Wales Association for Multicultural Integration and the personal support service CAIS, to talk about how we can work in partnership to break down barriers and increase understanding of each other's cultures. We must recognise the vital work being carried out by front-line community and third sector organisations to promote multicultural integration in Wales.

As the chair and founder of NWAMI, Dr Sibani Roy, has stated,

'Some of the people think that when you talk about integration you mean assimilation. We have to explain to people that integration is not assimilation. We have to respect the law and culture of the land.'

She added,

'What we need to do is educate people and say, "We're all human beings, we're friendly and we should try to understand each other's cultures." When they learn about other cultures, then they will possibly become friendly. Change will happen slowly, but tit for tat is not the way to change people. By talking to people and educating people, eventually by convincing them that human beings are not all bad.'

She said,

'It doesn't matter. It's individuals and that is what I've always believed myself that we treat people as individuals. It doesn't matter what the background is, their faith or colour.'

In terms of Brexit, when people voted to leave the EU, they were voting for control not extremism. However, as the Minister referred to, some extremists have sought to hijack Brexit for their own unsavoury ends. But at this critical time we must remember that this is not about a soft Brexit or a hard Brexit, but an open Brexit that ensures that the UK is turned outwards and is more engaged with the world than ever before. We must build a cohesive community and integrated society in Wales in this century. To achieve this, we need to promote an understanding and respect of Wales's diverse cultures through cultural engagement and interaction, education and training. We therefore support the call for a cross-party Welsh declaration embodying the principles of the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and, as I have said many times, this is about celebrating our glorious diversity together. Diolch yn fawr.

Nid wyf yn mynd i wneud sylwadau am sylwadau pleidiol digyswllt, gan fy mod i eisiau i hon fod yn ddadl unedig gyda neges unedig. Rwy'n hapus os ydym ni eisiau cael dadl bleidiol ar faterion i gymryd rhan ynddi ar y sail honno ond nid y ddadl hon.

Yn y de, mae KIRAN eisiau hyrwyddo gwybodaeth a chyd-ddealltwriaeth rhwng gwahanol grwpiau hil a chynhyrchu gweithgareddau i feithrin dealltwriaeth rhwng pobl o gefndiroedd amrywiol gyda'r amcan o annog goddefgarwch o amrywiaeth gymdeithasol a hwyluso ymgysylltu ystyrlon rhwng aelodau o wahanol gymunedau.

Fis Mai diwethaf, cefais gyfarfod yn y Cynulliad gyda Chyngor Ffoaduriaid Cymru, Cymdeithas Integreiddio Amlddiwylliannol Gogledd Cymru a'r gwasanaeth cymorth personol CAIS, i drafod sut y gallwn ni gydweithio i chwalu rhwystrau a chynyddu dealltwriaeth o ddiwylliannau ein gilydd. Mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod y gwaith hanfodol sy'n cael ei wneud gan fudiadau rheng flaen yn y gymuned a'r trydydd sector i hybu integreiddio amlddiwylliannol yng Nghymru.

Fel y dywedodd Cadeirydd a sylfaenydd NWAMI, Dr Sibani Roy,

Mae rhai o'r bobl yn meddwl, wrth sôn am integreiddio, eich bod yn golygu cymathu. Rhaid inni egluro wrth bobl nad cymathu yw integreiddio. Mae'n rhaid i ni barchu cyfraith a diwylliant y wlad.

Ychwanegodd:

Yr hyn sydd angen i ni ei wneud yw addysgu pobl a dweud, "Rydym ni i gyd yn fodau dynol, rydym ni'n gyfeillgar ac fe ddylem ni geisio deall diwylliannau ein gilydd." Pan fyddan nhw'n dysgu am ddiwylliannau eraill, yna mae'n bosib y byddan nhw'n datblygu cyfeillgarwch. Bydd newid yn digwydd yn araf, ond nid llygad am lygad yw'r ffordd i newid pobl. Drwy siarad â phobl ac addysgu pobl, yn y pen draw drwy eu hargyhoeddi nad yw bodau dynol yn ddrwg i gyd.

Dywedodd hi:

Does dim ots. Mae a wnelo hyn ag unigolion a dyna'r hyn yr wyf wedi ei gredu fy hun erioed, ein bod yn trin pobl fel unigolion. Does dim ots beth yw'r cefndir, eu ffydd na'u lliw.

O ran Brexit, pan bleidleisiodd pobl i adael yr UE, roedden nhw'n pleidleisio dros reoli ac nid eithafiaeth. Fodd bynnag, fel y cyfeiriodd y Gweinidog ato, mae rhai eithafwyr wedi ceisio herwgipio Brexit at eu dibenion annymunol eu hunain. Ond ar yr adeg dyngedfennol hon mae'n rhaid i ni gofio nad yw hyn ynglŷn â Brexit meddal na Brexit caled, ond Brexit agored sy'n sicrhau bod y DU yn dod yn eangfrydig a'i bod yn ymgysylltu mwy â'r byd nag erioed o'r blaen. Rhaid i ni adeiladu cymdeithas gymunedol ac integredig gydlynus yng Nghymru yn y ganrif hon. Er mwyn cyflawni hyn, mae angen i ni hybu dealltwriaeth a pharch o ddiwylliannau amrywiol Cymru drwy ymgysylltu a rhyngweithio diwylliannol, addysg a hyfforddiant. Rydym ni felly'n cefnogi'r alwad am ddatganiad trawsbleidiol yng Nghymru sy'n ymgorffori egwyddorion Confensiwn Rhyngwladol y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Ddileu Pob Math o Wahaniaethu Hiliol, ac, fel y dywedais sawl gwaith, mae hyn yn ymwneud â dathlu ein hamrywiaeth odidog gyda'n gilydd. Diolch yn fawr.

15:40

My community is enriched by the presence of a rich variety of nationalities, faiths and cultures, and I appreciate the great deal of work that the Welsh Government has done to promote racial harmony in our communities across south Wales and tackle racial inequality.

In education, for example, we can see the very real differences that have been achieved where educational outcomes amongst different ethnic groups have been almost eliminated in terms of differences. If anything, ethnic minorities now outperform our indigenous white community. The exception, of course, is the Roma, Gypsy and Traveller community whose attainment and qualifications are wildly at variation with the average, and a lot of work remains to be done to address that.

I'm also aware of excellent work being done in schools to promote community cohesion, and the Minister has already mentioned the great work being done by Show Racism the Red Card, both in schools and on the terraces. I have noticed a much more robust response in clamping down on racist language in schools that I'm involved in, as well as, I hope, most schools. Remarks that were previously ignored or overlooked are now dealt with and addressed. Persistent offenders are subject to disciplinary proceedings, including exclusion, and quite rightly so.

Sadly, this is against a rising tide of racist incidents outside school. A recent Cytûn analysis highlights a 40 per cent increase in religious hate crime, which has doubled over three years. Islamic communities have been the most targeted, followed by Jewish communities. And the rise of the far right should concern us all. It's nearly two years since a deplorable crime was committed by one of my constituents, who drove all the way to London to mow down innocent worshippers as they gathered outside their place of worship. This man had never met any of these people, nor knew anything about them. His actions, according to his former partner in court, were influenced by the hate messages he'd read online by Stephen Yaxley-Lennon and other people on the far right. The attacks on worshippers in Christchurch in New Zealand in March remind us that this isn't just a problem caused by a particular man now on the payroll of UKIP. Social media has allowed the far right to develop a global profile. There's clearly a lot of work to be done by our colleagues in Westminster to ensure that those who provide a platform for these hateful messages are made liable for what they allow to be published.

In light of the events in New Zealand, not even two months ago, I'm concerned about the slowness of the Home Office response, because they've been very slow to come forward with the funding to strengthen security at Islamic places of worship. There was finally an announcement made on Good Friday, but it was merely asking people to express an interest, and no funding is actually going to be available to do anything until July, and, of course, then they'll have to process the applications before they actually decide on who's going to get what. I hope it won't be a repeat of what happened in the last financial year, when, as I understand it, no place of worship in Wales was in receipt of this Home Office funding, and that is a considerable cause for concern.

But on the wider issue, I'd just like to express some concerns about the way in which we're handling another aspect of a rise in crime, which is in relation to stop and search. In response to an increase in knife crime—which at one time I regarded as mainly a London problem, which has now spread, unfortunately, to most other large cities across the UK—in March this year, Mr Javid, the Home Secretary, increased the powers of the police to stop and search, and the seniority of the people who were allowed to do it. It is of considerable concern to report that this increase in stop and search has also led to an increase in the targeting of people from racial minorities. Black people are now seven times more likely to be stopped and searched than white people in south Wales, and that is just in the last year, when it is up 4.5 per cent more likely. And I think that we need to stop and reflect, having learnt all that we've learnt from the Stephen Lawrence report about the way in which stop and search was being used inappropriately on the black community and was deterring the black community from coming forward. We now have to ensure that it is not used in a way that discriminates against a particular community. This is not devolved but a matter I hope that the Deputy Minister can take up with the Home Office.

Caiff fy nghymuned ei chyfoethogi gan bresenoldeb amrywiaeth gyfoethog o genhedloedd, crefyddau a diwylliannau, ac rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r gwaith sylweddol y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud i hybu cytgord hiliol yn ein cymunedau drwy'r de a mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldeb hiliol.

Ym maes addysg, er enghraifft, gallwn weld y gwahaniaethau gwirioneddol a gafwyd pan fo canlyniadau addysgol gwahanol grwpiau ethnig wedi cael eu dileu bron o ran gwahaniaethau. Os rhywbeth, mae lleiafrifoedd ethnig bellach yn gwneud yn well na'n cymuned wen frodorol. Yr eithriad, wrth gwrs, yw'r gymuned Roma, Sipsiwn a Theithwyr y mae ei chyrhaeddiad a'i chymwysterau yn amrywio'n fawr iawn o'u cymharu â'r cyfartaledd, ac mae llawer o waith eto i'w wneud i fynd i'r afael â hynny.

Rwyf hefyd yn ymwybodol o waith rhagorol sy'n cael ei wneud mewn ysgolion i hybu cydlyniant cymunedol, ac mae'r Gweinidog eisoes wedi sôn am y gwaith gwych sy'n cael ei wneud gan Dangos y Cerdyn Coch i Hiliaeth, mewn ysgolion ac ar y terasau. Rwyf wedi sylwi ar ymateb llawer mwy cadarn o ran rhoi terfyn ar iaith hiliol yn yr ysgolion yr wyf yn ymwneud â nhw, yn ogystal â'r rhan fwyaf o ysgolion, gobeithio. Bellach ymdrinnir â sylwadau a gai eu hanwybyddu neu eu diystyru yn flaenorol ac eir i'r afael â nhw. Mae troseddwyr mynych yn destun gweithdrefnau disgyblu, gan gynnwys gwahardd, a hynny'n gwbl briodol.

Yn anffodus, mae hyn yn erbyn cynnydd cyson o ddigwyddiadau hiliol y tu allan i'r ysgol. Mae dadansoddiad diweddar gan Cytûn yn cyfeirio at gynnydd o 40 y cant mewn troseddau casineb crefyddol, sydd wedi dyblu dros dair blynedd. Cymunedau Islamaidd yw'r rhai a dargedwyd fwyaf, ac wedyn cymunedau Iddewig. A dylai cynnydd yr asgell dde eithafol fod yn destun pryder i ni i gyd. Mae bron i ddwy flynedd wedi mynd heibio ers i un o'm hetholwyr fy hun gyflawni trosedd alaethus, drwy yrru yr holl ffordd i Lundain er mwyn anelu ei gerbyd at addolwyr diniwed wrth iddyn nhw ymgynnull y tu allan i'w man addoli. Nid oedd y dyn hwn erioed wedi cwrdd ag unrhyw un o'r bobl hyn, nac yn gwybod dim amdanyn nhw. Dylanwadwyd ar ei weithredoedd, dywedodd ei gyn-gymar yn y llys, gan y negeseuon casineb a ddarllenodd ar-lein gan Stephen Yaxley-Lennon a phobl eraill ar yr adain dde eithafol. Mae'r ymosodiadau ar addolwyr yn Christchurch yn Seland Newydd ym mis Mawrth yn ein hatgoffa nad dim ond problem yw hon a achosir gan ddyn penodol sydd bellach ar gyflogres UKIP. Mae'r cyfryngau cymdeithasol wedi caniatáu i'r adain dde eithafol ddatblygu amlygrwydd byd-eang. Mae'n amlwg bod llawer o waith i'w wneud gan ein cyd-Aelodau yn San Steffan i sicrhau bod y rhai sy'n hwyluso lledaenu'r negeseuon hyn yn atebol am eu cyhoeddi drwy roi eu caniatâd.

Yng ngoleuni'r digwyddiadau yn Seland Newydd, nid deufis yn ôl hyd yn oed, rwy'n pryderu ynghylch arafwch ymateb y Swyddfa Gartref, oherwydd maen nhw wedi bod yn araf iawn yn cyflwyno'r cyllid i gryfhau diogelwch mewn addoldai Islamaidd. Cafwyd cyhoeddiad o'r diwedd ar ddydd Gwener y Groglith, ond nid oedd ond yn gofyn i bobl fynegi diddordeb, ac ni fydd unrhyw arian ar gael mewn gwirionedd i wneud unrhyw beth tan fis Gorffennaf, ac, wrth gwrs, bydd yn rhaid iddyn nhw brosesu'r ceisiadau cyn iddyn nhw fynd ati mewn gwirionedd i benderfynu pwy sy'n mynd i gael beth. Gobeithio nad ailadroddiad fydd hyn o'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yn y flwyddyn ariannol ddiwethaf, er nad oedd unrhyw fan addoli yng Nghymru, yn ôl a ddeallaf, yn cael y cyllid hwn gan y Swyddfa Gartref, ac mae hynny'n destun pryder sylweddol.

Ond o ran y mater ehangach, hoffwn fynegi rhai pryderon ynghylch y ffordd yr ydym ni'n ymdrin ag agwedd arall ar gynnydd mewn troseddu, sy'n ymwneud â stopio a chwilio. Mewn ymateb i gynnydd mewn troseddu â chyllyll—a oedd, ar un adeg, yn fy marn i, yn broblem Lundeinig yn bennaf, ond sydd bellach wedi lledu, yn anffodus, i'r rhan fwyaf o ddinasoedd mawr eraill ledled y DU—ym mis Mawrth eleni, cynyddodd Mr Javid, yr Ysgrifennydd Cartref, bwerau'r heddlu i stopio a chwilio, a gradd swydd y rhai sy'n gallu gwneud hynny. Mae'n destun pryder sylweddol dweud bod y cynnydd hwn mewn stopio a chwilio hefyd wedi arwain at gynnydd yn y nifer o bobl o hiliau lleiafrifol sy'n cael eu targedu. Mae pobl dduon bellach saith gwaith yn fwy tebygol o gael eu stopio a'u chwilio na phobl wyn yn y de, a dim ond yn y flwyddyn ddiwethaf y mae hynny, pryd y mae wedi cynyddu i fod yn 4.5 y cant yn fwy tebygol. Ac rwy'n credu bod angen inni oedi ennyd a myfyrio, ar ôl dysgu popeth yr ydym ni wedi'i ddysgu o adroddiad Stephen Lawrence am y ffordd yr oedd pobl dduon yn cael eu stopio a'u chwilio'n amhriodol a bod hynny'n atal y gymuned ddu rhag dod ymlaen. Mae'n rhaid inni sicrhau nawr na wneir hynny mewn ffordd sy'n gwahaniaethu yn erbyn cymuned benodol. Nid yw hyn wedi'i ddatganoli ond mae'n fater y gobeithiaf y gall y Dirprwy Weinidog ei drafod gyda'r Swyddfa Gartref.

15:45

It's hard to see how anyone could disagree with the second part of this motion, that we need to root out racial discrimination in our society. To me, that's pretty obvious. Apart from isolated voices on the far right, few would argue that someone could be less worthy because of the colour of their skin, despite the fact that many people undoubtedly hold those views in private. But this is exactly why we must put in place systems that directly challenge structural racism and discrimination. Stopping people speaking in favour of racism is not enough. Stopping people acting on it is what is vital. That's why it's essential, in my view, for us all to be part of what this motion calls

'the global fight to root out racism and racist ideology'.

We know that the far right is on the rise, and we must, on a global scale, call out the slurs and the prejudicial comments that poison our political debate and cause harm to people. But calling this out is only useful if we go deeper and challenge the ideology of subtle racism that runs through our political discourse and society, because the far right did not emerge from nowhere. Blaming migrants, asylum seekers and health tourists for the decline in living standards has become as standard, yet these problems were caused by austerity. The ground was laid for them by the deliberate creation of a hostile environment for people from other cultures and countries. Comments like Boris Johnson's Islamophobic statement that I referred to earlier have to be rooted out, and you have to accept that. The ground was laid for them when Labour produced a campaign mug promising immigration controls at the same time that they were more than willing to vote for crippling austerity measures. Whether it's the financial crash and the greed of the bankers or the subsequent austerity that was used to punish working people, it's obvious to see that it's the political and financial class who are to blame for our current situation, not immigrants. It's no surprise that the far right can thrive under these conditions. Now, Labour may well have new leadership since that infamous mug, but I say this today because it's simply not good enough. This new supposedly left-wing version of Labour is also now promising tight border controls and an end to freedom of movement as part of implementing Brexit. How is that different to the mug? It's pandering, and it's arguably the oldest political lie in the world to say that your home-grown elite is not to blame for your living and working conditions: 'Those different people, those other people over there, are to blame.' Blaming others for our problems is morally and politically lazy, but it's repeatedly used as a strategy because it's very effective.

Racism is part of our history. Whilst our country has spent most of its history being ruled from London, we've also taken part in the British colonial empire that was responsible for countless wars and numerous genocides of non-white peoples. This global domination was often justified by the idea that others were inferior to us white people, and the hangover from that mentality still lurks in the background today. It's this heritage that makes it so easy to believe that other people around the world are somehow problematic adversaries that we must either dominate or keep out.

I'm afraid that I'm not able to draw a line under the past, because that's what got us here. But I do welcome the fact that there is at least some political will from at least some political parties here in this Senedd to work together to combat racism and to combat hate crime, and I support this joint motion on that basis.

Mae'n anodd gweld sut y gallai unrhyw un anghytuno ag ail ran y cynnig hwn, sef bod angen inni ddileu gwahaniaethu ar sail hil yn ein cymdeithas. I mi, mae hynny'n eithaf amlwg. Ar wahân i leisiau ynysig ar yr adain dde eithafol, ychydig fyddai'n dadlau y gallai rhywun fod yn llai teilwng oherwydd lliw eu croen, er gwaethaf y ffaith bod llawer o bobl yn sicr yn coleddu'r farn honno'n breifat. Ond dyma'n union pam mae'n rhaid i ni roi systemau ar waith sy'n herio hiliaeth a gwahaniaethu strwythurol yn uniongyrchol. Nid yw atal pobl rhag siarad o blaid hiliaeth yn ddigon. Atal pobl rhag gweithredu arno yw'r hyn sy'n hanfodol. Dyna pam ei bod hi'n hanfodol, yn fy marn i, i bob un ohonom ni fod yn rhan o'r hyn y mae'r cynnig hwn yn ei alw'n

frwydr fyd-eang i gael gwared ar hiliaeth ac ideoleg hiliol.

Gwyddom fod yr adain dde eithafol ar gynnydd, ac mae'n rhaid inni, ar raddfa fyd-eang, herio'r sarhau a'r sylwadau rhagfarnllyd sy'n gwenwyno ein dadl wleidyddol ac yn achosi niwed i bobl. Ond nid yw herio hyn ond yn ddefnyddiol os ydym ni'n treiddio'n ddyfnach ac yn herio'r ideoleg o hiliaeth gynnil sy'n rhan o'n trafodaethau gwleidyddol a'n cymdeithas, oherwydd ni ddaeth yr adain dde eithafol i'r amlwg o unman. Mae beio ymfudwyr, ceiswyr lloches a thwristiaid iechyd am y dirywiad mewn safonau byw wedi dod yn beth safonol, ond eto achoswyd y problemau hyn gan gyni. Gosodwyd y seiliau ar eu cyfer drwy greu amgylchedd gelyniaethus bwriadol ar gyfer pobl o ddiwylliannau a gwledydd eraill. Rhaid rhoi terfyn ar sylwadau tebyg i ddatganiad Islamoffobaidd Boris Johnson y cyfeiriais ato'n gynharach, ac mae'n rhaid ichi dderbyn hynny. Gosodwyd y seiliau ar eu cyfer pan gynhyrchodd y Blaid Lafur fygiau ymgyrchu a oedd yn addo rheoli mewnfudo ar yr union aded yr oedden nhw'n fwy na pharod i bleidleisio dros fesurau cyni andwyol. Pa un ai'r chwalfa ariannol ac ariangarwch y bancwyr neu'r cyni a ddefnyddiwyd wedyn i gosbi pobl sy'n gweithio, mae'n amlwg mai'r dosbarth gwleidyddol ac ariannol sydd ar fai am ein sefyllfa bresennol, nid mewnfudwyr. Nid yw'n syndod y gall yr adain dde eithafol ffynnu dan yr amodau hyn. Nawr, efallai'n wir fod gan Lafur arweinyddiaeth newydd ers y mygiau bondigrybwyll hynny, ond rwy'n dweud hyn heddiw oherwydd nid yw'n ddigon da. Mae'r fersiwn asgell-chwith honedig newydd hon o Lafur hefyd bellach yn addo rheolaethau tynn ar y ffin a rhoi terfyn ar ryddid i symud yn rhan o weithredu Brexit. Sut mae hynny'n wahanol i'r mwg? Ymgais i blesio ydyw, a gellir dadlau mai'r celwydd gwleidyddol hynaf yn y byd yw dweud nad eich elît cartref sydd ar fai am eich amodau byw a gweithio: 'Y bobl wahanol hynny, y bobl eraill draw fan acw, sydd ar fai.' Mae rhoi'r bai ar eraill am ein problemau yn foesol ac yn wleidyddol ddiog, ond mae'n cael ei ddefnyddio dro ar ôl tro fel strategaeth gan ei fod yn effeithiol iawn.

Mae hiliaeth yn rhan o'n hanes. Er bod ein gwlad wedi treulio'r rhan fwyaf o'i hanes dan reolaeth Llundain, rydym ni hefyd wedi bod yn rhan o'r ymerodraeth wladychol Brydeinig a oedd yn gyfrifol am ryfeloedd dirifedi a sawl hil-laddiad o bobl nad oedden nhw'n bobl wyn. Yn aml cyfiawnhawyd y tra-arglwyddiaethu byd-eang hwn gan y syniad bod eraill yn israddol i ni bobl wyn, ac mae gweddillion y meddylfryd hwnnw yn dal i ymguddio yn y cefndir heddiw. Y dreftadaeth hon sy'n ei gwneud hi mor hawdd credu bod pobl eraill ar draws y byd rywsut yn wrthwynebwyr problematig y mae'n rhaid i ni naill ai eu gwastrodi neu eu cadw allan.

Mae arnaf i ofn nad wyf yn gallu anghofio am y gorffennol, oherwydd dyna pam yr ydym ni yn y sefyllfa hon. Ond rwyf yn croesawu'r ffaith bod o leiaf rhyw ewyllys gwleidyddol gan rai pleidiau gwleidyddol yma yn y Senedd hon i weithio gyda'n gilydd i frwydro yn erbyn hiliaeth ac i fynd i'r afael â throseddau casineb, ac rwy'n cefnogi'r cynnig hwn ar y cyd ar y sail honno.

15:50

I very much welcome this debate at a time when racism and intolerance is at the worst that I can remember for a long time, and I do further welcome the support of both Plaid Cymru and the Conservatives for it. The worrying rise of the far right across Europe, including Britain, is seemingly normalising racist language and behaviours and, as Leanne Wood said, blaming foreigners or those of different religions for all of our nation's ills. Meanwhile, the fascist Stephen Yaxley-Lennon is being feted by UKIP in a disgraceful display of far-right kinship, and I don't think it's any surprise that no member of UKIP is here today to take part in this debate.

Our current political discourse should be a worry and a concern to every right and fair-minded person in this country. But, Llywydd, as we all know, no-one is born racist. It's something taught and learned. That's why it's so important that we invest time and money in anti-racist education, and why I want to spend a few moments to build on the comments of the Deputy Minister and Jenny Rathbone and talk a little bit about the work done with young people here in Wales by the anti-racist education charity Show Racism the Red Card.

Going back almost 20 years, I was first introduced to the then fledgling organisation by my friend and then Unison colleague Sanjiv Vedi, who was working to establish Show Racism in Wales after it had been set up in Newcastle upon Tyne in 1996, when the Newcastle United goalkeeper Shaka Hislop donated £50 to an anti-racist educational charity run by the now chief executive officer of Show Racism the Red Card, Ged Grebby. Working in partnership with Unison, the Football Association of Wales and Sports Council for Wales and others, Show Racism the Red Card in Wales appointed its first full-time member of staff, Sunil Patel, and he's still working with them. That organisation has gone from strength to strength.

Its success comes from working directly with schools and local football and sports clubs, and this work has shown how the anti-racist message can be relayed by using high-profile sports personalities as role models. Initially, this was with footballers such as Shaka Hislop, Ryan Giggs, Ian Wright, Sol Campbell, Brendon Batson and Thierry Henry, to name just a few. But it moved into other sports, including rugby union, and worked with the likes of Colin Charvis. Of course, I'm always pleased when I see the players of Merthyr Town Football Club wearing their Show Racism the Red Card t-shirts.

But, most importantly, Show Racism works in schools and other educational settings to offer a range of educational training, workshops, resources and activities designed to educate young people about the causes and the consequences of racism. Their work helps to make sure that the young people that they work with, up to 18,000 a year across Wales, are given the opportunity to learn about tolerance and diversity in tackling racism.

Sadly, Show Racism report that the situation in our schools has been getting worse—and why I also welcome the Deputy Minister's commitment to the Welsh Government addressing anti-racism within the new curriculum. And we know that racist incidents in sports have risen. Indeed, there have recently been a number of disturbing high-profile incidents at the highest level of football, and almost certainly linked to what I said at the beginning of my contribution about the rise of the far right. That is why it is so important that their work continues.

So, I hope that the Government is looking at the success of Show Racism the Red Card, that they get a fair hearing and, more importantly, they get a fair crack of the whip when funding is being allocated, because they have a successful model on which we can build, and the anti-racist message that they were set up to promote is more important now than ever.