Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd
Plenary - Fifth Senedd
18/09/2018Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Galw'r Aelodau i drefn. Hoffwn groesawu Aelod newydd y prynhawn yma—Helen Mary Jones—fel yr Aelod yn cynrychioli rhanbarth y canolbarth a'r gorllewin. Edrychwn ymlaen yn fawr at eich cyfraniadau, Helen Mary Jones, yn y Siambr yma a thu hwnt, ac rwy'n galw arnoch chi i wneud datganiad cynnar i ni yn y Cynulliad. Helen Mary Jones.
I call Members to order. I would like to welcome a new Member this afternoon—Helen Mary Jones—who is the new Member for the Mid and West Wales region. We look forward very much to your contributions, Helen Mary Jones, both here in the Siambr and beyond. I call on you to make an early statement. Helen Mary Jones.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. It goes without saying that nobody would wish to find themselves returned to this Chamber under the circumstances that I face. And I have to say that it was a difficult decision to make to return. I want to express my gratitude this afternoon to Swansea University for releasing me from my commitments to them early, to enable me to be here today. And I want to thank all of those who have supported me through the transition—to the staff of the Plaid Cymru group and my fellow Plaid Members. I want to say a particular thank you to some of the Assembly staff. I want to mention Jodie Franklin, who was the best buddy in the world, in terms of getting me through all the processes, and the amazing AnnMarie Fray, who has the unenviable job of trying to get me sorted out with my IT.
Once the decision to return had been made, it felt like the right thing to do, and I would not want to leave this Chamber, Llywydd, with the impression that I am taking on this role with any sense of reluctance. On the contrary, I am looking forward to serving my constituents in Mid and West Wales, working for them, advocating for them, on the broad range of issues that are of concern to them in this challenging time, and I'm looking forward to holding the Government to account on their behalf and on the behalf of the people of Wales.
Llywydd, I am aware that times have changed since I last stood in this Chamber; my values have not. At the heart of what I will do will continue to be my commitment to the struggle for social justice, particularly for the rights of children and the liberation of women and girls.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Afraid dweud na byddai neb yn dymuno canfod eu hunain yn cael eu hailethol i'r Siambr hon o dan yr amgylchiadau yr wyf i'n eu hwynebu. Ac mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud ei fod yn benderfyniad anodd ei wneud i ddychwelyd. Hoffwn fynegi fy niolch y prynhawn yma i Brifysgol Abertawe am fy rhyddhau o fy ymrwymiadau iddynt yn gynnar, er mwyn fy ngalluogi i fod yma heddiw. A hoffwn ddiolch i bawb sydd wedi fy nghefnogi drwy'r cyfnod pontio—i staff grŵp Plaid Cymru a'm cyd-Aelodau Plaid Cymru. Hoffwn ddiolch yn arbennig i rai o staff y Cynulliad. Hoffwn sôn am Jodie Franklin, a oedd y ffrind gorau yn y byd, o ran fy nghael i drwy'r holl brosesau, a'r anhygoel AnnMarie Fray, sydd â'r cyfrifoldeb amhleserus o geisio roi trefn arnaf gyda fy TG.
Ar ôl i'r penderfyniad i ddychwelyd gael ei wneud, roedd yn teimlo fel y peth iawn i'w wneud, ac ni fyddwn eisiau gadael y Siambr hon, Llywydd, gyda'r argraff fy mod i'n derbyn y swydd hon gydag unrhyw deimlad o amharodrwydd. I'r gwrthwyneb, rwy'n edrych ymlaen at wasanaethu fy etholwyr yng Nghanolbarth a Gorllewin Cymru, gweithio ar eu rhan, eirioli ar eu rhan, ar yr amrywiaeth eang o faterion sy'n peri pryder iddyn nhw yn y cyfnod anodd hwn, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at ddwyn y Llywodraeth i gyfrif ar eu rhan ac ar ran pobl Cymru.
Llywydd, rwy'n ymwybodol bod yr oes wedi newid ers y tro diwethaf i mi sefyll yn y Siambr hon; nid yw fy ngwerthoedd wedi newid. Yn ganolog i'r hyn y byddaf yn ei wneud fydd parhau fy ymrwymiad i'r frwydr am gyfiawnder cymdeithasol, yn enwedig dros hawliau plant a rhyddid menywod a merched.
Mae'n bleser gen i hefyd gyhoeddi, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.75, fod Deddf Iechyd y Cyhoedd (Isafbris am Alcohol) (Cymru) 2018 wedi cael Cydsyniad Brenhinol ar 9 Awst 2018.
It gives me great pleasure also to announce, in accordance with Standing Order 26.75, that the Public Health (Minimum Price for Alcohol) (Wales) Act 2018 was given Royal Assent on 9 August 2018.
A dyma ni, felly, yn dod at yr eitem gyntaf ar yr agenda, sef y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf heddiw gan Joyce Watson.
So, that brings us to item 1 on the agenda, namely questions to the First Minister, and the first question today is from Joyce Watson.
1. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o gyflwyno credyd cynhwysol yng Nghymru? OAQ52616
1. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the roll-out of universal credit in Wales? OAQ52616
Well, I remain deeply concerned about the fundamental flaws of universal credit. I'm disappointed that the UK Government is persisting with its roll-out. The National Audit Office’s findings on universal credit highlight many issues that we have also repeatedly raised with the UK Government.
Wel, rwy'n dal i fod yn bryderus iawn am ddiffygion sylfaenol credyd cynhwysol. Rwy'n siomedig bod Llywodraeth y DU yn mynnu ei gyflwyno. Mae canfyddiadau'r Swyddfa Archwilio Genedlaethol ar gredyd cynhwysol yn tynnu sylw at lawer o broblemau yr ydym ninnau hefyd wedi eu codi dro ar ôl tro gyda Llywodraeth y DU.
Thank you for that. I arranged a poverty round-table during the summer in Carmarthenshire, and there were representatives at that round-table from the Trussell Trust. They told me that demand for food parcels has increased by 52 per cent where universal credit has been rolled out. There has been a 13 per cent increase in Carmarthenshire in the past year alone. We all know that one in four claimants fall into debt because they haven't received their first payment on time, and that four in 10 claimants are struggling to pay council tax, rent and bills. And Disability Rights UK has said, given the dire state of the universal credit system, that they find it beyond belief that a responsible Government would carry on migrating people into a system that clearly doesn't work. Given all of that, and I'm sure that you agree with most of it, in the meantime, what is the Government—this Government—doing to support my constituents who are already in receipt of universal credit and those who are to find themselves in that position very shortly?
Diolch am hynna. Trefnais sesiwn bord gron ar dlodi yn ystod yr haf yn Sir Gaerfyrddin, ac roedd cynrychiolwyr yn y sesiwn bord gron honno o Ymddiriedolaeth Trussell. Dywedasant wrthyf bod galw am barseli bwyd wedi cynyddu 52 y cant lle mae credyd cynhwysol wedi ei gyflwyno. Bu cynnydd o 13 y cant yn Sir Gaerfyrddin yn ystod y flwyddyn ddiwethaf yn unig. Rydym ni i gyd yn gwybod bod un o bob pedwar o hawlwyr yn mynd i ddyled oherwydd nad ydynt wedi derbyn eu taliad cyntaf yn brydlon, a bod pedwar o bob 10 o hawlwyr yn cael anhawster i dalu'r dreth gyngor, rhent a biliau. Ac mae Disability Rights UK wedi dweud, o ystyried cyflwr enbyd y system credyd cynhwysol, ei bod nhw'n ei chael hi'n anghredadwy y byddai Llywodraeth gyfrifol yn parhau i symud pobl i mewn i system y mae'n amlwg nad yw'n gweithio. O ystyried hynny i gyd, ac rwy'n siŵr eich bod chi'n cytuno â'r rhan fwyaf ohono, yn y cyfamser, beth mae'r Llywodraeth—y Llywodraeth hon—yn ei wneud i gynorthwyo fy etholwyr i sydd eisoes yn derbyn credyd cynhwysol a'r rhai a fydd yn canfod eu hunain yn y sefyllfa honno yn fuan iawn?
Well, we remain committed to ensuring that the most vulnerable people in our society have access to free and independent advice on social welfare law issues, including debt, welfare, and money management. Through our financial inclusion work, we provide around £6 million a year, which is used to fund projects that deliver advice services within all 22 local authority areas, and we know that the funding is making a difference to people's lives. During last year—in other words, between April 2017 and March 2018—the funding supported over 73,000 people, helping them to access over £53 million of welfare benefit income for people supported. And I know that universal credit advice events have taken place across several areas around Wales.
Wel, rydym ni wedi ymrwymo i sicrhau bod gan y bobl fwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas fynediad at gyngor annibynnol rhad ac am ddim ar faterion cyfraith lles cymdeithasol, gan gynnwys dyled, lles a rheoli arian. Trwy ein gwaith cynhwysiant ariannol, rydym ni'n darparu tua £6 miliwn y flwyddyn, a ddefnyddir i ariannu prosiectau sy'n darparu gwasanaethau cyngor ym mhob un o'r 22 o ardaloedd awdurdod lleol, ac rydym ni'n gwybod bod y cyllid yn gwneud gwahaniaeth i fywydau pobl. Yn ystod y flwyddyn ddiwethaf—rhwng Ebrill 2017 a Mawrth 2018, mewn geiriau eraill—cynorthwyodd y cyllid dros 73,000 o bobl, gan eu helpu i gael mynediad at dros £53 miliwn o incwm budd-dal lles i bobl a gynorthwywyd. A gwn fod digwyddiadau cynghori ar gredyd cynhwysol wedi eu cynnal ar draws sawl ardal ledled Cymru.
As you might be aware, the Department for Work and Pensions has recruited community partner teams from people with lived experience of disability from external bodies, primarily third sector bodies, on a 12-month project to shape the support for disabled people and people with health conditions. Last Friday, at the Assembly cross-party autism group meeting held in Wrexham, there was a presentation from the DWP community partnership team for north and mid Wales—again, not civil servants; these are people who work in the disability sector, some of whom are disabled themselves. They told us that they are providing advice and training to job coaches in job centres to enable a better understanding and support, but it's only a 12-month project—2018 to 2019. What, if any, involvement or oversight has the Welsh Government had in this programme, and will you join the cross-party autism group in considering a call for that 12-month programme to be extended?
Fel y gwyddoch efallai, mae'r Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau wedi recriwtio timau partner cymunedol o blith pobl sydd â phrofiad o fyw gydag anabledd o gyrff allanol, cyrff trydydd sector yn bennaf, ar brosiect 12 mis i lunio'r cymorth ar gyfer pobl anabl a phobl â chyflyrau iechyd. Ddydd Gwener diwethaf, yng nghyfarfod grŵp awtistiaeth trawsbleidiol y Cynulliad a gynhaliwyd yn Wrecsam, cafwyd cyflwyniad gan dîm partneriaeth cymunedol yr Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau ar gyfer y gogledd a'r canolbarth—unwaith eto, nid gweision sifil; pobl sy'n gweithio yn y sector anabledd yw'r rhain, ac mae rhai ohonynt yn anabl eu hunain. Dywedasant wrthym eu bod yn cynnig cyngor a hyfforddiant i hyfforddwyr swyddi mewn canolfannau gwaith i alluogi gwell dealltwriaeth a chymorth, ond dim ond prosiect 12 mis yw hwn—2018 i 2019. Pa gyfranogiad neu oruchwyliaeth, os o gwbl, y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi eu cael yn y rhaglen hon, ac a wnewch chi ymuno â'r grŵp awtistiaeth trawsbleidiol i ystyried galw i'r rhaglen 12 mis honno gael ei hymestyn?
Well, it's not clear whether that programme is one that we have funded directly through local authorities, but the Member will have heard the answer I gave earlier. I can say that around £3 million per annum of debt advice funding currently administered by the Money Advice Service via the financial levy will be devolved to Welsh Government when the single financial guidance body will be set up We expect that to happen in January of next year. And that, of course, will assist us in making sure that we have the right level of support in place.
Wel, nid yw'n eglur pa un a yw'r rhaglen honno yn un yr ydym ni wedi ei hariannu yn uniongyrchol trwy awdurdodau lleol, ond bydd yr Aelod wedi clywed yr ateb a roddais yn gynharach. Gallaf ddweud y bydd tua £3 miliwn y flwyddyn o gyllid cyngor ar ddyled a weinyddir gan y Gwasanaeth Cynghori Ariannol ar hyn o bryd drwy'r ardoll ariannol yn cael ei ddatganoli i Lywodraeth Cymru pan fydd y corff cyfarwyddyd ariannol unigol yn cael ei sefydlu. Rydym ni'n disgwyl i hynny ddigwydd ym mis Ionawr y flwyddyn nesaf. A bydd hynny, wrth gwrs, yn ein cynorthwyo i wneud yn siŵr bod gennym ni'r lefel briodol o gymorth ar waith.
In correspondence to the UK Government in July, the housing and regeneration Minister wrote to the UK Government expressing concerns with universal credit, and the Minister in that letter called for, for example, greater support for those less digitally literate. I would say that that's something that could have been done easily if you passed the financial inclusion Bill that I had put forward. Other concerns were raised, such as being consistent with alternative payment arrangements. These are, fundamentally, administration changes that this Government could do for those vulnerable people, if you chose to do so. So, why do you, time and time again, refuse to take responsibility for wanting those administration changes to be brought upon the Welsh Government when you could be helping the most vulnerable in our society? Surely, we should take anything you say on universal credit with a pinch of salt.
Mewn gohebiaeth â Llywodraeth y DU ym mis Gorffennaf, ysgrifennodd y Gweinidog tai ac adfywio at Lywodraeth y DU yn mynegi pryderon am gredyd cynhwysol, a galwodd y Gweinidog yn y llythyr hwnnw, er enghraifft, am fwy o gymorth i'r rhai sy'n llai ddigidol lythrennog. Byddwn yn dweud bod hynny'n rhywbeth a allai fod wedi cael ei wneud yn rhwydd pe byddech chi wedi pasio'r Bil cynhwysiant ariannol yr oeddwn i wedi ei gyflwyno. Codwyd pryderon eraill, fel bod yn gyson o ran trefniadau talu amgen. Mae'r rhain, yn y bôn, yn newidiadau gweinyddol y gallai'r Llywodraeth hon eu gwneud i'r bobl agored i niwed hynny, pe byddech yn dewis gwneud hynny. Felly, pam, dro ar ôl tro, ydych chi'n gwrthod cymryd cyfrifoldeb am fod eisiau i Lywodraeth Cymru gymryd cyfrifoldeb am y newidiadau gweinyddol hynny pryd y gallech chi fod yn helpu'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas? Mae'n amlwg y dylem ni gymryd unrhyw beth a ddywedwch am gredyd cynhwysol gyda phinsiad o halen.
But at a cost, because with administration there always comes a cost, and the costs are usually significant. I would rather see the issues dealt with in this way—instead of costs going on administration, that money being given to universal credit claimants, and secondly, of course, to see a Labour Government elected in London who will rectify the situation properly.
Ond ar gost, oherwydd daw cost gyda gweinyddiaeth bob amser, ac mae'r costau'n sylweddol fel rheol. Byddai'n well gen i weld y problemau'n cael eu datrys fel hyn—yn hytrach na chostau yn mynd ar weinyddiaeth, bod yr arian hwnnw'n cael ei roi i hawlwyr credyd cynhwysol, ac yn ail, wrth gwrs, gweld Llywodraeth Lafur yn cael ei hethol yn Llundain a fydd yn datrys y sefyllfa'n briodol.
2. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi'u cael gyda Llywodraeth y DU ynghylch dyfodol polisi rhanbarthol yng Nghymru? OAQ52611
2. What discussions has the First Minister had with the UK Government about the future of regional policy in Wales? OAQ52611
Well, we take every opportunity to discuss with the UK Government the interests of Wales, including our devolved responsibility over regional policy, and, of course, it would be important that whatever happens in the future respects devolution.
Wel, rydym ni'n achub ar bob cyfle i drafod buddiannau Cymru gyda Llywodraeth y DU, gan gynnwys ein cyfrifoldeb datganoledig am bolisi rhanbarthol, ac, wrth gwrs, byddai'n bwysig bod beth bynnag sy'n digwydd yn y dyfodol yn parchu datganoli.
I thank the First Minister for that response, and I'm sure the First Minister would agree that European structural funds have been hugely beneficial to Wales, both in helping individuals, helping communities, supporting infrastructure projects, creating jobs and developing partnership working. Does he have any knowledge about how the UK Government plans to operate the shared prosperity fund in the future?
Diolchaf i'r Prif Weinidog am yr ymateb yna, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno bod cronfeydd strwythurol Ewropeaidd wedi bod o fudd enfawr i Gymru, o ran helpu unigolion, helpu cymunedau, cefnogi prosiectau seilwaith, creu swyddi a datblygu gwaith partneriaeth. A oes ganddo unrhyw wybodaeth am sut y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn bwriadu gweithredu'r gronfa ffyniant gyffredin yn y dyfodol?
Well, there's been some discussion between officials, but the detail is scant. Our position remains clear that economic policy is a devolved responsibility in Wales. We should be given the replacement funding we were promised two years ago: Wales would not lose a penny of funding. The reality is that the UK Government has very limited powers to directly fund and deliver regional economic development in Wales, in any event, without further legislation. It would drive a coach and horses, of course, through the devolution settlement that people have voted for on two occasions.
Now, we, of course, will continue to develop our own policy in terms of developing our economy, but it's absolutely crucial that there's no attempt at a power grab if the shared prosperity fund fails to respect devolution.
Wel, bu rhywfaint o drafodaeth rhwng swyddogion, ond prin yw'r manylion. Mae ein safbwynt yn parhau i fod yn eglur bod polisi economaidd yn gyfrifoldeb datganoledig yng Nghymru. Dylem ni gael y cyllid newydd a addawyd i ni ddwy flynedd yn ôl: ni fyddai Cymru yn colli ceiniog o arian. Y gwir amdani yw mai pwerau cyfyngedig iawn sydd gan Lywodraeth y DU i ariannu a sicrhau datblygu economaidd rhanbarthol yng Nghymru yn uniongyrchol, beth bynnag, heb ddeddfwriaeth ychwanegol. Byddai'n gyrru ceffyl a throl, wrth gwrs, drwy'r setliad datganoli y mae pobl wedi pleidleisio amdano ar ddau achlysur.
Nawr, wrth gwrs, byddwn ni'n parhau i ddatblygu ein polisi ein hunain o ran datblygu ein heconomi, ond mae'n gwbl hanfodol nad oes unrhyw ymgais i gipio grym os bydd y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin yn methu â pharchu datganoli.
First Minister, I fully appreciate that the Welsh Government is still awaiting details, the finalised details, of the shared prosperity fund, and its vitally important that, within Wales, we do have an effective replacement to the structural funds that we have benefited from, depended upon for a very long time. Albeit we are in the situation we are, can you give us that assurance that your officials are doing their best at this moment in time to develop at least a framework going forward so that when we do have full details of that shared prosperity fund, the people of Wales, and industry within Wales, are best placed and on the best footing to take the most advantage of it and get on with the job for Wales?
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n llwyr werthfawrogi bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn dal i ddisgwyl manylion, manylion terfynol, y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin, ac mae'n hollbwysig, yng Nghymru, bod gennym ni gronfa newydd effeithiol yn hytrach na'r cronfeydd strwythurol yr ydym ni wedi elwa arnynt, wedi dibynnu arnynt ers amser maith. Er ein bod ni yn y sefyllfa yr ydym ni ynddi, a allwch chi roi'r sicrwydd hwnnw i ni bod eich swyddogion yn gwneud eu gorau ar hyn o bryd i ddatblygu fframwaith o leiaf ar gyfer y dyfodol fel bod pobl Cymru, a diwydiant yng Nghymru, pan fyddwn yn cael manylion llawn y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin honno, yn y sefyllfa orau ac ar y sylfaen orau i fanteisio i'r eithaf arni a bwrw ymlaen â'r gwaith dros Gymru?
The difficulty is, of course, the lack of detail as to how the fund will operate: how much money there'll be in the fund, for example; whether it'll be a fund where there will be a bidding process, which, of course, would cut across devolution; whether it will operate in the same way as the current European funds operate. In the absence of that detail, of course, it's difficult to put forward proposals as to how that fund might operate in Wales, but I can say that the finance Secretary is scheduled to deliver an oral statement next month, which will set out the next steps for the development with stakeholders of a regional policy post Brexit.
Yr anhawster, wrth gwrs, yw'r diffyg manylion ynghylch sut y bydd y gronfa yn gweithredu: faint o arian fydd yn y gronfa, er enghraifft; pa un a fydd yn gronfa lle y bydd proses ymgeisio, a fyddai, wrth gwrs, yn torri ar draws ddatganoli; pa un a fydd yn gweithredu yn yr un modd ag y mae'r cronfeydd Ewropeaidd presennol yn gweithredu. Yn absenoldeb y manylion hynny, wrth gwrs, mae'n anodd cyflwyno cynigion ynghylch sut y gallai'r gronfa honno weithredu yng Nghymru, ond gallaf ddweud y disgwylir i'r Ysgrifennydd cyllid gyflwyno datganiad llafar y mis nesaf, a fydd yn nodi'r camau nesaf ar gyfer datblygu gyda rhanddeiliaid polisi rhanbarthol ar ôl Brexit.
First Minister, I appreciate it may be rather difficult to be negotiating with the Brexit process as it stands. Will you agree with me that you could, of course, have strengthened your own hand by rejecting and refusing to accept what you've described as a power grab? Have you any idea—I would fully accept that this is not within your gift—of the time frame by which we will know more about the shared prosperity fund and the extent to which your Government will be able to deliver it in Wales?
Prif Weinidog, rwy'n sylweddoli y gallai fod braidd yn anodd negodi gyda'r broses Brexit fel y saif ar hyn o bryd. A wnewch chi gytuno â mi y gallech, wrth gwrs, fod wedi cryfhau eich llaw eich hun trwy wrthod a gwrthod derbyn yr hyn yr ydych chi wedi ei ddisgrifio fel cipio grym? A oes gennych chi unrhyw syniad—rwyf yn derbyn yn llwyr nad yw hyn o fewn eich rhodd—o'r amserlen y byddwn ni'n gwybod mwy am y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin ac i ba raddau y bydd eich Llywodraeth yn gallu ei darparu yng Nghymru?
I can't give a timescale on the shared prosperity fund because it's not our timescale and not our fund. In terms of the situation that she—. I should welcome her, of course, back to the Assembly—forgive me for that.
In terms of what the Member has described, the Scottish Government now finds itself in court. We don't know what the outcome of that will be, but, of course, if the Supreme Court rules against the Scottish Government, that opens up any number of difficult avenues as far as devolution is concerned.
We took the decision that we did on the basis that we felt that it was a good agreement for Wales—not everything we would've wanted, of course, but that's the nature of an agreement. The Scottish Government at the moment—well, is it in a more powerful position? I'd argue not, because, of course, it's fighting its case in court.
Ni allaf roi amserlen ar y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin oherwydd nid ein hamserlen ni yw hi ac nid ein cronfa ni. O ran y sefyllfa y mae hi—. Dylwn ei chroesawu hi, wrth gwrs, yn ô i'r Cynulliad—maddeuwch i mi am hynna.
O ran yr hyn y mae'r Aelod wedi ei ddisgrifio, mae Llywodraeth yr Alban yn canfod ei hun yn y llys erbyn hyn. Nid ydym yn gwybod beth fydd canlyniad hynny, ond, wrth gwrs, os bydd y Goruchaf Lys yn dyfarnu yn erbyn Llywodraeth yr Alban, mae hynny'n agor unrhyw nifer o lwybrau anodd cyn belled ag y mae datganoli yn y cwestiwn.
Gwnaed y penderfyniad a wnaed gennym ni ar y sail ein bod ni'n teimlo ei fod yn gytundeb da i Gymru—nid popeth y byddem ni wedi dymuno ei gael, wrth gwrs, ond dyna natur cytundeb. Mae Llywodraeth yr Alban ar hyn o bryd—wel, a yw hi mewn sefyllfa fwy pwerus? Byddwn yn dadlau nad yw hi, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae'n ymladd ei hachos yn y llys.
Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau. Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Paul Davies.
Questions now from party leaders. The leader of the opposition, Paul Davies.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, can you tell us why you vetoed some of the proposed recent changes to the operational protocol recommended by Paul Bowen into the independent Queen's Counsel inquiry into the events surrounding Carl Sargeant's death?
Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni pam y gwnaethoch chi roi feto ar rai o'r newidiadau diweddar i'r protocol gweithredol a argymhellwyd gan Paul Bowen i ymchwiliad annibynnol Cwnsler y Frenhines i'r digwyddiadau yn ymwneud â marwolaeth Carl Sargeant?
Can I welcome the Member to his position as leader of the opposition? He's asked me questions before, of course, and now he is officially in place. No doubt we will tussle in this Chamber over the next few months.
The answer to his question is: I haven't vetoed anything.
A gaf i groesawu'r Aelod i'w swydd fel arweinydd yr wrthblaid? Mae wedi gofyn cwestiynau i mi o'r blaen, wrth gwrs, ac mae yn ei swydd yn swyddogol erbyn hyn. Rwy'n siŵr y byddwn yn ymaflyd yn y Siambr hon dros y misoedd nesaf.
Yr ateb i'w gwestiwn yw: nid wyf i wedi rhoi feto ar unrhyw beth.
Well, let me remind the First Member what he said in his statement last week. You made it clear in your statement that these proposals were significant and that you agreed with the majority, which means you did not agree with all. In that case, and in the interests of openness and transparency, can you tell us what you didn't agree with and will you now publish all of these proposals, including the ones that you rejected?
Wel, gadewch i mi atgoffa'r Prif Weinidog o'r hyn a ddywedodd yn ei ddatganiad yr wythnos diwethaf. Gwnaethoch yn eglur yn eich datganiad bod y cynigion hyn yn arwyddocaol a'ch bod yn cytuno â'r mwyafrif, sy'n golygu nad oeddech chi'n cytuno â'r cwbl. Os felly, ac er mwyn bod yn agored ac yn dryloyw, a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni beth nad oeddech chi'n cytuno ag ef ac a wnewch chi gyhoeddi'r holl gynigion hyn nawr, gan gynnwys y rhai a wrthodwyd gennych chi?
That's a matter for the investigators, not for me. There are two issues particularly that have been mentioned. One is cross-examination of witnesses—that's not appropriate for an inquisitorial process. That happens in a trial—as a lawyer, I know that.
Second is the suggestion that witnesses should be compellable. Again, there's no legal basis for doing that in a non-statutory inquiry. So, there is a restriction on what can be done in terms of the law.
Mater i'r ymchwilwyr yw hwnnw, nid i mi. Ceir dau fater yn benodol a grybwyllwyd. Un yw croesholi tystion—nid yw hynny'n briodol ar gyfer proses ymchwiliol. Mae hynny'n digwydd mewn treial—fel cyfreithiwr, rwyf i'n gwybod hynny.
Yn ail yw'r awgrym y dylid gallu gorfodi tystion i ymddangos. Unwaith eto, nid oes unrhyw sail gyfreithiol ar gyfer gwneud hynny mewn ymchwiliad anstatudol. Felly, ceir cyfyngiad ar yr hyn y gellir ei wneud o ran y gyfraith.
First Minister, this is all about openness, transparency and accountability. You claim in your statement that the investigations are conducted at arm's length from you and your office, yet it is clear that you are having a significant involvement in the direction and remit of this inquiry. Surely, this diminishes any integrity connected to this inquiry, given that you are included in this investigation and you are, at the same time, controlling the terms of reference. That cannot be right.
We've seen a succession of so-called independent inquiries relating to your Government. We've seen time and time again your Government seeking to protect the Government from criticism at all costs. Therefore, how can you reassure the Welsh people that this is not just another inquiry that ultimately leads to accusations of a Welsh Government cover-up?
Prif Weinidog, mae hyn i gyd yn ymwneud â bod yn agored, yn dryloyw ac yn atebol. Rydych chi'n honni yn eich datganiad bod yr ymchwiliadau yn cael eu cynnal ar hyd braich oddi wrthych chi a'ch swyddfa, ac eto mae'n eglur eich bod chi'n cymryd rhan sylweddol o ran cyfeiriad a chylch gorchwyl yr ymchwiliad hwn. Does bosib nad yw hyn yn lleihau unrhyw uniondeb sy'n gysylltiedig â'r ymchwiliad hwn, o gofio eich bod chi wedi eich cynnwys yn yr ymchwiliad hwn ac, ar yr un pryd, yn rheoli'r cylch gorchwyl. Ni all hynny fod yn iawn.
Rydym ni wedi gweld cyfres o ymchwiliadau annibynnol honedig yn ymwneud â'ch Llywodraeth chi. Rydym ni wedi gweld dro ar ôl tro eich Llywodraeth yn ceisio amddiffyn y Llywodraeth rhag beirniadaeth ar bob cyfrif. Felly, sut gallwch chi sicrhau pobl Cymru nad yw hwn yn ymchwiliad arall sy'n arwain yn y pen draw at gyhuddiadau o Lywodraeth Cymru yn datgelu gwybodaeth?
First of all, there's no evidence at all to back up what he has just said. The inquest, of course, will take place—it will take place at the end of November. That is the primary procedure in this process.
Secondly, I've not interfered with the protocol at all. It's been in the hands of the Permanent Secretary. I've set the terms of reference—that is true. If it is the case that that's right, then the court will say so.
The reality is that I did not have to set up this investigation—I didn't have to set it up. There was no legal responsibility on me to do it. I did it in terms of transparency. The QC was agreed by the family, the protocol was agreed by the family at the time, the QC is fully independent and under no pressure from Government, and the QC is in a position to ask whatever questions he wants of me as a witness, and that is a fundamental principle of independence that is preserved as part of the investigation.
Yn gyntaf oll, nid oes unrhyw dystiolaeth o gwbl i gefnogi'r hyn y mae newydd ei ddweud. Bydd y cwest, wrth gwrs, yn cael ei gynnal—bydd yn digwydd ddiwedd mis Tachwedd. Dyna'r brif weithdrefn yn y broses hon.
Yn ail, nid wyf i wedi ymyrryd â'r protocol o gwbl. Mae wedi bod yn nwylo'r Ysgrifennydd Parhaol. Rwyf i wedi pennu'r cylch gorchwyl—mae hynny'n wir. Os yw'n wir fod hynny'n iawn, yna bydd y llys yn dweud hynny.
Y gwir amdani yw nad oedd yn rhaid i mi sefydlu'r ymchwiliad hwn—nid oedd yn rhaid i mi ei sefydlu. Nid oedd unrhyw gyfrifoldeb cyfreithiol arnaf i wneud hynny. Fe wnes i hynny o ran tryloywder. Cytunwyd ar yr CF gan y teulu, cytunwyd ar y protocol gan y teulu ar y pryd, mae'r CF yn gwbl annibynnol ac nid yw o dan unrhyw bwysau o gwbl gan y Llywodraeth, ac mae'r CF mewn sefyllfa i ofyn pa bynnag gwestiynau y mae'n dymuno eu gofyn i mi fel tyst, ac mae honno'n egwyddor sylfaenol o annibyniaeth a gynhelir yn rhan o'r ymchwiliad.
Arweinydd grŵp UKIP, Gareth Bennett.
Leader of the UKIP group, Gareth Bennett.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, I note that the Welsh Government has been developing its intention to turn Wales into a nation of sanctuary for refugees and asylum seekers. Is this a major priority for your Government?
Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, sylwaf fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn datblygu ei bwriad i droi Cymru yn genedl o noddfa i ffoaduriaid a cheiswyr lloches. A yw hon yn brif flaenoriaeth i'ch Llywodraeth?
Well, can I welcome the Member as the latest leader of UKIP in this Chamber? I have absolutely no idea why he has such a problem with refugees. We have a proud record of giving sanctuary to people who've been persecuted around the world, children, particularly, who have seen things that he has never seen, he has never seen—adults who have seen people killed in front of them, people who have seen war, people who have been the subject of persecution, sometimes of genocide. And there he is, saying that somehow a nation of sanctuary is not something we should pursue.
Wel, a gaf i groesawu'r Aelod fel arweinydd diweddaraf UKIP yn y Siambr hon? Nid oes gen i unrhyw syniad o gwbl pam mae ganddo gymaint o broblem gyda ffoaduriaid. Mae gennym ni hanes balch o roi lloches i bobl sydd wedi cael eu herlid ledled y byd, plant, yn enwedig, sydd wedi gweld pethau nad yw ef erioed wedi eu gweld, erioed wedi eu gweld—oedolion sydd wedi gweld pobl yn cael eu lladd o'u blaenau, pobl sydd wedi gweld rhyfel, pobl sydd wedi bod yn destun erledigaeth, hil-laddiad weithiau. A dyma fe, yn dweud rywsut nad yw bod yn genedl o noddfa yn rhywbeth y dylem fynd ar ei drywydd.
Actually, I asked you a question. I didn't make any assertion, but I thank you for your—[Interruption.] I thank you for your reflections. It does sound from your answer, First Minister, that this is going to be a major priority for our Government, so that's very interesting. As you may recall, I was the only member of the Assembly's communities committee who opposed the nation of sanctuary idea. Now I have made an assertion. I thought that we should be looking after our own people first. [Interruption.] Obviously, a strange idea to many people in this Chamber. There are massive problems of housing, destitution and access to mental health provision in Wales already before you agree to encourage another very needy group of people to come here in greater and greater numbers, which is what you are doing with your nation of sanctuary status.
Now, when I raised this issue a year ago, the Welsh Government didn't—[Interruption.] When I raised this issue a year ago, the Welsh Government didn't like what I had to say. I did—[Interruption.] I did get a lot of support from the general public. I had a whole load of supportive—[Interruption.] I had a whole load of supportive e-mails on this point. So, your Government may not be in sync with the opinions of the people of Wales on this point.
Another issue where you may, once again, be dangerously out of touch is on the issue of the burka. Now, I commented on the burka issue recently, because I was asked to by members of the media, and you didn't like what I had to say. Now, do you think that this whole issue of the burka is taboo and that nobody has the right to comment on this?
Mewn gwirionedd, gofynnais gwestiwn i chi. Ni wnes i unrhyw haeriad, ond diolchaf i chi am eich—[Torri ar draws.] Diolchaf i chi am eich myfyrdodau. Mae'n swnio o'ch ateb, Prif Weinidog, fel pe byddai hon yn mynd i fod yn brif flaenoriaeth i'n Llywodraeth, felly mae hynny'n ddiddorol iawn. Fel efallai y byddwch chi'n cofio, fi oedd yr unig aelod o bwyllgor cymunedau y Cynulliad a wrthwynebodd y syniad o genedl noddfa. Nawr rwyf i wedi gwneud haeriad. Roeddwn i'n meddwl y dylem ni fod yn gofalu am ein pobl ein hunain yn gyntaf. [Torri ar draws.] Syniad rhyfedd i lawer o bobl yn y Siambr hon, yn amlwg. Ceir problemau enfawr o ran tai, amddifadedd a mynediad at ddarpariaeth iechyd meddwl yng Nghymru eisoes cyn i chi gytuno i annog grŵp anghenus iawn arall o bobl i ddod yma mewn niferoedd mwy a mwy, sef yr hyn yr ydych chi'n ei wneud gyda'ch statws cenedl noddfa.
Nawr, pan godais i y mater hwn flwyddyn yn ôl, nid oedd Llywodraeth Cymru—[Torri ar draws.] Pan godais y mater hwn flwyddyn yn ôl, nid oedd Llywodraeth Cymru yn hoffi'r hyn yr oedd gen i i'w ddweud. Fe wnes i— [Torri ar draws.] Fe wnes i gael llawer o gefnogaeth gan y cyhoedd. Cefais lwyth o e-byst—[Torri ar draws.] Cefais lwyth o e-byst cefnogol ar y pwynt hwn. Felly, efallai nad yw eich Llywodraeth yn rhannu safbwyntiau pobl Cymru ar y pwynt hwn.
Mater arall lle gallech chi, unwaith eto, fod yn beryglus o ddi-ddeall yn ei gylch yw mater y burka. Nawr, fe wnes i sylwadau ar fater y burka yn ddiweddar, oherwydd gofynnwyd i mi wneud hynny gan aelodau o'r cyfryngau, ac nid oeddech chi'n hoffi'r hyn yr oedd gen i i'w ddweud. Nawr, a ydych chi'n credu fod yr holl fater hwn yn ymwneud â'r burka yn un tabŵ ac nad oes gan neb yr hawl i wneud sylwadau ar hyn?
Is it right that a man should tell a woman what to wear? He thinks so—he thinks so; it's typical of his position. And what on earth does what people wear have to do with politics? We are a free country. It is a very un-British thing to say that people do not have the right to wear a particular item of clothing. That belongs in a previous time in a previous country, if I can put it that way.
Let me remind him that each and every one of us in this Chamber is the descendent of an immigrant—each and every one of us. It's all a question of when our families originally came. This country is a country of immigrants. There were no people here; people arrived here from elsewhere. The Welsh language has its roots in Sanskrit. That's how far the Welsh language has travelled over many, many millennia. I do not see why offering sanctuary to a very small number of people should be taboo for him.
He talked about services like mental health services. Many of them are delivered by immigrants. We would not have a national health service if we didn't recruit doctors from abroad. I have to say, given the tone of what we've heard in this Chamber this afternoon, the question must be asked as to what the difference is between UKIP and the BNP.
A yw'n iawn y dylai dyn ddweud wrth fenyw beth i'w wisgo? Mae e'n credu hynny—mae e'n credu hynny; mae'n nodweddiadol o'i safbwynt. A beth ar y ddaear sydd gan yr hyn y mae pobl yn ei wisgo i'w wneud â gwleidyddiaeth? Rydym ni'n wlad rydd. Mae'n beth am-Mhrydeinig iawn i ddweud nad oes gan bobl yr hawl i wisgo dilledyn penodol. Mae hynny'n perthyn mewn oes flaenorol mewn gwlad flaenorol, os caf ei roi felly.
Gadewch i mi ei atgoffa bod pob un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon yn ddisgynnydd mewnfudwr—pob un ohonom ni. Mae'r cwbl yn gwestiwn o ba bryd y daeth ein teuluoedd yn wreiddiol. Mae'r wlad hon yn wlad o fewnfudwyr. Nid oedd unrhyw bobl yma; cyrhaeddodd pobl yma o fannau eraill. Mae gwreiddiau'r iaith Gymraeg mewn Sansgrit. Dyna pa mor bell y mae'r iaith Gymraeg wedi teithio dros filenia lawer iawn. Nid wyf i'n gweld pam y dylai cynnig noddfa i nifer fach iawn o bobl fod yn dabŵ iddo.
Soniodd am wasanaethau fel gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl. Darperir llawer ohonynt gan fewnfudwyr. Ni fyddai gennym ni wasanaeth iechyd gwladol pe na byddem yn recriwtio meddygon o dramor. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, o ystyried naws yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei glywed yn y Siambr hon y prynhawn yma, mae'n rhaid gofyn beth yw'r gwahaniaeth rhwng UKIP a'r BNP.
The problem you have, First Minister, is that, once again, you are completely out of touch with your own people. [Interruption.] Sky News conducted a recent poll that indicated that 60 per cent of the British people support a ban on the burka. So, let's just summarise your position here: you've said publicly that my comments on this were racist, yet 60 per cent of the public appear to agree with me. By implication, you appear to believe that 60 per cent of the British people are racists. Going forward, how does your Labour Government expect to be re-elected if it goes around telling 60 per cent of its own voters that they are racists?
Y broblem sydd gennych chi, Prif Weinidog, unwaith eto, yw eich bod chi wedi colli cysylltiad yn llwyr â'ch pobl eich hun. [Torri ar draws.] Cynhaliodd Sky News arolwg diweddar a ddangosodd bod 60 y cant o bobl Prydain yn cefnogi gwaharddiad ar y burka. Felly, gadewch i ni grynhoi eich safbwynt yn y fan yma: rydych chi wedi dweud yn gyhoeddus bod fy sylwadau i ar hyn yn hiliol, ac eto mae'n ymddangos bod 60 y cant o'r cyhoedd yn cytuno â mi. Mae hynny'n golygu ei bod ynymddangos eich bod chi'n credu bod 60 y cant o bobl Prydain yn hiliol. Yn y dyfodol, sut mae eich Llywodraeth Lafur yn disgwyl cael ei hailethol os yw'n mynd o gwmpas yn dweud wrth 60 y cant o'i phleidleiswyr ei hun eu bod nhw'n hiliol?
Four Members and dropping: 29. There's the answer to you in terms of popularity, and that's the answer to you in terms of where we sit in terms of public support. You start with the Muslims and then you move on to Jewish people. 'The orthodox Jews dress in a strange way; we can't have that.' Then you move on to people who wear skull caps. You know, 'Why should they dress in a different way?' Then you move on to other sections of the population—people perhaps who are Christians who are members of particular churches who dress in a particular way. This stops now. This stops now. Nobody has the right to tell anybody else in Britain, in Wales, a free country, how they dress. If that's the way that UKIP is going then it's going down some very, very dark alleyways indeed. It's going down the alleyway of racism, and that's what all of us in this Chamber, apart from the famous four over there, will certainly object to and fight. [Assembly Members: 'Hear, hear.']
Pedwar aelod ac yn gostwng: 29. Dyna'r ateb i chi o ran poblogrwydd, a dyna'r ateb i chi am ein sefyllfa o ran cefnogaeth y cyhoedd. Rydych chi'n dechrau gyda'r Mwslimiaid ac yna rydych chi'n symud ymlaen at y bobl Iddewig. 'Mae'r Iddewon uniongred yn gwisgo mewn ffordd ryfedd; nid yw hynny'n dderbyniol.' Yna rydych chi'n symud ymlaen at bobl sy'n gwisgo capiau corun. Wyddoch chi, 'Pam y dylen nhw wisgo mewn ffordd wahanol?' Yna rydych chi'n symud ymlaen at rannau eraill o'r boblogaeth—pobl sydd efallai'n Gristnogion sy'n aelodau o eglwysi penodol sy'n gwisgo mewn ffordd benodol. Dyma ddiwedd ar hyn nawr. Dyma ddiwedd ar hyn nawr. Does gan neb yr hawl i ddweud wrth unrhyw un arall ym Mhrydain, yng Nghymru, gwlad rydd, sut maen nhw'n gwisgo. Os mai dyna'r trywydd y mae UKIP yn ei ddilyn, yna mae'n dilyn trywydd tywyll, tywyll dros ben. Mae'n dilyn trywydd hiliaeth, a dyna fydd pob un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon, ac eithrio'r pedwar enwog yn y fan yna, yn sicr yn ei wrthwynebu ac yn ei ymladd. [Aelodau'r Cynulliad: 'Clywch, clywch.']
Arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
The leader of Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
I'd just like to say that I'm proud to lead a party that stands up for every single citizen in Wales regardless of where they were born, and we stand against everything that was just said by the leader of the far right.
First Minister, 'a lack of ambition', 'taking the easy way out' and 'a matter of fairness' were all phrases used to describe your Government's refusal to introduce universal free school dinners for infants. Those are words from your current Cabinet Secretary for Education. You now plan to restrict the number of eligible children even further. Do you think it can be described as a matter of fairness that, if your household has a net earned income of £7,401, the Welsh Government will cut your free school meals support?
Hoffwn ddweud fy mod i'n falch o arwain plaid sy'n sefyll dros bob un dinesydd yng Nghymru ble bynnag y cafodd ei eni, ac rydym ni'n sefyll yn erbyn popeth sydd newydd gael ei ddweud gan arweinydd yr asgell dde eithafol.
Prif Weinidog, roedd 'diffyg uchelgais', 'dewis y ffordd hawdd' a 'mater o degwch' i gyd yn ymadroddion a ddefnyddiwyd i ddisgrifio gwrthodiad eich Llywodraeth i gyflwyno ciniawau ysgol am ddim cyffredinol i fabanod. Dyna eiriau eich Ysgrifennydd Cabinet presennol dros Addysg. Rydych chi'n bwriadu erbyn hyn cyfyngu nifer y plant cymwys hyd yn oed ymhellach. A ydych chi'n credu y gellir ei ddisgrifio fel mater o degwch, os oes gan eich cartref incwm net a enillir o £7,401, y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn torri eich cymorth prydau ysgol am ddim?
Well, first of all, the consultation's just ended on this. I don't know whether she put submissions into that consultation, but we will look at the responses to that consultation and develop policy accordingly.
Wel, yn gyntaf oll, mae'r ymgynghoriad ar hyn newydd ddod i ben. Nid wyf i'n gwybod a wnaeth hi gyflwyniadau i'r ymgynghoriad hwnnw, ond byddwn yn ystyried yr ymatebion i'r ymgynghoriad hwnnw ac yn datblygu polisi yn unol â hynny.
First Minister, your poverty of ambition is exacerbating the poverty of our pupils. You are instituting a policy here that is harsher than the Tory Westminster Government's. Just one year after a prominent promise on page 38 of the Labour manifesto, which read
'we will introduce free school meals for all primary school children',
you are about to break that promise.
First Minister, the Welsh Government received £15 million extra in funding due to the introduction of free school meals in England, and this has funded the Schools Challenge Cymru scheme, the scheme that closed in July 2017. So, can you tell us what is this extra £15 million now going to be spent on?
Prif Weinidog, mae eich diffyg uchelgais yn gwaethygu tlodi ein disgyblion. Rydych chi'n sefydlu polisi yma sy'n llymach nag un Llywodraeth San Steffan y Torïaid. Dim ond blwyddyn ar ôl addewid amlwg ar dudalen 38 maniffesto Llafur, a oedd yn dweud
byddwn yn cyflwyno prydau ysgol am ddim i bob plentyn ysgol gynradd,
rydych chi ar fin torri'r addewid hwnnw.
Prif Weinidog, derbyniodd Llywodraeth Cymru £15 miliwn o gyllid ychwanegol yn sgil cyflwyno prydau ysgol am ddim yn Lloegr, ac mae hyn wedi ariannu cynllun Her Ysgolion Cymru, y cynllun a ddaeth i ben ym mis Gorffennaf 2017. Felly, a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ar beth y mae'r £15 miliwn ychwanegol hwn yn mynd i gael ei wario nawr?
Well, the reality is that it wasn't really extra money. We were already, of course, providing free school breakfasts. So, we were already providing free school meals in our schools. That was something that we funded ourselves. Now, we got that consequential. That money, along with any other consequentials that arrive, will form part of the budget and its development over the course of the next few months. But I have to say that, if we look at our education system, we see schools being built all across Wales—I saw two only last week. We saw good results at A-level, good results at GCSE, the development of an all-Wales curriculum. I don't believe that we are letting our children down at all. We're seeing more investment now than ever, and the education system is going from strength to strength.
Wel, y gwir amdani yw nad oedd arian ychwanegol mewn gwirionedd. Roeddem ni eisoes, wrth gwrs, yn darparu brecwast ysgol am ddim. Felly, roeddem ni eisoes yn darparu prydau ysgol am ddim yn ein hysgolion. Roedd hynny'n rhywbeth a ariannwyd gennym ein hunain. Nawr, mae gennym ni'r arian canlyniadol yna. Bydd yr arian hwnnw, ynghyd ag unrhyw symiau canlyniadol eraill a ddaw, yn rhan o'r gyllideb a'i datblygiad yn ystod yr ychydig fisoedd nesaf. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, os edrychwn ni ar ein system addysg, ein bod ni'n gweld ysgolion yn cael eu hadeiladu ledled Cymru—gwelais ddwy dim ond yr wythnos diwethaf. Gwelsom ganlyniadau safon uwch da, canlyniadau TGAU da, datblygiad cwricwlwm Cymru gyfan. Nid wyf i'n credu ein bod ni'n gwneud cam â'n plant o gwbl. Rydym ni'n gweld mwy o fuddsoddiad nawr nag erioed, ac mae'r system addysg yn mynd o nerth i nerth.
I'm asking you about food in children's mouths, not about school buildings. Now, the take-up of free breakfasts remains low, and experts from the Bevan Foundation and the Children's Society and the Food Foundation have all highlighted the need for universal free school meals. Free school breakfasts do not preclude the Welsh Government from offering free school meals. Now, First Minister, the Children, Young People and Education Committee confirmed that you have taken £15 million from educational investment. You're snatching money away from children's futures, and soon you will be snatching away their school dinners as well.
Of course, the chaos of universal credit and the effect of austerity is going to make life harder for families right across Wales. Fifty-five thousand children living in poverty will not be eligible for free school meals under your proposals. That's more stigma, more hunger, more food banks. If enacted, the Labour/Liberal Democrats will have imposed the most regressive free school meals policy in the whole of the UK, and that is a point that has been made by the Bevan Foundation, which, along with the Children's Society, is calling for you all to think again.
First Minister, do you agree with the experts that free school meals deliver better health, welfare and educational outcomes? Or do you believe that this investment in our children isn't worth it?
Rwy'n eich holi am fwyd yng nghegau plant, nid am adeiladau ysgol. Nawr, mae'r nifer sy'n manteisio ar frecwastau am ddim yn parhau i fod yn isel, ac mae arbenigwyr o Sefydliad Bevan a Chymdeithas y Plant a'r Food Foundation i gyd wedi amlygu'r angen am brydau ysgol am ddim i bawb. Nid yw brecwastau ysgol am ddim yn atal Llywodraeth Cymru rhag cynnig prydau ysgol am ddim. Nawr, Prif Weinidog, cadarnhaodd y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg eich bod chi wedi cymryd £15 miliwn o'r buddsoddiad addysgol. Rydych chi'n dwyn arian oddi wrth ddyfodol plant, a byddwch yn dwyn eu ciniawau ysgol yn fuan hefyd.
Wrth gwrs, mae anhrefn credyd cynhwysol ac effaith cyni cyllidol yn mynd i wneud bywyd yn fwy anodd i deuluoedd ledled Cymru gyfan. Ni fydd hanner cant a phump o filoedd o blant sy'n byw mewn tlodi yn gymwys i dderbyn prydau ysgol am ddim o dan eich cynigion. Mae hynny'n golygu mwy o stigma, mwy o fod eisiau bwyd, mwy o fanciau bwyd. Os caiff ei ddeddfu, bydd Llafur/y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol wedi cyflwyno'r polisi prydau ysgol am ddim mwyaf atchweliadol yn y DU gyfan, ac mae hwnnw'n bwynt a wnaed gan Sefydliad Bevan, sydd, ynghyd â Chymdeithas y Plant, yn galw arnoch chi i gyd i ailfeddwl.
Prif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n cytuno â'r arbenigwyr bod prydau ysgol am ddim yn darparu gwell iechyd, lles a chanlyniadau addysgol? Neu a ydych chi'n credu nad yw'r buddsoddiad hwn yn ein plant yn werth chweil?
Well, the leader of Plaid Cymru seems to think that we don't have free school meals in Wales. We do. We have free school breakfasts. That point is glossed over. Secondly, we are providing an extra £10 million a year between 2019-20 to 2022-23, providing free school meals. That's despite having no additional funding from the UK Government. The reality is—. And she points out, as she's done before, the general election manifesto for the Labour Party—of course we'd like to be more generous, but we need to see the election of a Labour Government in London in order for that to happen. The reality is she couldn't be more generous; Plaid Cymru haven't got more money hidden in a stash somewhere. We need to see a Government across the whole of the UK that's committed to fairness, committed to social justice and committed to opportunity, as we are here in Wales.
Wel, mae'n ymddangos bod arweinydd Plaid Cymru yn credu nad oes gennym ni brydau ysgol am ddim yng Nghymru. Mae gennym ni. Mae gennym ni frecwastau ysgol am ddim. Mae'r pwynt hwnnw'n cael ei anwybyddu. Yn ail, rydym ni'n darparu £10 miliwn ychwanegol y flwyddyn rhwng 2019-20 a 2022-23, gan ddarparu prydau ysgol am ddim. Mae hynny er nad ydym ni'n cael unrhyw gyllid ychwanegol gan Lywodraeth y DU. Y gwir amdani yw—. Ac mae hi'n nodi, fel y mae wedi ei wneud o'r blaen, maniffesto etholiad cyffredinol y Blaid Lafur—hoffem ni fod yn fwy hael, wrth gwrs, ond mae angen i ni weld Llywodraeth Lafur yn cael ei hethol yn Llundain er mwyn i hynny ddigwydd. Y gwir amdani yw na allai hi fod yn fwy hael; nid oes gan Blaid Cymru fwy o arian wedi ei guddio mewn stôr yn rhywle. Mae angen i ni weld Llywodraeth ar draws y DU gyfan sydd wedi ymrwymo i degwch, wedi ymrwymo i gyfiawnder cymdeithasol ac wedi ymrwymo i gyfle, fel yr ydym ni yma yng Nghymru.
3. Beth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n ei wneud i wella cysylltiadau economaidd rhwng Cymru a de-orllewin Lloegr? OAQ52568
3. What is the Welsh Government doing to improve economic links between Wales and south-west England? OAQ52568
Our investment in transport connectivity, together with the economic action plan, demonstrates our commitment to more cross-border working and growing the economic links with our neighbours.
Mae ein buddsoddiad mewn cysylltedd trafnidiaeth, ynghyd â'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd, yn dangos ein hymrwymiad i fwy o weithio trawsffiniol a thyfu'r cysylltiadau economaidd gyda'n cymdogion.
I thank the First Minister for his response. Last week, I chaired a Wales policy forum in Newport on building a western powerhouse, and I was surprised to listen to quite a lot of negative commentary from particularly the Plaid Cymru benches about this. And, yesterday, I think, a Plaid economist said it was 'an attack on the integrity of Wales'. Will the First Minister for the Welsh Government confirm that he supports our working more closely with the west of England, and in particular with Marvin Rees and with Tim Bowles, the two directly-elected mayors we have there, and will he ensure that the Welsh Government, to the extent it has powers, as well as the Cardiff city region, will work with those directly-elected mayors and with the UK Government to do everything possible to ensure we get the best benefit we can from the abolition of the tolls and the strength of the economy over the Severn to link in with us here in south Wales?
Diolchaf i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ymateb. Yr wythnos diwethaf, cadeiriais fforwm polisi Cymru yng Nghasnewydd ar greu pwerdy gorllewinol, ac roeddwn ni'n synnu o wrando ar gryn dipyn o sylwadau negyddol yn enwedig o feinciau Plaid Cymru am hyn. A ddoe, rwy'n credu, dywedodd economegydd Plaid Cymru ei fod yn ymosodiad ar uniondeb Cymru. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru gadarnhau ei fod yn cefnogi ein gwaith agosach gyda gorllewin Lloegr, ac yn benodol gyda Marvin Rees a Tim Bowles, y ddau faer a etholwyd yn uniongyrchol sydd gennym ni yno, ac a wnaiff ef sicrhau y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru, i'r graddau y mae ganddi bwerau, yn ogystal â dinas-ranbarth Caerdydd, yn gweithio gyda'r meiri hynny a etholwyd yn uniongyrchol a chyda Llywodraeth y DU i wneud popeth posibl i sicrhau ein bod ni'n cael y budd gorau y gallwn o ddiddymu'r tollau a chryfder yr economi dros bont Hafren i gysylltu â ni yma yn ne Cymru?
Well, there is no difficulty with working cross-border. Everyone else does it. If we say we're not going to work across the border, it's a sign of an inferiority complex. And so we are more than happy to work not just with colleagues in England, but in Ireland as well and, indeed, with our European partners, who are incredibly important to us. We are an internationalist Government—we look out, and that means looking beyond Wales's borders in every way. What this can't be, though, is a power grab by the UK Government to set up some kind of cross-border body that escapes the control of the Welsh Government. That we will not put up with. One of the problems is, of course, that there's no equivalent level of Government in England that we can talk to, in reality. There's only the UK Government. The mayors don't have the powers that we have got, and it's a shame for people in England. And we saw this: there was a great opportunity for us when the regional development agencies went—all our competition disappeared. It was great news for us; it was not good news for the English regions. So, yes, of course we will work with partners outside Wales, but there has to be a defined way of doing that that doesn't impinge on the powers and responsibilities of the Government and the Assembly.
Wel, nid oes unrhyw anhawster gyda gweithio'n draws-ffiniol. Mae pawb arall yn ei wneud. Os byddwn ni'n dweud nad ydym ni'n mynd i weithio ar draws y ffin, mae'n arwydd o deimlo'n israddol. Ac felly rydym ni'n fwy na pharod i weithio nid yn unig â chydweithwyr yn Lloegr, ond yn Iwerddon hefyd ac, yn wir, gyda'n partneriaid Ewropeaidd, sy'n hynod bwysig i ni. Rydym ni'n Llywodraeth rhyng-genedlaetholaidd—rydym ni'n edrych tuag allan, ac mae hynny'n golygu edrych y tu hwnt i ffiniau Cymru ym mhob ffordd. Fodd bynnag, yr hyn na all hyn fod yw achos o gipio grym gan Lywodraeth y DU i sefydlu rhyw fath o gorff trawsffiniol sy'n dianc rhag rheolaeth Llywodraeth Cymru. Ni fyddwn yn goddef hynny. Un o'r problemau, wrth gwrs, yw nad oes lefel gyfatebol o Lywodraeth yn Lloegr y gallwn ni siarad â hi, mewn gwirionedd. Dim ond Llywodraeth y DU sydd yna. Nid oes gan y meiri y pwerau sydd gennym ni, ac mae hynny'n drueni i bobl yn Lloegr. A gwelsom hyn: roedd cyfle gwych i ni pan aeth yr asiantaethau datblygu rhanbarthol—diflannodd ein holl gystadleuaeth. Roedd yn newyddion gwych i ni; nid oedd yn newyddion da i ranbarthau Lloegr. Felly, byddwn, wrth gwrs y byddwn yn gweithio gyda phartneriaid y tu allan i Gymru, ond mae'n rhaid cael ffordd ddiffiniedig o wneud hynny nad yw'n effeithio ar bwerau a chyfrifoldebau'r Llywodraeth a'r Cynulliad.
It's just now becoming clearer that the impact of reducing the tolls on the Severn Bridge will increase traffic by around 20 per cent, as driving becomes a cheaper and more attractive alternative to public transport, as well as the impact on property prices around south-east Wales from the measure. What assessment has the First Minister made of the new public transport and active travel measures outlined in the report published last week by the future generations commissioner?
Dim ond nawr y mae'n dod yn fwy eglur y bydd effaith gostwng y tollau ar Bont Hafren yn cynyddu traffig gan oddeutu 20 y cant, wrth i yrru ddod yn ddewis rhatach a mwy deniadol yn hytrach na thrafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, yn ogystal ag effaith y mesur ar brisiau eiddo ar draws y de-ddwyrain. Pa asesiad mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi ei wneud o'r mesurau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a theithio llesol newydd a amlinellwyd yn yr adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos diwethaf gan y comisiynydd cenedlaethau'r dyfodol?
Well, first of all, I have to take the decision as to whether the black route should proceed. I always look at alternatives. Some of them are not clear, from the report, as to how they'd actually operate in practice, but, as a Government, of course, we've been very, very committed to investment in public transport. We see that, of course, through the rail network and the substantial investment that will be put into the south Wales metro and other parts of Wales over the next few years.
Wel, yn gyntaf oll, mae'n rhaid i mi wneud y penderfyniad o ran ba un a ddylai'r llwybr du fynd rhagddo ai peidio. Rwyf i bob amser yn ystyried dewisiadau eraill. Nid yw rhai ohonynt yn eglur, o'r adroddiad, ynghylch sut y byddent yn gweithredu'n ymarferol, ond, fel Llywodraeth, wrth gwrs, rydym ni wedi bod yn ymrwymedig dros ben i fuddsoddi mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Rydym ni'n gweld hynny, wrth gwrs, drwy'r rhwydwaith rheilffyrdd a'r buddsoddiad sylweddol a fydd yn cael ei wneud ym metro de Cymru ac mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd nesaf.
The First Minister is right, of course: there is a broader political purpose at work here. In creating these two vast conurbations, Mersey Dee in the north, Severnside in the south, straddling the Welsh border like a colossus, they're there to reintegrate Wales into England's political economy. But this has been part of your Government's agenda as well. Can the First Minister honestly say that turning Newport into a commuter suburb of greater Bristol does anything—anything—positive for people on low or average wages in Newport? And, instead of this obsession with cross-border linkages and cross-border connectivity, how about some connectivity within Wales? How about actually having transport links in Wales so that actually trying to get from the south to the north of our country isn't like an odyssey of classical proportions?
Mae'r Prif Weinidog yn iawn, wrth gwrs: mae diben gwleidyddol ehangach ar waith yn y fan yma. Wrth greu'r ddau gytref helaeth hyn, Mersi Dyfrdwy yn y gogledd, Glannau Hafren yn y de, sy'n croesi ffin Cymru fel cawr, maen nhw yno i ailintegreiddio Cymru i economi wleidyddol Lloegr. Ond mae hyn wedi bod yn rhan o agenda eich Llywodraeth chi hefyd. A all y Prif Weinidog ddweud yn onest bod troi Casnewydd yn faestref cymudo i Fryste fwyaf yn gwneud unrhyw beth—unrhyw beth—cadarnhaol i bobl ar gyflogau isel neu gyfartalog yng Nghasnewydd? Ac, yn hytrach na'r obsesiwn hwn â chysylltiadau trawsffiniol a chysylltedd trawsffiniol, beth am rywfaint o gysylltedd o fewn Cymru? Beth am gael cysylltiadau trafnidiaeth yng Nghymru fel bod ceisio cael o dde i ogledd ein gwlad ddim yn antur ar raddfa glasurol?
Well, I don't think building an economic Berlin wall is the answer, if I'm honest. The reality is that the economic and commercial flows go from west to east. That doesn't have to interfere with our identity. That's something that we should be proud of. That doesn't mean that it's a threat to Wales. If we see it that way, we're victims of our own inferiority complex. There are much better links to the north than there ever were. We've got a flight twice a day and the trains run every two hours; when I came here in 1999, there was no train going north at all—there was no direct train. That has improved. We've seen incremental improvements on the A470 as well, but, you know, a road is not the answer as far as north to south is concerned. But really, not even the unionists of Northern Ireland would say, 'We don't want to work with the Republic'. They see the value of cross-border working; they don't see it particularly as a threat to themselves. We should embrace it—control it and embrace it—and make sure that it works in favour of our own people.
Wel, nid wyf i'n credu mai adeiladu wal Berlin economaidd yw'r ateb, a dweud y gwir. Y gwir amdani yw bod y llifau economaidd a masnachol yn mynd o'r gorllewin i'r dwyrain. Nid oes rhaid i hynny amharu ar ein hunaniaeth ni. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth y dylem ni fod yn falch ohono. Nid yw hynny'n golygu ei fod yn fygythiad i Gymru. Os byddwn ni'n ei weld felly, rydym ni'n ddioddefwyr ein teimlad o israddoldeb ein hunain. Ceir cysylltiadau llawer gwell i'r gogledd na fu erioed. Mae gennym ni awyren ddwywaith y dydd ac mae'r trenau yn rhedeg bob dwy awr; pan ddeuthum i yma ym 1999, nid oedd yr un trên yn mynd i'r gogledd o gwbl—nid oedd trên uniongyrchol. Mae hynny wedi gwella. Rydym ni wedi gweld gwelliannau graddol ar yr A470 hefyd, ond, fel y gwyddoch, nid ffordd yw'r ateb cyn belled ag y mae mynd o'r gogledd i'r de yn y cwestiwn. Ond mewn gwirionedd, ni fyddai unoliaethwyr Gogledd Iwerddon hyd yn oed yn dweud, 'Nid ydym ni eisiau gweithio gyda'r Weriniaeth'. Maen nhw'n gweld gwerth gweithio traws-ffiniol; nid ydyn nhw'n ei weld fel bygythiad iddyn nhw eu hunain yn arbennig. Dylem ni ei groesawu—ei reoli a'i groesawu—a gwneud yn siŵr ei fod yn gweithio o blaid ein pobl ein hunain.
4. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i wella ansawdd aer ym Mhort Talbot a'r cyffiniau? OAQ52615
4. What action is the Welsh Government taking to improve air quality in and around Port Talbot? OAQ52615
A tailored programme of work is under way to independently review the clean air action plan for Port Talbot and develop a future plan of work to further improve air quality in the region. In addition, officials had a meeting this morning with Natural Resources Wales and Neath Port Talbot council.
Mae rhaglen waith wedi'i theilwra ar y gweill i adolygu'n annibynnol y cynllun gweithredu aer glân ar gyfer Port Talbot ac i ddatblygu cynllun gwaith ar gyfer y dyfodol i wella ansawdd aer ymhellach yn y rhanbarth. Hefyd, cafodd swyddogion gyfarfod y bore yma gyda Chyfoeth Naturiol Cymru a chyngor Castell-nedd Port Talbot.
Thank you for that answer, First Minister. I'm sure that there are many issues that you are taking on board. The monitoring of air quality has been focused upon PM10s and PM2.5s—understandable, because they're the ones that are recognised to have the biggest impact on people's health—but we have seen a large increase in what is known as nuisance dust fallout from the Port Talbot steelworks across the whole Port Talbot area. Now, I recognise that this perhaps is not considered a health issue, but it is definitely a health issue—people are breathing this in, they're walking it through their houses, they've got it on their cars and properties—and it is a real problem for many of my constituents. There's also no doubt that this comes from the Tata steelworks, and I've had discussions with the management of Tata to look at what they're doing about this. There are plans for longer term problems to be resolved through improving the environment, but there's a short-term issue about doing it now. What can we do about the production processes to ensure that this product is reduced and limited as best we can? Will you as a Government actually look at the ways you can work with Tata to look at the long-term solutions? I'll just remind you that the state aid of the EU doesn't affect environmental options, so it's a possibility of looking at those longer-term solutions. But can you also have discussions with Tata to look at how they can be a responsible neighbour to ensure that the fallouts that we are experiencing in Port Talbot are reduced so that we don't get a situation where, every morning, people wake up to either black or red dust on their gardens, on their cars or on their windowsills and have to look at that every single day? This has gone on and it's unacceptable. We need, now, action to ensure that Tata takes their responsibility seriously.
Diolch am yr ateb yna, Prif Weinidog. Rwy'n siŵr bod llawer o faterion yr ydych chi'n rhoi ystyriaeth iddynt. Canolbwyntiwyd y gwaith o fonitro ansawdd aer ar PM10s a PM2.5s—sy'n ddealladwy, gan mai dyna'r rhai a gydnabyddir sy'n cael yr effaith fwyaf ar iechyd pobl—ond rydym ni wedi gweld cynnydd mawr i'r hyn a adnabyddir fel alldafliadau llwch niwsans o waith dur Port Talbot ar draws holl ardal Port Talbot. Nawr, rwy'n cydnabod efallai nad yw hwn yn cael ei ystyried fel mater iechyd, ond mae'n sicr yn fater iechyd—mae pobl yn anadlu hwn i mewn, maen nhw'n ei gerdded drwy eu tai, mae ar eu ceir a'u heiddo—ac mae'n broblem wirioneddol i lawer o'm hetholwyr i. Hefyd, does dim amheuaeth nad o waith dur Tata mae hwn yn dod, ac rwyf i wedi cael trafodaethau gyda rheolwyr Tata i ystyried beth maen nhw'n ei wneud am hyn. Ceir cynlluniau i broblemau tymor hwy gael eu datrys drwy wella'r amgylchedd, ond ceir problem tymor byr o ran ei wneud nawr. Beth allwn ni ei wneud am y prosesau cynhyrchu i sicrhau bod y cynnyrch hwn yn cael ei leihau a'i gyfyngu cymaint â phosibl? A wnewch chi fel Llywodraeth ystyried y ffyrdd y gallwch chi weithio gyda Tata i ystyried yr atebion tymor hir? Hoffwn eich atgoffa nad yw cymorth gwladwriaethol yr UE yn effeithio ar ddewisiadau amgylcheddol, felly ceir posibilrwydd o ystyried yr atebion tymor hwy hynny. Ond a allwch chi hefyd gael trafodaethau gyda Tata i ystyried sut y gallan nhw fod yn gymydog cyfrifol i sicrhau bod yr alldafliadau yr ydym ni'n eu dioddef ym Mhort Talbot yn cael eu lleihau fel nad ydym yn cael sefyllfa lle, bob bore, mae pobl yn deffro i lwch du neu goch ar eu gerddi, neu ar eu ceir neu ar eu silffoedd ffenestri a gorfod edrych ar hynny bob un dydd? Mae hyn wedi digwydd ac mae'n annerbyniol. Mae angen gweithredu arnom ni nawr i sicrhau bod Tata yn cymryd eu cyfrifoldeb o ddifrif.
I know that NRW regulates the steelworks in accordance with the permit issued under the environmental permitting regime. We, of course, have our commitment to improving and proactively tackling poor air quality in the area. In April, the Minister for Environment set out plans to re-examine the action plan—the approach it takes and the evidence that underpins it—and I understand that the Minister will be meeting with Tata, with NRW and with Neath Port Talbot council soon to support that process.
Gwn fod Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn rheoleiddio'r gwaith dur yn unol â'r drwydded a gyflwynir o dan y drefn trwyddedu amgylcheddol. Mae gennym ni, wrth gwrs, ein hymrwymiad i wella a mynd ati'n rhagweithiol i fynd i'r afael ag ansawdd aer gwael yn yr ardal. Ym mis Ebrill, cyflwynodd Gweinidog yr Amgylchedd gynlluniau i ail-edrych ar y cynllun gweithredu—y dull y mae'n ei ddefnyddio a'r dystiolaeth sy'n sail iddo—a deallaf y bydd y Gweinidog yn cyfarfod gyda Tata, gyda Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru a gyda chyngor Castell-nedd Port Talbot yn fuan i gynorthwyo'r broses honno.
First Minister, it has been just over six months now since the 50-mph zone on the M4 was extended between Port Talbot and the Earlswood turning for Swansea, at the time, your Minister telling us that this was in advance of completed detailed modelling that would be taking place in the summer. Well, summer's over, so can you tell us what those three months have produced in terms of data, whether the detailed modelling has actually been completed, and in particular, whether any of the traffic has been diverted to the distributor road?
Prif Weinidog, bu ychydig dros chwe mis erbyn hyn ers i'r parth 50 mya ar yr M4 gael ei ymestyn rhwng Port Talbot a throad Earlswood ar gyfer Abertawe, gyda'ch Gweinidog yn dweud wrthym ar y pryd bod hyn cyn cwblhau modelu manwl a fyddai'n digwydd yn yr haf. Wel, mae'r haf ar ben, felly a allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni beth mae'r tri mis hynny wedi ei gynhyrchu o ran data, pa un a yw'r modelu manwl wedi ei gwblhau, ac yn benodol, pa un a yw unrhyw gyfran o'r traffig wedi cael ei ddargyfeirio i'r ffordd ddosbarthu?
That data is being analysed at the moment. The output will be published so that Members and the public can see it, and that will be done as soon as possible.
Mae'r data hynny yn cael eu dadansoddi ar hyn o bryd. Bydd yr allbwn yn cael ei gyhoeddi fel y gall yr Aelodau a'r cyhoedd ei weld, a bydd hynny'n cael ei wneud cyn gynted â phosibl.
First Minister, obviously, as well as industry, as we've heard, it's clear that transport-related pollution from the M4 and local roads adds to the air quality challenges in Port Talbot. Now, the Swansea bay and western Valleys metro could significantly reduce the number of cars on the roads, but clearly this requires funding. Therefore, what discussions has your Government had with the UK Government and Network Rail since the publication of Professor Barry's 'The Case for Investment' report in July? And how confident are you currently that the UK Government will listen to requests for fair rail funding for Wales, being as we've never had fair rail funding in Wales?
Prif Weinidog, yn amlwg, yn ogystal â diwydiant, fel yr ydym wedi clywed, mae'n amlwg bod llygredd cysylltiedig â thrafnidiaeth o'r M4 a ffyrdd lleol yn ychwanegu at yr heriau ansawdd aer ym Mhort Talbot. Nawr, gallai metro bae Abertawe a chymoedd y gorllewin leihau nifer y ceir ar y ffyrdd yn sylweddol, ond yn amlwg mae angen cyllid i wneud hyn. Felly, pa drafodaethau mae eich Llywodraeth wedi eu cael gyda Llywodraeth y DU a Network Rail ers cyhoeddi adroddiad 'Yr Achos dros Fuddsoddi' yr Athro Barry ym mis Gorffennaf? A pha mor hyderus ydych chi ar hyn o bryd y bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrando ar geisiadau am gyllid rheilffyrdd teg i Gymru, gan nad ydym ni erioed wedi cael cyllid rheilffyrdd teg yng Nghymru?
Well, he asked me whether I'm optimistic about fair rail funding, and the honest answer is 'no', because history tells us otherwise. We've received 1.1 per cent of the investment in infrastructure, despite the fact that our population share should be far, far higher. That's England and Wales, of course, without Scotland as well.
In terms of Swansea, much of Swansea's rail network, of course, was taken up in the 1960s, so much of the solution will lie in non-heavy rail options. Discussions are ongoing between officials—and, indeed, with the Minister—with, for example, local authorities and, of course, the authorities that are dealing with the city deal. What is hugely important, of course, is to make sure that all communities are properly served. I know that there was a suggestion at one point that Neath would no longer be on the main line. That was never true; I can give people that absolute assurance. That is absolutely clear. So, we need to make sure that we are able to connect more communities via a number of modes of transport in the Swansea bay area.
Wel, gofynnodd i mi a wyf i'n ffyddiog ynghylch cyllid rheilffyrdd teg, a'r ateb gonest yw 'nac ydw', gan fod hanes yn dweud yn wahanol wrthym ni. Rydym ni wedi derbyn 1.1 y cant o'r buddsoddiad mewn seilwaith, er gwaethaf y ffaith y dylai ein cyfran boblogaeth fod yn uwch o lawer. Cymru a Lloegr yw hynny, wrth gwrs, heb yr Alban hefyd.
O ran Abertawe, wrth gwrs, tynnwyd llawer o rwydwaith rheilffyrdd Abertawe ymaith yn y 1960au, wrth gwrs, felly bydd llawer o'r atebion i'w cael mewn dewisiadau nad ydynt yn rhai rheilffyrdd trwm. Mae trafodaethau yn parhau rhwng swyddogion—ac, yn wir, gyda'r Gweinidog—gyda, er enghraifft, awdurdodau lleol ac, wrth gwrs, yr awdurdodau sy'n ymdrin â'r fargen ddinesig. Yr hyn sy'n hynod bwysig, wrth gwrs, yw gwneud yn siŵr bod pob cymuned yn cael ei gwasanaethu'n briodol. Gwn y bu awgrym ar un adeg na fyddai Castell-nedd ar y brif reilffordd mwyach. Ni fu hynny erioed yn wir; gallaf roi'r sicrwydd pendant hwnnw i bobl. Mae hynny'n gwbl eglur. Felly, mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n gallu cysylltu mwy o gymunedau trwy nifer o foddau trafnidiaeth yn ardal bae Abertawe.
5. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y paratoadau diweddaraf ar gyfer gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd? OAQ52585
5. Will the First Minister provide an update on the latest preparations for leaving the European Union? OAQ52585
Yes. There are three things that I can refer to. First of all, we are keeping a very close eye on what legislation might be needed and the timing of any such legislation in advance of Brexit. Secondly, we're working on, for example, providing support through our £50 million EU transition fund. We will launch a new business portal shortly, and, on top of that, we're expanding our overseas operations to protect existing markets. We will also be recruiting more officials. Thousands have been recruited in Whitehall. We can't reach that level, but we are looking to recruit an extra 198 members of staff in order to deal with what is the most important issue that we've faced in the last 20 years. Indeed, it's 21 years ago today that the referendum took place.
Gwnaf. Ceir tri pheth y gallaf gyfeirio atynt. Yn gyntaf oll, rydym ni'n cadw llygad manwl iawn ar ba ddeddfwriaeth allai fod ei hangen ac amseriad unrhyw ddeddfwriaeth o'r fath cyn Brexit. Yn ail, rydym ni'n gweithio, er enghraifft, ar ddarparu cymorth drwy ein cronfa bontio'r UE gwerth £50 miliwn. Byddwn yn lansio porth busnes newydd maes o law, ac, yn ogystal â hynny, rydym ni'n ehangu ein gweithrediadau tramor i amddiffyn marchnadoedd presennol. Byddwn hefyd yn recriwtio mwy o swyddogion. Mae miloedd wedi eu recriwtio yn Whitehall. Ni allwn ni gyrraedd y lefel honno, ond rydym ni'n bwriadu recriwtio 198 o aelodau staff ychwanegol i ymdrin â'r mater pwysicaf yr ydym ni wedi ei wynebu yn yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf. Yn wir, 21 mlynedd yn ôl i heddiw y cynhaliwyd y refferendwm.
I thank the First Minister for that answer. Of course, crucial to preparations for leaving the European Union will be future migration policy, and today the Migration Advisory Committee has published a report. They say that EU migrants paid more in tax than they took in benefits, contributed more to the NHS workforce than the healthcare they accessed, and they had no effect on crime rates. Sadly, of course, the latest migration figures show that net migration from the EU is at its lowest level since 2012. As the First Minister stated yesterday in front of the external affairs committee, we have, effectively, full employment in Wales, but growing demands on public services and, of course, labour needs in the wider economy. So, as the Tories pull up the drawbridge on fantasy island Britain, is the First Minister any closer to progressing the suggestion for a Welsh work permit system?
Diolchaf i'r Prif Weinidog am yr ateb yna. Wrth gwrs, bydd polisi mewnfudo'r dyfodol yn hollbwysig i baratoadau ar gyfer gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac mae'r Pwyllgor Cynghori ar Fewnfudo wedi cyhoeddi adroddiad heddiw. Maen nhw'n dweud bod mewnfudwyr o'r UE wedi talu mwy mewn treth nag y maen nhw wedi ei dderbyn mewn budd-daliadau, wedi cyfrannu mwy at weithlu'r GIG na'r gofal iechyd y maen nhw wedi ei dderbyn, ac na chawsant unrhyw effaith ar gyfraddau troseddu. Yn anffodus, wrth gwrs, mae'r ffigurau mewnfudo diweddaraf yn dangos bod mewnfudiad net o'r UE ar ei lefel isaf ers 2012. Fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog ddoe gerbron y pwyllgor materion allanol, mae gennym ni, i bob pwrpas, gyflogaeth lawn yng Nghymru, ond galw cynyddol am wasanaethau cyhoeddus ac, wrth gwrs, anghenion llafur yn yr economi ehangach. Felly, wrth i'r Torïaid gau'r bont godi ar ynys ffantasi Prydain, a yw'r Prif Weinidog yn nes o gwbl i ddatblygu'r awgrym ar gyfer system trwydded waith i Gymru?
As he will know, I've not been opposed, in principle, to such a system. There have been no further discussions on it since it was last raised by David Davis with me. I think today is a timely opportunity to look at that once again. But I don't agree with the findings of that report. Everybody says, 'We need to attract professionals.' No-one disagrees with that. But the reality is we need to attract people in many areas of the economy. The reality, if we look at food processing, if we look at our abattoirs, which are not everyone's cup of tea in terms of somewhere to work, is that huge numbers, if not the majority of the workers in those industries, are actually from other countries. If they weren't able to come here, those abattoirs would close and local people who worked there would lose their jobs. That is something that's often overlooked. It's not a question of, 'Well, let's just get the most highly skilled people'; we need the people that the economy needs in order for the economy not just to prosper, but to function.
Fel y bydd ef yn gwybod, nid wyf i wedi bod yn erbyn system o'r fath mewn egwyddor. Ni fu trafodaethau pellach ynghylch hyn ers iddo gael ei godi ddiwethaf gan David Davis gyda mi. Rwy'n credu bod heddiw'n gyfle amserol i ystyried hynny unwaith eto. Ond nid wyf yn cytuno â chanfyddiadau'r adroddiad hwnnw. Mae pawb yn dweud, 'Mae angen i ni ddenu gweithwyr proffesiynol.' Does neb yn anghytuno â hynny. Ond y gwir amdani yw bod angen i ni ddenu pobl mewn llawer o feysydd o'r economi. Y gwir amdani, os edrychwn ni ar brosesu bwyd, os edrychwn ni ar ein lladd-dai, nad ydyn nhw at ddant pawb o ran rhywle i weithio ynddo, yw bod niferoedd enfawr, os nad mwyafrif y gweithwyr yn y diwydiannau hynny, yn dod o wledydd eraill mewn gwirionedd. Pe na bydden nhw'n gallu dod yma, byddai'r lladd-dai hynny'n cau a byddai pobl leol a oedd yn gweithio yno yn colli eu swyddi. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n cael ei anghofio yn aml. Nid yw'n gwestiwn o, 'Wel, gadewch i ni gael y bobl mwyaf medrus yn unig'; rydym ni angen y bobl sydd eu hangen ar yr economi er mwyn i'r economi, nid yn unig ffynnu, ond gweithredu.
First Minister, would you agree with me that Wales needs to take advantage of the opportunities presented by Brexit, as well as dealing with the potential adverse consequences? One of those opportunities, in addition to the overseas trade opportunities—which you've already identified, to be fair, as a Government, and you've invested in your overseas offices—is changes to the procurement processes that the Government might use in Wales. Now, clearly, the EU regulations at the moment cause significant problems, particularly for small and medium-sized businesses, which very often want to do business with the public sector. What is your Government doing to look at the procurement processes that are at large here in Wales in the public sector in order to take advantage of the opportunities of leaving the EU?
Prif Weinidog, a fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi bod angen i Gymru fanteisio ar y cyfleoedd a gyflwynir gan Brexit, yn ogystal ag ymdrin â'r canlyniadau anffafriol posibl? Un o'r cyfleoedd hynny, yn ogystal â'r cyfleoedd masnach dramor—yr ydych chi eisoes wedi eu nodi, a bod yn deg, fel Llywodraeth, ac rydych chi wedi buddsoddi yn eich swyddfeydd tramor—yw newidiadau i'r prosesau caffael y gallai'r Llywodraeth eu defnyddio yng Nghymru. Nawr, yn amlwg, mae rheoliadau'r UE ar hyn o bryd yn achosi problemau sylweddol, yn enwedig i fusnesau bach a chanolig eu maint, sy'n aml iawn eisiau cyflawni busnes gyda'r sector cyhoeddus. Beth mae eich Llywodraeth chi yn ei wneud i edrych ar y prosesau caffael sy'n weithredol yma yng Nghymru yn y sector cyhoeddus er mwyn manteisio ar y cyfleoedd o adael yr UE?
Can I thank the Member for his praise for the overseas offices that in previous years we were roundly criticised for opening? But I welcome the conversion. The National Procurement Service has, for some years now, provided an excellent service for businesses to take advantage of procurement opportunities. We've seen, for example, the amount of locally procured services increase in local government and in terms of what we actually procure. Yes, we have to be prepared for what Brexit might throw at us, but, two years on, I can't see exactly what the advantages of Brexit are. I don't see any trade deals on the table, I don't see any opportunities for Welsh exporters that would replace the barriers that we're putting up to the European market, so let's hope that in November there is a deal that's reasonable, a deal that is agreed, and a deal, importantly, that works for Welsh workers.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei ganmoliaeth i'r swyddfeydd tramor a feirniadwyd yn gyffredinol yn y gorffennol am gael eu hagor? Ond croesawaf y dröedigaeth. Ers rhai blynyddoedd bellach, mae'r Gwasanaeth Caffael Cenedlaethol wedi darparu gwasanaeth rhagorol i fusnesau fanteisio ar gyfleoedd caffael. Rydym ni wedi gweld, er enghraifft, nifer y gwasanaethau sy'n cael eu caffael yn lleol yn cynyddu mewn llywodraeth leol ac o ran yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei gaffael mewn gwirionedd. Oes, mae'n rhaid i ni fod yn barod am yr hyn y gallai Brexit ei daflu atom ni, ond, ddwy flynedd yn ddiweddarach, ni allaf weld beth yn union yw manteision Brexit. Nid wyf i'n gweld unrhyw gytundebau masnachu ar y bwrdd, nid wyf i'n gweld unrhyw gyfleoedd i allforwyr Cymru a fyddai'n disodli'r rhwystrau yr ydym ni'n eu codi i'r farchnad Ewropeaidd, felly gadewch i ni obeithio y bydd cytundeb sy'n rhesymol ym mis Tachwedd, cytundeb a gytunir, a chytundeb, yn bwysig, sy'n gweithio i weithwyr Cymru.
First Minister, do you agree with the Trades Union Congress general secretary, Frances O'Grady, who said last week that workers' rights and employment protection are at risk under Brexit and the alarming prospect of a 'no deal'? Do you agree that a 'no deal' would be disastrous for workers in Wales?
Prif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n cytuno ag ysgrifennydd cyffredinol Cyngres yr Undebau Llafur, Frances O'Grady, a ddywedodd yr wythnos diwethaf bod hawliau gweithwyr a mesurau diogelu cyflogaeth mewn perygl o dan Brexit a'r posibilrwydd brawychus o 'ddim cytundeb'? A ydych chi'n cytuno y byddai 'dim cytundeb' yn drychinebus i weithwyr yng Nghymru?
Well, of course, the deception is that, two years ago, at the time of the referendum, nobody said—nobody said, even those staunch leavers—'Of course, there'll be no deal'. No-one said that. Everyone said that of course there'll be a deal, the EU will fall over itself to give us a deal and the German car manufacturers will ride to our rescue—I met with some of them a fortnight ago, and they're not going to do that—and force the hand of the German Government and, therefore, the European Union. It hasn't happened. It hasn't happened, and this is what we all feared, at the time, two years ago. If we cannot strike a deal with our closest, biggest market that we already have substantial regulatory alignment with, we've got no chance of doing it with anyone else—no chance. People talk of a free trade deal with New Zealand; well, fine, but New Zealand is a market with only 4.8 million people and it's 12,000 miles away. It will never replace the European market of 450 million, with whom we have a land border, and that's sometimes overlooked. So, yes, by all means, look at other free trade agreements, but the reality is, unless we get our relationship with Europe right, nothing else will work.
Wel, wrth gwrs, y twyll yw, ddwy flynedd yn ôl, ar adeg y refferendwm, ni ddywedodd neb—ni ddywedodd neb, hyd yn oed y cefnogwyr diwyro dros ymadael—'Wrth gwrs ni fydd unrhyw gytundeb'. Ddywedodd neb hynny. Dywedodd pawb wrth gwrs y bydd cytundeb, bydd yr UE yn awyddus dros ben i roi cytundeb i ni a bydd gweithgynhyrchwyr ceir yr Almaen yn dod i'n hachub—cefais gyfarfod â rhai ohonyn nhw bythefnos yn ôl, a dydyn nhw ddim yn mynd i wneud hynny—a gorfodi llaw Llywodraeth yr Almaen ac, felly, yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Nid yw hynny wedi digwydd. Nid yw wedi digwydd, a dyma'r oeddem ni i gyd yn ei ofni, ar y pryd, ddwy flynedd yn ôl. Os na allwn ni daro bargen gyda'n marchnad agosaf, fwyaf y mae gennym ni aliniad rheoleiddio sylweddol â hi eisoes, nid oes gennym ni unrhyw siawns o'i wneud â neb arall—dim siawns. Mae pobl yn sôn am gytundeb masnach rydd gyda Seland Newydd; wel, iawn, ond mae Seland Newydd yn farchnad â dim ond 4.8 miliwn o bobl ac mae 12,000 o filltiroedd i ffwrdd. Ni fydd byth yn disodli'r farchnad Ewropeaidd o 450 miliwn, y mae gennym ni ffin dir â hi, ac weithiau mae hynny'n cael ei anghofio. Felly, ie, ar bob cyfrif, edrychwch ar gytundebau masnach rydd eraill, ond y gwir amdani yw, os na chawn ni ein perthynas gydag Ewrop yn iawn, ni fydd dim byd arall yn gweithio.
6. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y camau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i wella cyfraddau goroesi canser? OAQ52610
6. Will the First Minister provide an update on what action the Welsh Government is taking to improve cancer survival rates? OAQ52610
Our approach to improving cancer survival is set out in the cancer delivery plan for Wales. That includes a specific focus on detecting cancer early, timely access to treatment and the delivery of high-quality care.
Cyflwynir ein dull ar gyfer gwella cyfraddau goroesi canser yn y cynllun cyflawni ar ganser Cymru. Mae hwnnw'n cynnwys pwyslais penodol ar ganfod canser yn gynnar, mynediad amserol at driniaeth a'r ddarpariaeth o ofal o ansawdd uchel.
Thank you. First Minister, the key to improving the cancer survival rates of Wales's cancer patients is early diagnosis. I have been contacted by a GP expressing concern over the number of cancer referrals that get routinely downgraded by a consultant. The GP who raised this issue with me believes, as I do, that the GP should be informed of this decision so that they can challenge the decision. A GP knows their patient far better than a consultant who has never seen the patient, and while the consultant might have specialist knowledge about cancer, the GP has specialist knowledge about the patient. So, First Minister, will you make it a mandatory requirement that GPs are informed of any decisions to downgrade a cancer referral?
Diolch. Prif Weinidog, diagnosis cynnar yw'r peth allweddol i wella cyfraddau goroesi canser cleifion canser Cymru. Cysylltodd meddyg teulu â mi gan fynegi pryder ynghylch nifer yr atgyfeiriadau canser sy'n cael eu hisraddio fel mater o drefn gan feddyg ymgynghorol. Mae'r meddyg teulu a gododd y mater hwn gyda mi yn credu, fel yr wyf innau, y dylai'r meddyg teulu gael ei hysbysu am y penderfyniad hwn fel bod modd iddo herio'r penderfyniad. Mae meddyg teulu yn adnabod ei glaf yn well o lawer na meddyg ymgynghorol sydd erioed wedi gweld y claf, ac er efallai y bydd gan y meddyg ymgynghorol wybodaeth arbenigol am ganser, mae gan y meddyg teulu wybodaeth arbenigol am y claf. Felly, Prif Weinidog, a wnewch chi ei gwneud hi'n ofyniad gorfodol bod meddygon teulu yn cael eu hysbysu am unrhyw benderfyniadau i israddio atgyfeiriad canser?
Well, I'm reluctant to step into the place of an oncologist in terms of what that oncologist might think. I would assume that it would be good practice anyway for a GP to be informed of progress with regard to a patient. Now, people have different tumours; they react in different ways with different cancers. We know that, which is why, in the future, it's gene therapy that carries the spark of great hope for many, many people. Whilst I'm surprised to hear about the example—and if she wants to share more information with me, then I'll be glad to look at that—I would think that it would be good practice for the flow of information to be two way.
Wel, rwy'n amharod i roi fy hun yn lle oncolegydd o ran yr hyn y gallai'r oncolegydd hwnnw ei feddwl. Byddwn yn tybio y byddai'n arfer da beth bynnag i feddyg teulu gael ei hysbysu am gynnydd o ran claf. Nawr, mae gan bobl wahanol diwmorau; maen nhw'n ymateb mewn gwahanol ffyrdd o ran gwahanol ganserau. Rydym ni'n gwybod hynny, a dyna pam, yn y dyfodol, mai therapi genynnau sy'n cario'r fflach o obaith mawr i nifer fawr iawn o bobl. Er fy mod i'n synnu o glywed am yr enghraifft—ac os hoffai rannu mwy o wybodaeth â mi, yna byddwn yn falch o edrych ar hynny—byddwn yn meddwl y byddai'n arfer da i'r llif gwybodaeth fynd y ddwy ffordd.
First Minister, for a number of years now, I have used First Minister's questions to ask you to address when your Government plans to meet its cancer waiting time targets, and you have, to be fair, given me regular assurances that it will happen in the very near future. But the latest figures for June 2018 showed that the target for patients referred via the urgent route is being missed by close to 10 per cent. It is clear that one of the barriers to meeting these targets is poor workforce planning for the diagnostic roles. What assurances can you provide that the newly created Health Education and Improvement Wales will focus on more effective workforce planning? And as your tenure as First Minister nears to its end, can I ask one final time: when does your Government aim to meet its cancer waiting time targets?
Prif Weinidog, ers nifer o flynyddoedd erbyn hwn, rwyf i wedi defnyddio cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog i ofyn i chi nodi pryd y mae eich Llywodraeth yn bwriadu cyrraedd ei thargedau amseroedd aros canser, ac rydych chi, a bod yn deg, wedi rhoi sicrwydd rheolaidd i mi y bydd yn digwydd yn y dyfodol agos iawn. Ond dangosodd y ffigurau diweddaraf ar gyfer mis Mehefin 2018 bod y targed ar gyfer cleifion sy'n cael eu hatgyfeirio drwy'r llwybr brys yn cael ei fethu gan yn agos i 10 y cant. Mae'n amlwg mai un o'r rhwystrau i gyrraedd y targedau hyn yw cynllunio gweithlu gwael ar gyfer y swyddi diagnostig. Pa sicrwydd allwch chi ei roi y bydd y sefydliad Addysg a Gwella Iechyd Cymru sydd newydd gael ei greu yn canolbwyntio ar gynllunio gweithlu mwy effeithiol? Ac wrth i'ch cyfnod fel Prif Weinidog ddirwyn i ben, a gaf i ofyn un tro olaf: pryd mae eich Llywodraeth yn bwriadu cyrraedd ei thargedau amseroedd aros canser?
Well, all I can say is that we have the highest survival rates yet reported, and that surely is something that we should welcome—72.7 per cent of those diagnosed between 2005-09 and 2010-14 survived at least one year, 57.1 per cent are expected to survive at least five years, and premature death caused by cancer has fallen by around 10 per cent in the past decade. Those figures speak for themselves in terms of what's happened with cancer delivery. [Interruption.] Well, she talks of targets—that's a fair question—but the answer I give is, 'Look at the results'. The reality is that there are more and more people who are not just being cured—that's five years free of cancer—but also living with cancer in a way that was impossible 10 or 15 years ago, and I think that that is something for us to celebrate. Yes, of course, we want to make sure that more people are seen as quickly as possible, and 85.9 per cent of people newly diagnosed with cancer via the urgent route started definitive treatment within the target time in June, 97.4 per cent of those not via the urgent route. But we can see from the survival rates that things are moving in the right direction.
Wel, y cwbl y gallaf i ei ddweud yw bod gennym ni'r cyfraddau goroesi uchaf a adrodd hyd yma, a siawns bod hynny'n rhywbeth y dylem ei groesawu—goroesodd 72.7 y cant o'r rheini a gafodd ddiagnosis rhwng 2005-09 a 2010-14 o leiaf blwyddyn, disgwylir i 57.1 y cant oroesi am o leiaf pum mlynedd, ac mae marwolaethau cynamserol a achoswyd gan ganser wedi gostwng gan oddeutu 10 y cant yn ystod y degawd diwethaf. Mae'r ffigurau hynny yn siarad drostynt eu hunain o ran yr hyn sydd wedi digwydd gyda darpariaeth ganser. [Torri ar draws.] Wel, mae hi'n sôn am dargedau—mae hwnnw'n gwestiwn teg—ond yr ateb a roddaf yw, 'Edrychwch ar y canlyniadau'. Y gwir amdani yw bod mwy a mwy o bobl sydd nid yn unig yn cael eu gwella—pum mlynedd yn rhydd o ganser yw hynny—ond hefyd yn byw gyda chanser mewn ffordd a oedd yn amhosibl 10 neu 15 mlynedd yn ôl, ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n rhywbeth i ni ei ddathlu. Ydym, wrth gwrs, rydym ni eisiau gwneud yn siŵr bod mwy o bobl yn cael eu gweld cyn gynted â phosibl, a dechreuodd 85.9 y cant o bobl sydd newydd gael diagnosis canser drwy'r llwybr brys driniaeth swyddogol o fewn yr amser targed ym mis Mehefin, 97.4 y cant o'r rheini nad oeddent ar y llwybr brys. Ond gallwn weld o'r cyfraddau goroesi bod pethau'n symud i'r cyfeiriad cywir.
Mi oedd yna stori yn y wasg ddoe, yn digwydd bod, am glaf a oedd wedi goroesi canser ond a oedd wedi dod o hyd i dyfiant newydd. Mi wnaed cais am brawf PET, ac mi wrthodwyd hynny. Nid oedd rheswm wedi'i roi pam ei fod o wedi cael ei wrthod, ond yn ôl cyngor iechyd cymuned y gogledd, mae'n llawer haws cael mynediad at brofion PET mewn rhai ardaloedd nag mewn ardaloedd eraill. Mae yna anghysondeb.
Rŵan, gan ein bod ni'n gwybod bod diagnosis cynnar yn yrrwr allweddol pan mae'n dod at oroesi canser, onid ydy hi'n amlwg bod yn rhaid cael, yn gyntaf, mynediad mor gyflym â phosibl, yn enwedig i bobl sydd wedi cael canser ac wedi goroesi yn y gorffennol, ond hefyd ei bod hi'n amlwg bod yna anghysondeb, fel y gwelsom ni efo profion mpMRI yn ddiweddar? A wnewch chi gyfaddef bod y diffyg cysondeb yna yn golygu bod rhai pobl mewn rhai rhannau o Gymru â llai o siawns o oroesi canser na phobl eraill?
There was a story in the media yesterday, as it happens, about a patient who had survived cancer but who had found a new growth. There was an application for a PET scan, and that was rejected. The reason for that rejection has not been given, but according to the community health council in north Wales, it’s far easier to access PET scans in certain areas than in others. There is inconsistency.
Now, as we know that early diagnosis is a key driver when it comes to surviving cancer, isn’t it clear that we need, first of all, access that is as swift as possible, particularly for people who have survived cancer in the past, but also that there is clear inconsistency, as we saw with mpMRI scans recently? Will you admit that the lack of consistency means that some people in some parts of Wales have less chance of surviving cancer than others?
Na, nid ydw i'n derbyn bod yna ddiffyg cysondeb. Rŷm ni'n gwybod bod y scanners ar gael—mae un yng Nghaerdydd ac mae un yn Wrecsam. Rŷm ni'n gwybod bod y system ddim yn cael ei rheoli ynglŷn â faint o capacity sydd. So, mae yna capacity yn y system. Anodd iawn, wrth gwrs, yw gwybod y rheswm, a pham fod yr unigolyn wedi cael yr ateb yna, ond nid oes yna ddim tystiolaeth i ddangos bod pobl yn y gogledd, er enghraifft, mewn sefyllfa waeth na'r rheini yn y de. Ond heb wybod y manylion, wrth gwrs, mae'n anodd siarad mwy amdano fe.
No, I don’t accept that there’s a lack of consistency. I know that the scanners are available—there’s one in Cardiff and there’s one in Wrexham. We know that the system is not subject to the amount of capacity available. So, there is capacity in the system. It’s very difficult, of course, to know the reason, and why the individual was given that response, but there is no evidence that people in north Wales, for example, are in a worse position than those in south Wales. But without knowing all the details, of course, it’s very difficult to talk more about it.
7. Beth yw gweledigaeth Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer dyfodol cymorth ariannol ar gyfer y diwydiant amaethyddol? OAQ52576
7. What is the Welsh Government’s vision for the future of financial support for the agricultural industry? OAQ52576
Well, the first thing we'd like is a commitment from the UK Government to provide the money post 2022, because that's not been done yet. We've made a suggestion that the UK Treasury should make that money available—that a pot of money equivalent to the pot of money available for the UK from the EU at the moment should be set to one side and the money distributed in the same way as it is now, unless and until there is agreement across the UK administrations to change the system. On the basis that we will have the money that we were promised, we have of course set out our vision in 'Brexit and our land', our consultation document, and our new land management programme, comprising an economic resilience scheme and a public goods scheme, which will provide support to enhance the benefits that the people of Wales receive from the land.
Wel, y peth cyntaf yr hoffem ni ei gael yw ymrwymiad gan Lywodraeth y DU i ddarparu'r arian ar ôl 2022, oherwydd nid yw hynny wedi ei wneud eto. Rydym ni wedi gwneud awgrym y dylai Trysorlys y DU roi'r arian hwnnw ar gael—y dylid gosod pot o arian sy'n gyfwerth â'r pot o arian sydd ar gael i'r DU gan yr UE ar hyn o bryd o'r neilltu a dosbarthu'r arian yn yr un modd ag y gwneir nawr, oni bai a tan y ceir cytundeb ar draws gweinyddiaethau'r DU i newid y system. Ar y sail y bydd gennym ni'r arian a addawyd i ni, rydym ni wrth gwrs wedi cyflwyno ein gweledigaeth yn 'Brexit a'n tir', ein dogfen ymgynghori, ac yn ein rhaglen rheoli tir newydd, sy'n cynnwys cynllun cadernid economaidd a chynllun nwyddau cyhoeddus, a fydd yn darparu cymorth i gynyddu'r manteision y mae pobl Cymru yn eu cael o'r tir.
First Minister, unfortunately you can't lay all of the world's ills at the door of the UK Government, much as you might like to, and, of course, when the Welsh Government does get money there are numbers of devolved areas such as farming where it is your responsibility to make sure that adequate funding is there. You'll be well aware of the deep concerns of farmers, certainly farmers I met over the summer at various shows across my constituency, who are very concerned at the current consultation into plans to change the direct payment system. Now, whilst we all accept that there is a consultation there, why is it the case that that consultation did not include an option to retain the current direct payments, albeit in a modified form? Is it not the case that this is not the time to use Brexit as a cover to change the current system, because you wanted to change it all along to squeeze money out of the farming budget and put it elsewhere? This is too much and it's too complex at this point in time.
Prif Weinidog, yn anffodus ni allwch chi roi'r bai am holl helbulon y byd ar Lywodraeth y DU, cymaint ag yr hoffech chi wneud hynny, ac, wrth gwrs, pan fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael arian ceir nifer o feysydd datganoledig fel ffermio lle mae'n gyfrifoldeb arnoch chi i wneud yn siŵr bod cyllid digonol ar gael. Byddwch yn gwbl ymwybodol o bryderon dwys ffermwyr, yn sicr ffermwyr y cyfarfûm i â nhw dros yr haf mewn gwahanol sioeau ar draws fy etholaeth, sy'n bryderus iawn am yr ymgynghoriad presennol ar gynlluniau i newid y system taliadau uniongyrchol. Nawr, er ein bod ni i gyd yn derbyn bod ymgynghoriad yn bod, pam mae'n wir nad oedd yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw'n cynnwys dewis i gadw'r taliadau uniongyrchol presennol, ond ar ffurf ddiwygiedig? Onid yw'n wir nad dyma'r amser i ddefnyddio Brexit fel esgus i newid y system bresennol, gan eich bod chi eisiau ei newid o'r cychwyn i wasgu arian allan o'r gyllideb ffermio a'i roi mewn mannau eraill? Mae hyn yn ormod ac yn rhy gymhleth ar yr adeg hon.
Well, the farming budget is in effect ring-fenced, so money can't be taken out of farming subsidies and put elsewhere anyway. The £260 million that comes into farming subsidies in Wales is not spent anywhere else, it has to be spent on farming, and, to my mind, that would be a good system for the future. I don't think farmers want to find themselves in a situation where they're competing with education and health for funding. They all told me that, anyway. Secondly, the last thing we want is to be funded on the basis of Barnett when it comes to farming. That would be an enormous cut in funding as far as Wales is concerned. So, to brush to one side the issue of the money as if it was a minor inconvenience is simply wrong, because we know that without the money there is no money for farming, there is no money for farming subsidies, and the promise that was made is breached straight away. There is a consultation, of course, that is taking place. We'll take cognisance of what is said in that consultation, but the bottom line is to look at ways of making Welsh farming more sustainable in the future, and that is something that we will always strive to do.
Wel, mae'r gyllideb ffermio wedi'i diogelu i bob pwrpas, felly ni ellir cymryd arian allan o gymorthdaliadau ffermio a'i roi mewn mannau eraill beth bynnag. Nid yw'r £260 miliwn a ddaw i gymorthdaliadau ffermio yng Nghymru yn cael ei wario yn unman arall, mae'n rhaid iddo gael ei wario ar ffermio, ac, yn fy marn i, byddai honno'n system dda ar gyfer y dyfodol. Nid wyf i'n credu bod ffermwyr eisiau canfod eu hunain mewn sefyllfa lle maen nhw'n cystadlu gyda meysydd addysg ac iechyd am gyllid. Dywedodd pob un ohonyn nhw hynny wrthyf i, beth bynnag. Yn ail, y peth olaf yr ydym ni ei eisiau yw cael ein hariannu ar sail Barnett pan ddaw i ffermio. Byddai hynny'n doriad enfawr i gyllid cyn belled ag y mae Cymru yn y cwestiwn. Felly, mae gwthio'r mater o arian i un ochr fel pe byddai'n fân anghyfleustra yn gwbl anghywir, gan ein bod ni'n gwybod nad oes unrhyw arian ar gyfer ffermio heb yr arian, nid oes unrhyw arian ar gyfer cymorthdaliadau ffermio, ac mae'r addewid a wnaed yn cael ei dorri'n syth. Mae ymgynghoriad, wrth gwrs, sy'n cael ei gynnal. Byddwn yn cymryd sylw o'r hyn a ddywedir yn yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw, ond yr hyn sy'n hanfodol yw edrych ar ffyrdd o wneud ffermio yng Nghymru yn fwy cynaliadwy yn y dyfodol, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y byddwn ni bob amser yn ymdrechu i'w wneud.
Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 8, Hefin David.
And finally, question 8, Hefin David.
8. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru i ddelio â phroblem melinau traethawd? OAQ52612
8. Will the First Minister make a statement about Welsh Government plans to deal with the problem of essay mills? OAQ52612
I'm concerned about the findings of the study by Swansea University that shows an increase in the use of essay mills. New guidelines have been issued by the Quality Assurance Agency and we'll continue to work with partners to consider what further steps can be taken.
Rwy'n bryderus ynghylch canfyddiadau'r astudiaeth gan Brifysgol Abertawe sy'n dangos cynnydd i'r defnydd o felinau traethawd. Cyhoeddwyd canllawiau newydd gan yr Asiantaeth Sicrhau Ansawdd a byddwn yn parhau i weithio gyda phartneriaid i ystyried pa gamau pellach y gellir eu cymryd.
Just about an hour ago I visited editmygrammar.co.uk, which is a website that says it offers secure and trusted help for academics, and posing as a first-year undergraduate I had an online chat with a chap called 'Frank McAllister', who described himself as a senior academic adviser. The chat went like this: I asked him, 'Do you write essays?', and he said, 'Yes, we can surely have your essay completed for you.' I said, 'Will I get caught cheating?' He said, 'No, you will never ever, unless you tell anybody yourself.' So, I'm telling you all now. And then I asked, 'Will you write the whole thing for me?', and Frank McAllister said, 'Yes'. And I said, 'How much?', and he said the original cost of the essay was £250, but we're running a promotional discount and you can have it for £120, and for that you get contact with the writer.'
It's the start of a new academic term, and you've identified, First Minister, the Swansea University study that said that one in seven admit paying for their essays. Other countries have brought about legislation. Do you think UK-wide legislation would be appropriate and will you contact and liaise with the UK Government to do that?
Dim ond tua awr yn ôl, ymwelais ag editmygrammar.co.uk, sy'n wefan sy'n dweud ei bod yn cynnig cymorth diogel a dibynadwy i academyddion, a chan esgus bod yn fyfyriwr israddedig blwyddyn gyntaf, cefais sgwrs ar-lein gyda dyn o'r enw 'Frank McAllister', a ddisgrifiodd ei hun fel uwch gynghorydd academaidd. Aeth y sgwrs fel hyn: Gofynnais iddo, 'A ydych chi'n ysgrifennu traethodau?', a dywedodd, 'Ydym, yn sicr gallwn gwblhau eich traethawd i chi.' Dywedais, 'A gaf i fy nal yn twyllo?' Meddai ef, 'Na, fyddwch chi byth yn cael eich dal, oni bai eich bod chi'n dweud wrth rywun eich hun.' Felly, rwy'n dweud wrthych chi i gyd nawr. Ac yna gofynnais, 'A wnewch chi ysgrifennu'r holl beth i mi?', a dywedodd Frank McAllister, 'Gwnaf'. A dywedais i, 'Faint?', a dywedodd mai £250 oedd cost wreiddiol y traethawd, ond rydym ni'n cynnig gostyngiad hyrwyddo a gallwch chi ei gael am £120, a byddwch yn cael cysylltiad gyda'r awdur am hynny.'
Mae'n ddechrau tymor academaidd newydd, ac rydych chi wedi nodi, Prif Weinidog, astudiaeth Prifysgol Abertawe a ddywedodd bod un o bob saith yn cyfaddef talu am eu traethodau. Mae gwledydd eraill wedi cyflwyno deddfwriaeth. A ydych chi'n credu y byddai deddfwriaeth y DU gyfan yn briodol ac a wnewch chi gysylltu a thrafod gyda Llywodraeth y DU i wneud hynny?
Well, firstly, can I suggest to the Member that he has a budding career as a private investigator—[Laughter.]—if this doesn't work out for him, but I'm sure it will. And secondly, he raises an important issue. Where students get the money from, I don't know, but plagiarism has been an issue in higher education for as long as higher education has been there, but it's got worse, there's no question about that.
He asked the question—'UK-wide legislation'. I'm open to that idea. I think it has to be UK-wide—I don't think it would work just in Wales. I'm open to that idea, but I think universities, of course, need to take their own steps first to see if that works first, and they are, in fairness—there are a number of checks that are put in place by universities. But if that does not work in the long term, then for the integrity of the higher education system, legislation may then be needed.
It's an enormous risk for students. If you're caught doing this, it's not just plagiarism, it's an admission of dishonesty, and you will carry that around for the rest of your life. So, there are huge risks for students, but if universities feel, as it's primarily a matter for them, that this is an issue that is beyond their control, then the legislative option may then emerge.
Wel, yn gyntaf, a gaf i awgrymu i'r Aelod y gallai gael gyrfa fel egin ymchwilydd preifat—[chwerthin.]—os na fydd hyn yn gweithio iddo ef, ond rwy'n siŵr y gwnaiff. Ac yn ail, mae'n codi mater pwysig. O ble y mae myfyrwyr yn cael yr arian, dydw i ddim yn gwybod, ond mae llên-ladrad wedi bod yn broblem mewn addysg uwch ers i addysg uwch fod yno, ond mae wedi gwaethygu, does dim dwywaith am hynny.
Gofynnodd y cwestiwn—'deddfwriaeth ledled y DU'. Rwy'n agored i'r syniad hwnnw. Rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid iddi fod ledled y DU—dydw i ddim yn credu y byddai'n gweithio yng Nghymru yn unig. Rwy'n agored i'r syniad hwnnw, ond credaf fod angen i brifysgolion, wrth gwrs, gymryd camau eu hunain i weld a yw hyn yn gweithio yn gyntaf, ac y maen nhw, a bod yn deg—mae nifer o wiriadau yn cael eu rhoi ar waith gan brifysgolion. Ond os nad yw hynny'n gweithio yn y tymor hir, yna er lles uniondeb y system addysg uwch, efallai y bydd angen deddfwriaeth wedyn.
Mae'n risg enfawr i fyfyrwyr. Os ydych chi'n cael eich dal yn gwneud hyn, nid y llên-ladrad yn unig, mae'n gyfaddefiad o anonestrwydd, a bydd hyn gyda chi am weddill eich bywyd. Felly, mae risgiau enfawr i fyfyrwyr. Ond os yw'r prifysgolion yn credu, gan mai mater iddyn nhw yn bennaf yw hyn, fod hon yn broblem y tu hwnt i'w rheolaeth nhw, yna gall yr opsiwn deddfwriaethol ddod i'r amlwg.
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes. Galwaf ar arweinydd y tŷ i wneud y datganiad hynny—Julie James.
The next item, therefore, is the business statement and announcement. I call on the leader of the house to make the that statement—Julie James.
Diolch, Llywydd. There are two changes to this week's business. Added to today's agenda are statements on the update to European transition and a progress report on the employability plan. And as usual, draft business for the next three weeks is set out on the business statement and announcement, which can be found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.
Diolch, Llywydd. Mae dau newid i fusnes yr wythnos hon. Wedi'u hychwanegu at yr agenda heddiw y mae datganiadau ar y diweddariad i'r pontio Ewropeaidd ynghyd ag adroddiad ar gynnydd y cynllun cyflogadwyedd. Ac fel arfer, nodwyd y busnes drafft ar gyfer y tair wythnos nesaf ar y datganiad a'r cyhoeddiad busnes, y gellir eu gweld ymysg papurau'r cyfarfod ar gael i'r Aelodau yn electronig.
Leader of the house, the Welsh Government's lack of transparency over the ongoing delays to the second phase of Superfast Cymru is causing concern. I would be grateful if you could bring forward a statement on this. Over the summer recess, as you know, I've written to you on a number of occasions in an effort to understand the reasons behind the delays to implementing phase 2 of the scheme, which has been underpinned by £80 million of public money, and was supposed to be awarded to the successful bidder by the end of July this year. All you have said so far is, and I quote here, is that
'Work on the procurement exercise for the successor project has been complex, with a number of unforeseen issues arising during the process, and that due to commercial confidentiality I'm unable to update you on the complexities and issues which have occurred.'
The excuse of confidentiality is not good enough. There's a significant amount of public money that has been devoted to the scheme, there are thousands of premises that remain stranded, and the question has to be asked as to why the Welsh Government didn't ensure that there was a seamless transition from phase 1 to phase 2 in the very first place. So, there is so very little detail on when the contract is going to be awarded, let alone on when it's going to be implemented. I think this is very, very poor, leader of the house, and can I ask you to bring forward an urgent statement so that we can have some answers to this question?
Arweinydd y tŷ, mae'r diffyg tryloywder gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynghylch yr oedi parhaus i ail gam y rhaglen Cyflymu Cymru yn peri pryder. Byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech chi wneud datganiad ar hyn. Yn ystod toriad yr haf, fel y gwyddoch, rwyf wedi ysgrifennu atoch ar sawl achlysur mewn ymdrech i ddeall y rhesymau dros yr oedi i weithredu cam 2 y cynllun, y rhoddwyd £80 miliwn o arian cyhoeddus iddo, ac a oedd fod cael ei ddyfarnu i'r cynigydd llwyddiannus erbyn diwedd mis Gorffennaf eleni. Y cyfan yr ydych chi wedi'i ddweud hyd yma yw, a dyfynnaf yma, bod
'y gwaith ar yr ymarfer caffael ar gyfer y prosiect olynol wedi bod yn gymhleth, gyda nifer o faterion annisgwyl yn codi yn ystod y broses, ac oherwydd cyfrinachedd masnachol dydw i ddim yn cael rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf ichi ar y cymhlethdodau a'r problemau sydd wedi digwydd.'
Nid yw'r esgus o gyfrinachedd yn ddigon da. Mae llawer iawn o arian cyhoeddus wedi'i neilltuo i'r cynllun, mae miloedd o safleoedd sy'n parhau i gael eu gadael, ac mae'n rhaid gofyn y cwestiwn pam na sicrhaodd Llywodraeth Cymru fod cyfnod pontio di-dor o gam 1 i gam 2 yn y lle cyntaf. Felly, mae cyn lleied o fanylion ynghylch pryd y mae'r contract yn mynd i gael ei ddyfarnu, a phryd mae'n mynd i gael ei weithredu. Rwy'n credu bod hyn yn wael iawn, arweinydd y tŷ, ac a gaf i ofyn ichi gyflwyno datganiad brys fel y gallwn ni gael rhywfaint o atebion i'r cwestiwn hwn?
Yes, I will be bringing forward a statement as soon as I'm in a position to do so on where we are with the second phase, and the situation does remain as in the written answer that you got over the summer.
Cewch, byddaf yn cyflwyno datganiad cyn gynted ag y byddaf mewn sefyllfa i wneud hynny ar ble rydym ni'n sefyll gyda'r ail gam, ac mae'r sefyllfa yn dal i fod yr un peth â'r sefyllfa a ddisgrifiwyd yn yr ymateb ysgrifenedig a gawsoch dros yr haf.
Leader of the house, you will be aware that there are sensitivities in Swansea with regard to the proposed residential development linked to Mumbles pier, an issue that the city has debated for a decade or more. The sensitivities, obviously, are understandable. Residents clearly want to ensure that the pier is protected, but they also want to ensure that the headland’s character is not lost. The Mumbles headland is clearly an iconic landscape, which is known internationally and is used by Visit Wales and others in attracting visitors to the area. It also, of course, abuts the area of outstanding natural beauty, and so the area is of strategic national importance.
With all that in mind, will the Cabinet Secretary for planning be able to bring forward a statement on this issue, and confirm whether she is considering calling in the planning application? Further, with a focus on preservation of environmental and natural heritage, the statement could also be an opportunity to outline any work that she is undertaking in conjunction with the Minister for tourism to ensure that planning developments do not impact negatively on heritage and tourism destinations in Wales. Diolch yn fawr.
Arweinydd y tŷ, byddwch yn gwybod bod rhywfaint o sensitifrwydd yn Abertawe ynghylch datblygiad preswyl arfaethedig yn gysylltiedig â phier y Mwmbwls, mater y mae'r ddinas wedi'i drafod am ddegawd neu fwy. Yn amlwg, mae'n ddealladwy bod y mater yn sensitif. Mae'r trigolion yn amlwg eisiau sicrhau y bydd y pier yn ddiogel, ond maen nhw hefyd eisiau sicrhau na chollir cymeriad y penrhyn. Mae penrhyn y Mwmbwls yn amlwg yn dirwedd eiconig, sy'n adnabyddus yn rhyngwladol ac a ddefnyddir gan Croeso Cymru ac eraill i ddenu ymwelwyr i'r ardal. Mae hefyd, wrth gwrs, yn cyffinio â'r ardal o harddwch naturiol eithriadol, ac felly mae'r ardal o bwys strategol cenedlaethol.
Gyda hynny mewn golwg, a fydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros gynllunio yn gallu cyflwyno datganiad ar y mater hwn, a chadarnhau a yw hi'n ystyried galw'r cais cynllunio i mewn? Ymhellach, gyda golwg ar warchod treftadaeth amgylcheddol a naturiol, gallai'r datganiad hefyd fod yn gyfle i amlinellu unrhyw waith y mae'n ei wneud ar y cyd â'r Gweinidog ar gyfer twristiaeth er mwyn sicrhau na fydd datblygiadau cynllunio yn effeithio'n negyddol ar gyrchfannau treftadaeth a thwristiaeth yng Nghymru. Diolch yn fawr.
Individual planning decisions are obviously not suitable for an open oral statement on the floor of the Senedd, so I suggest the Member writes to the planning Minister, and she'll be able to tell him what's happening about that specific application.
Nid yw penderfyniadau cynllunio unigol yn amlwg yn addas ar gyfer datganiad llafar agored ar lawr y Senedd. Felly awgrymaf fod yr Aelod yn ysgrifennu at y Gweinidog cynllunio, a bydd hi'n gallu dweud wrtho beth sy'n digwydd ynghylch y cais penodol hwnnw.
Leader of the house, can I ask for two statements from the Welsh Government? The first one relates to education and it's linked to the decision by Neath Port Talbot council to close Cymer Afan Comprehensive School. We had a recent statement from the Cabinet Secretary relating to closures of rural schools and the consultation and the outcome of that. Clearly, I would like to have a definition of what is deemed a rural school, because there are Valleys areas that may deem themselves in that category. I also understand that that will take effect as of November, but the decision has been taken in the summer, so how does that impact upon that? I think there's an opportunity to ask questions in relation to that particular aspect to see how this impacts, because the closure proposal is not until next September, so it actually will take place after November, so there needs to have a very careful look at that.
The second one is the question of Orkambi; that drug is for those who suffer with cystic fibrosis. I understand that that drug is effective for about 50 per cent of those with that condition. I wrote to the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Well-being during the summer with written questions, and I've had replies that indicate that he hasn't had discussions with Vertex itself, but he has asked the All Wales Medicines Strategy Group to actually go and communicate with them. We need to look at what the implications are. That drug can help people with cystic fibrosis, and what's important is it helps young people and therefore can change their futures. So, can I have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary on the position with Orkambi in the Welsh NHS to ensure that, wherever we can, we help these young people overcome a condition that is really debilitating for them and can shorten their lives?
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn am ddau ddatganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru? Mae'r un cyntaf yn ymwneud ag addysg ac mae'n gysylltiedig â phenderfyniad Cyngor Castell-nedd Port Talbot i gau Ysgol Gyfun Cymer Afan. Cawsom ddatganiad yn ddiweddar gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ynghylch cau ysgolion gwledig a'r ymgynghoriad yn ogystal â chanlyniad o hwnnw. Yn amlwg, hoffwn i gael diffiniad o'r hyn a ystyrir yn ysgol wledig, oherwydd mae ardaloedd yn y Cymoedd y gellid eu hystyried yn y categori hwnnw. Rwyf ar ddeall hefyd y bydd hynny'n dod i rym fis Tachwedd, ond mae'r penderfyniad wedi'i wneud yn yr haf, felly beth fydd effaith hyn? Rwy'n credu bod cyfle i ofyn cwestiynau mewn cysylltiad â'r agwedd arbennig honno i weld beth fydd effaith hyn, oherwydd nid yw'r cynnig i gau tan fis Medi nesaf, felly mewn gwirionedd bydd yn digwydd ar ôl mis Tachwedd, felly mae angen edrych yn ofalus iawn ar hynny.
Yr ail ddatganiad yw'r cwestiwn am Orkambi; mae'r cyffur hwnnw ar gyfer y rhai hynny sy'n dioddef o ffibrosis systig. Rwyf ar ddeall bod y cyffur yn effeithiol yn achos tua 50 y cant o'r bobl sy'n dioddef o'r cyflwr hwnnw. Ysgrifennais at Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Lles yn ystod yr haf gyda chwestiynau ysgrifenedig, ac rwyf wedi cael atebion sy'n dangos nad yw wedi cael trafodaethau â Vertex ei hun, ond mae wedi gofyn i'r Grŵp Strategaeth Feddyginiaethau Cymru fynd i gyfathrebu â nhw. Mae angen inni edrych ar y goblygiadau. Gall y cyffur helpu pobl â ffibrosis systig, a'r hyn sy'n bwysig yw ei fod yn helpu pobl ifanc ac felly gall newid eu dyfodol. Felly, a gaf i ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ar sefyllfa Orkambi yn y GIG yng Nghymru i sicrhau ein bod, lle bynnag y bo modd, yn helpu'r bobl ifanc hyn i oresgyn cyflwr sy'n wirioneddol wanychol iddyn nhw ac sy'n gallu cwtogi eu bywydau?
On the first one of those, obviously the closure of a school in a Member's area is a significant issue, always, but it's not something that the Government makes an oral statement on. I would suggest that you take this up with the Cabinet Secretary for Education—the specifics around that closure—to see if there is a matter for the Welsh Government. Ordinarily, as the Member knows, it is a matter for the local council. We don't normally comment on such matters, especially such a long way in advance.
On Orkambi, I know the Cabinet Secretary has already made a written statement. He's heard your remarks today. I'm sure if there is something to update Members on he'll be happy to do so.
Ar y cyntaf o'r rheini, yn amlwg, mae cau ysgol mewn ardal Aelod yn fater arwyddocaol, bob amser, ond nid yw'n rhywbeth y bydd y Llywodraeth yn gwneud datganiad llafar arno. Byddwn yn awgrymu ichi godi hyn gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg—y manylion ynghylch y cau hwnnw—i weld a yw'n fater i Lywodraeth Cymru. Fel arfer, fel y gŵyr yr Aelod, mae'n fater i'r cyngor lleol. Nid ydym fel rheol yn gwneud sylwadau ar faterion o'r fath, yn enwedig mor bell ymlaen llaw.
O ran Orkambi, rwy'n gwybod bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet eisoes wedi gwneud datganiad ysgrifenedig. Mae wedi clywed eich sylwadau heddiw. Rwy'n siŵr os bydd angen rhoi diweddariad i'r Aelodau, bydd yn hapus i wneud hynny.
Leader of the house, may I ask for a statement on the ongoing delays to the rolling out of the second phase of Superfast Cymru high-speed broadband? The second phase is designed to extend availability of superfast broadband to those premises not covered under either the original Superfast Cymru scheme or the commercial roll-out of telecommunication companies in the next three years. However, the project has met with what the leader of the house called 'unforeseeable issues'. While I have already written to the leader highlighting a case, Openreach's decision not to roll out superfast broadband is hampering a company's wish to expand in Cardiff. Can I ask the leader of the house to come and make a statement in this Chamber on this very important issue, please?
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad ar yr oedi parhaus i gyflwyno ail gam y band eang cyflym gan Cyflymu Cymru? Bwriedir i'r ail gam ymestyn y band eang cyflym iawn i'r adeiladau hynny nad ydyn nhw'n rhan o gynllun gwreiddiol Cyflymu Cymru nac o gyflwyniad masnachol cwmnïau telathrebu yn y tair blynedd nesaf. Fodd bynnag, mae'r prosiect wedi dod ar draws yr hyn a elwir gan arweinydd y tŷ yn 'faterion anrhagweladwy'. Er fy mod eisoes wedi ysgrifennu at yr arweinydd yn tynnu sylw at un achos, mae penderfyniad Openreach i beidio â chyflwyno band eang cyflym iawn yn llesteirio dymuniad un cwmni i ehangu yng Nghaerdydd. A gaf i ofyn i arweinydd y tŷ ddod a gwneud datganiad yn y Siambr hon ar y mater pwysig iawn hwn, os gwelwch yn dda?
Yes, well, as I responded to Russell George, the situation is still that we're in the process of sorting out the procurement, and as soon as we're in a position to report back with a statement I will certainly be doing so.
Ie, wel, fel yr ymatebais i Russell George, rydym ni'n dal yn y sefyllfa o roi trefn ar y broses gaffael, a chyn gynted ag y byddwn mewn sefyllfa i adrodd yn ôl gyda datganiad, byddaf yn sicr yn gwneud hynny.
I raised the issue of a shock rise in drug and drug-related crime before recess and would like to point out another statistic that became available in August, while we were away, and that is a 29 per cent rise in the number of deaths linked to fentanyl in England and in Wales, and that's something I think we should all be concerned about. Particularly worrying is a rise in the use of—I don't know if I can say it correctly, but it's carfentanil, which is actually used as an elephant tranquillizer. So, some types of drug use are falling while others are rising.
I've asked for an update from Welsh Government on their drug policy and once again pressed for an idea of controlled substance use rules, as argued by our police and crime commissioner Arfon Jones. I don't think it's something that we can sit on now. I've shadowed the police—I know that other Assembly Members have done so recently—and they are telling me about the rise in drug crime. There is something called 'cuckooing', where they're taking over elderly people's homes in Port Talbot—coming from Birmingham and other places in the UK, taking over their homes, and using that house as a place to deal drugs. This is something we have to be talking about now, much more mainstream, and I hope that we can get some progress from the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services.
The second request I wanted today was also to do with the health Secretary—I promise I'm not focusing too much on one person. But I saw minutes from ABMU's community health board that there is a £32 million deficit in relation to that particular health board, and that they're currently in negotiations with Welsh Government about future plans. I would like to have a statement from Welsh Government telling us how they are intervening in these issues, because if our health boards are continuing to be financially mismanaged in this way—which I would say that such a deficit is systematic of—then we should be knowing that as Assembly Members, and knowing how you are dealing with that as Welsh Government.
Codais i'r mater o'r cynnydd sydyn mewn troseddau cyffuriau a throseddau sy'n gysylltiedig â chyffuriau cyn y toriad, a hoffwn dynnu sylw at ystadegyn arall sydd ar gael ers mis Awst, pan nad oeddem yma, sef y cynnydd o 29 y cant yn nifer y marwolaethau sy'n gysylltiedig â fentanyl yng Nghymru ac yn Lloegr, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y dylem ni oll fod yn bryderus yn ei gylch. Mae'n bryderus iawn bod mwy o ddefnydd o—dydw i ddim yn gwybod a alla i ei ddweud yn gywir, ond carfentanil yw ef, a ddefnyddir mewn gwirionedd fel tawelydd eliffantod. Felly, mae rhai mathau o gamddefnydd o gyffuriau yn gostwng tra bod eraill yn codi.
Rwyf wedi gofyn am yr wybodaeth ddiweddaraf gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar ei pholisi cyffuriau ac unwaith eto pwysleisiais yr angen am syniad o'r rheolau defnyddio sylweddau a reolir, fel y dadleuwyd gan ein comisiynydd heddlu a throseddu Arfon Jones. Nid wyf yn credu ei fod yn rhywbeth y gallwn ni eistedd arno nawr. Rwyf wedi cysgodi'r heddlu—gwn fod Aelodau eraill o'r Cynulliad wedi gwneud hynny yn ddiweddar—ac maen nhw'n dweud wrthyf fod cynnydd mewn troseddau cyffuriau. Ceir rhywbeth o'r enw 'cuckooing', lle maen nhw'n cymryd drosodd gartrefi pobl oedrannus ym Mhort Talbot— maen nhw'n dod o Birmingham a lleoedd eraill yn y DU, yn cymryd drosodd eu cartrefi, ac yn defnyddio'r tai fel man i ddelio mewn cyffuriau. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid inni siarad amdano, yn llawer mwy cyffredin, a gobeithio y gallwn gael rhywfaint o gynnydd ar hyn gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol.
Roedd yr ail gais a oedd gennyf heddiw hefyd yn ymwneud â'r Ysgrifennydd dros Iechyd—rwyf yn addo nad wyf yn canolbwyntio'n ormodol ar un unigolyn. Ond gwelais yng nghofnodion y bwrdd iechyd cymunedol ym Mwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Abertawe Bro Morgannwg bod diffyg o £32 miliwn yn y Bwrdd Iechyd penodol hwnnw, ac maent ar hyn o bryd mewn trafodaethau â Llywodraeth Cymru ynghylch cynlluniau yn y dyfodol. Hoffwn gael datganiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn dweud wrthym sut y maen nhw'n ymyrryd yn y materion hyn, oherwydd os bydd ein byrddau iechyd yn parhau i gael eu camreoli'n ariannol yn y ffordd hon—byddwn yn dweud bod diffyg o'r fath yn systematig—yna dylem fod yn gwybod hynny fel Aelodau Cynulliad, a gwybod sut yr ydych chi'n ymdrin â hynny fel Llywodraeth Cymru.
I don't think it is systematic. The health Minister is actually answering questions in the Chamber tomorrow, so you'll have the opportunity to put questions to him tomorrow. If you're not able to get to the bottom of those things tomorrow, then I suggest you write—I haven't heard of the drug that you mentioned; what did you say it was—an elephant tranquilizer? It sounds horrendous. So, if you want to send me some more details of that, I'm happy to take it up with him, if he's not able to answer it in questions tomorrow. I'd not heard of that before.
Dydw i ddim yn credu ei fod yn systematig. Bydd y Gweinidog dros iechyd mewn gwirionedd yn ateb cwestiynau yn y Siambr yfory, felly bydd cyfle ichi roi cwestiynau iddo yfory. Os nad ydych chi'n gallu mynd at wraidd y pethau hynny yfory, yna rwy'n awgrymu eich bod yn ysgrifennu—dydw i heb glywed am y cyffur a grybwyllwyd gennych; beth ddywedoch chi oedd e—tawelydd eliffantod? Mae'n swnio'n ofnadwy. Felly, os ydych chi eisiau anfon rhagor o fanylion am hynny ataf, rwy'n fwy na pharod i godi'r mater gydag ef, os nad yw'n gallu ei ateb yn y cwestiynau yfory. Nid oeddwn wedi clywed am hynny o'r blaen.
Leader of the house, I've been contacted by a constituent whose child was born with a genetic condition called achondroplasia, which is a form of dwarfism. And my constituent is extremely concerned about the dwarf wrestling shows that are being brought to the UK next month by a group touring from the US. It refers to people with dwarfism as 'midgets', which is a very offensive way to speak about people in that sort of way, and really they do seem a bit akin to a Victorian freak show. I'm extremely concerned about this, and my constituent is very upset, because she has a child who has dwarfism, and unfortunately one of these shows is planned for Cardiff, and another one in Swansea. So, I wondered whether there was anything that the Welsh Government could do in terms of giving a view about these sorts of shows being carried on.
Arweinydd y tŷ, rwyf wedi cysylltu ag etholwr y ganwyd ei phlentyn â chyflwr genetig o'r enw achondroplasia, sy'n fath o gorachedd. Ac mae fy etholwr yn hynod o bryderus ynghylch y sioeau reslo corachod sy'n dod i'r DU fis nesaf gyda grŵp teithiol o'r UD. Mae'n cyfeirio at bobl â chorachedd fel 'midgets', sef ffordd sarhaus iawn o siarad am bobl, ac mewn gwirionedd ymddengys yn debyg iawn i sioe fympwyol o oes Fictoria. Rwy'n bryderus iawn am hyn, ac mae fy etholwr yn ofidus iawn, gan fod ganddi blentyn â chorachedd, ac yn anffodus mae un o'r sioeau hyn ar y gweill ar gyfer Caerdydd, ac un arall yn Abertawe. Felly, tybed a oes unrhyw beth y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud o ran rhoi barn am gynnal y mathau hyn o sioeau.
Well, thank you for bringing that to our attention. I think that that sounds absolutely appalling. No wonder your constituent is very concerned. Obviously, we're completely committed to ensuring that anyone, with any kind of diverse condition, is treated as a full and equal member of our society, and that does not sound like the sort of thing we'd like to have encouraged at all. I wonder whether we could have a chat outside, to see exactly what details you have, and so I can take it up with various Ministers who might be able to—we can work out a way of finding out how that's licensed or anything, because I don't know anything of the particulars. But I'd just like to take this opportunity to reiterate that we take very seriously our duty to consider the impact of anything of the sort on equality, for anyone, with any diverse condition, background, or anything else. I'd be quite horrified to find that that sort of thing was happening—it's not the sort of thing we'd like to encourage at all. So, I wonder whether we could have a chat about the details, and then we'll see whether there is some Government response that might be appropriate.
Wel, diolch am dynnu ein sylw at hynny. Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n swnio'n gwbl warthus. Dim rhyfedd bod eich etholwr yn bryderus iawn. Yn amlwg, rydym ni'n gwbl ymrwymedig i sicrhau bod unrhyw un gydag unrhyw fath o gyflwr gwahanol, yn cael ei drin fel aelod cyflawn a chyfartal o'n cymdeithas, ac nid yw hyn yn swnio fel y math o beth yr hoffem ni ei annog o gwbl. Tybed a oes modd inni gael sgwrs am hyn y tu allan, i weld pa fanylion yn union sydd gennych, er mwyn imi allu ei drafod â gwahanol Weinidogion sydd efallai yn gallu—gallwn ddod o hyd i ffordd o ganfod sut y cafwyd trwydded neu unrhyw beth, oherwydd nid wyf yn gwybod unrhyw beth o'r manylion. Ond hoffwn i achub ar y cyfle hwn i ail-bwysleisio ein bod yn cymryd ein dyletswydd yn ddifrifol iawn i ystyried effaith unrhyw beth o'r fath ar gydraddoldeb, ar gyfer unrhyw un ag unrhyw gyflwr, cefndir neu unrhyw beth arall gwahanol. Byddwn i'n cael fy arswydo i ganfod bod y math hwn o beth yn digwydd—nid yw'n fath o beth yr hoffem ni ei annog o gwbl. Felly, tybed a oes modd cael sgwrs am y manylion, ac yna gallem weld a fyddai rhyw fath o ymateb yn briodol gan y Llywodraeth.
Two things from me, leader of the house. Firstly, when can we expect an update on the Welsh Government's decision on the M4 corridor around Newport, and will that be brought to this Chamber? We've had the public inquiry, which ended earlier this year. And we've also, I believe, had the due diligence over the summer period—that was the original plan anyway. So, if you could update us on a time for that. Because, whatever the decision of the Welsh Government is on that, it's going to be critically important to the people in Newport and south-east Wales, and indeed the wider Welsh economy, that either the Government's preferred black route is adopted, or, if that is not the case, that the Government starts as quickly as possible to make contingency plans for an alternative, which I know is backed by many people in this Chamber.
Secondly, tomorrow it's my pleasure to welcome Chief Chinamhora from Zimbabwe to the Assembly, tomorrow lunch time, for a reception. It's his first visit—well, firstly to the Abergavenny Food Festival, and secondly to Wales. He's very much looking forward to his visit. I'm not sure whether a Welsh Government representative will be there, but, if not, then perhaps the Welsh Government could send their best wishes to Chief Chinamhora, who is very excited about meeting everyone here. It's very important that this is seen as a way to enhance relations between Wales and Zimbabwe, and the wider African continent as well. I know that John Griffiths has also played an important part, along with myself and Love Zimbabwe, to make this visit possible.
Dau beth sydd gennyf fi, arweinydd y tŷ. Yn gyntaf, pryd y gallwn ni ddisgwyl diweddariad ar benderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru am goridor yr M4 o amgylch Casnewydd, ac a fydd hynny'n cael ei ddwyn i'r Siambr hon? Rydym wedi cael yr ymchwiliad cyhoeddus, a ddaeth i ben yn gynharach eleni. Ac rydym hefyd, rwy'n credu, wedi cael y diwydrwydd dyladwy dros yr haf—dyna oedd y cynllun gwreiddiol beth bynnag. Felly, pe gallech roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf inni ynghylch yr amser ar gyfer hynny. Oherwydd, beth bynnag yw penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru, mae'n mynd i fod yn hanfodol bwysig i bobl yng Nghasnewydd a'r De-ddwyrain, ac yn wir i economi ehangach Cymru, fod naill ai'r llwybr du a ffefrir gan y Llywodraeth yn cael ei fabwysiadu neu, os na fydd hynny'n digwydd, fod y Llywodraeth yn dechrau cyn gynted â phosibl i wneud cynlluniau wrth gefn ar gyfer dewis amgen, a gefnogir gan lawer o bobl yn y Siambr hon, rwy'n gwybod.
Yn ail, mae'n bleser gennyf groesawu Chief Chinamhora o Zimbabwe i dderbyniad yn y Cynulliad, amser cinio yfory. Dyma ei ymweliad cyntaf—wel, yn gyntaf i Ŵyl Fwyd y Fenni, ac yn ail i Gymru. Mae'n edrych ymlaen at ei ymweliad. Dydw i ddim yn siŵr a fydd cynrychiolydd Llywodraeth Cymru yno, ond, os na, yna efallai y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru anfon eu dymuniadau gorau at y Chief Chinamhora, sy'n teimlo'n llawn cyffro ynghylch cwrdd â phawb yma. Mae'n bwysig iawn y caiff hyn ei ystyried yn ffordd o wella cysylltiadau rhwng Cymru a Zimbabwe, a chyfandir Affrica ehangach hefyd. Gwn fod John Griffiths hefyd wedi chwarae rhan bwysig, ynghyd â mi a Love Zimbabwe, i wneud yr ymweliad hwn yn bosibl.
Well, that sounds tremendous. Alun Davies is just indicating to me that he's attending, so there will be a Government presence there. I'm delighted to hear that he's also been to the Abergavenny Food Festival. Anything we can do to showcase the enormously good food and drink around Wales to colleagues across Africa and the world is very welcome indeed, so I'm very pleased to welcome him here.
In terms of the M4, we expect to receive the public inquiry report shortly, and then the decision would have to be made on whether to grant planning permission and the statutory orders. This, and the inspector's report, will be the subject of a committee debate and vote in this Chamber, as was agreed, to inform the final decision on whether to proceed. I'm not in a position to give exact details of the timescale for that, but we are committed to doing that on the floor of the Senedd.
Wel, mae hynny'n swnio'n wych. Mae Alun Davies yn gwneud arwydd imi ei fod yn mynd yno, felly bydd presenoldeb gan y Llywodraeth yno. Rwy'n falch iawn o glywed ei fod hefyd wedi bod i Ŵyl Fwyd y Fenni. Mae croeso mawr yn wir i unrhyw beth y gallwn ei wneud i arddangos y bwyda'r diod hynod o dda ledled Cymru i gydweithwyr ledled Affrica a'r byd, felly rwy'n falch iawn o'i groesawu yma.
O ran yr M4, rydym yn disgwyl cael adroddiad yr ymchwiliad cyhoeddus cyn hir, ac yna byddai'n rhaid gwneud y penderfyniad ar a ddylid rhoi caniatâd cynllunio a'r gorchmynion statudol. Bydd hyn, ynghyd ag adroddiad yr arolygydd, yn destun dadl pwyllgor a phleidlais yn y Siambr hon, fel y cytunwyd, i lywio'r penderfyniad terfynol ar a ddylid bwrw ymlaen. Dydw i ddim mewn sefyllfa i roi union fanylion yr amserlen ar gyfer hynny, ond rydym wedi ymrwymo i wneud hynny ar lawr y Senedd.
Two issues, leader of the house. One is that I'm very concerned at the two reports recently issued by the United Nations Children's Fund about the extent of the damage to children from air pollution. One report says that children in around 2,000 schools across the UK are being exposed to illegal and unsafe levels of nitrogen dioxide pollution. I'm sad to say that several of them are in my constituency. They highlight the exposure that children suffer on what's misnamed 'the school run'. The second report highlights the damage to the unborn child through the impact on the placenta, and the dangers of premature birth, of low birth weight and of respiratory diseases in children.
So, I wondered whether it's possible, given that we all have an absolute duty to do what we can to protect children, whether we could have a debate in Government time on this complex issue. It isn't just about laying on more public transport; it is about changing people's behaviour. That is complicated, and not something that we alone can do, but it seems to me that this is an increasing problem and something that we are going to need to do a lot more about.
The second issue is that I wondered whether we could have an open debate on the future of community-based adult learning in Wales. I appreciate that the consultation is now closed, and we look forward to hearing the results of that consultation, but it seems to me that, having met the leaders of Adult Learning Wales this morning, this is a very complicated matter around the most appropriate way of ensuring that all adults across Wales have access to high-quality learning to deal with the challenge of the future of work. I don't think that there are cast-iron answers to this, and it would, therefore, be useful to have a debate before the Government has to make up its mind on exactly what action it's going to take.
Dau fater, arweinydd y tŷ. Un yw fy mod yn bryderus iawn am y ddau adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd yn ddiweddar gan Gronfa Blant y Cenhedloedd Unedig ynghylch maint y difrod i blant gan lygredd aer. Mae un o'r adroddiadau yn dweud bod plant mewn tua 2,000 o ysgolion ledled y DU yn agored i lefelau llygredd nitrogen deuocsid anghyfreithlon a pheryglus. Rwy'n drist i ddweud bod sawl un ohonyn nhw yn fy etholaeth i. Maen nhw'n tynnu sylw at y lefelau llygredd y mae plant yn dod i gysylltiad â nhw ar y daith i'r ysgol. Mae'r ail adroddiad yn tynnu sylw at y niwed i'r plentyn yn y groth drwy'r effaith ar y brych a pheryglon o enedigaeth gynamserol, pwysau geni isel a chlefydau anadlol mewn plant.
Felly, tybed a oes modd, o gofio bod gennym ni oll ddyletswydd absoliwt i wneud ein gorau glas i amddiffyn plant, inni gael dadl yn ystod amser y Llywodraeth ar y mater cymhleth hwn. Nid yw'n ymwneud â sicrhau rhagor o drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn unig, ond hefyd am newid arferion pobl. Mae'n gymhleth, ac nid yw'n rhywbeth y gallwn ni ei wneud ar ein pennau ein hunain, ond mae'n ymddangos i mi fod hyn yn broblem gynyddol ac yn rhywbeth y bydd angen inni wneud llawer mwy amdano.
Yr ail fater yw fy mod i'n meddwl tybed a oes modd inni gael dadl agored ar ddyfodol dysgu oedolion yn y gymuned yng Nghymru. Rwy'n sylweddoli bod yr ymgynghoriad wedi cau erbyn hyn, ac rydym yn edrych ymlaen at glywed canlyniadau'r ymgynghoriad hwnnw. Ond mae'n ymddangos i mi, wedi cyfarfod ag arweinwyr Dysgu Oedolion Cymru y bore yma, fod hwn yn fater cymhleth iawn o ran y ffordd fwyaf priodol o sicrhau bod pob oedolyn ledled Cymru yn cael mynediad at ddysgu o ansawdd uchel i ymdrin â her gwaith yn y dyfodol. Dydw i ddim yn credu bod atebion pendant i hyn, ac felly byddai'n ddefnyddiol cael dadl cyn y bydd y Llywodraeth yn gorfod penderfynu ar yr union gamau i'w cymryd.
Thank you for that. In terms of air quality, obviously we recently consulted on the clean air zone framework for Wales, and we're currently considering the responses. That builds on a range of actions to improve air quality, including a new £20 million air quality fund and action to reduce nitrogen dioxide levels.
We will be publishing our own clean air plan, which incorporates more than road traffic pollution—some of the issues that Jenny Rathbone just raised—for consultation early in 2019. That is to reduce nitrogen dioxide levels and set out the actions we're taking to comply with air quality limits in the shortest time possible. In April, we relaunched our air quality website to include improved air quality forecasting capability, with a new section for schools and health advice. So, I think we've got a lot of action currently ongoing with that. As I said, we will be publishing the plan for consultation early next year.
In terms of community-based adult learning, the Minister is actually making a statement on the employability plan, which includes issues on community-based learning, just this afternoon, so it's very good that you've raised it now.
Diolch ichi am hynny. O ran ansawdd yr aer, yn amlwg yn ddiweddar, fe wnaethom ymgynghori ar y fframwaith parth aer glân yng Nghymru, ac ar hyn o bryd rydym ni'n ystyried yr ymatebion. Mae hynny'n adeiladu ar ystod o gamau gwella ansawdd aer, gan gynnwys cronfa ansawdd aer newydd gwerth £20 miliwn a chamau gweithredu i leihau lefelau nitrogen deuocsid.
Byddwn yn cyhoeddi ein cynllun aer glân ein hun, sy'n ymgorffori mwy na llygredd traffig ffyrdd—rhai o'r materion a gododd Jenny Rathbone—i ymgynghori arno yn gynnar yn 2019. Mae hynny'n golygu lleihau lefelau nitrogen deuocsid a nodi'r camau gweithredu y byddwn yn eu cymryd i gydymffurfio â therfynau ansawdd yn yr amser byrraf posibl. Ym mis Ebrill, ail-lansiwyd ein gwefan ansawdd aer er mwyn gwella rhagolygon ansawdd aer, gydag adran newydd ar gyfer ysgolion a chyngor iechyd. Felly, rwy'n credu bod gennym lawer o gamau gweithredu parhaus ar hyn o bryd o ran hynny. Fel y dywedais, byddwn yn cyhoeddi cynllun ar gyfer ymgynghori arno yn gynnar y flwyddyn nesaf.
O ran dysgu oedolion yn y gymuned, mae'r Gweinidog yn gwneud datganiad ar y cynllun cyflogadwyedd y prynhawn yma, sy'n cynnwys materion ar ddysgu yn y gymuned, felly mae'n dda iawn eich bod wedi codi hyn nawr.
Leader of the house, you will have seen over the past couple of years the statements from Baroness Hale, the president of the Supreme Court, and you will have seen the statements from senior judiciary and many lawyers, about the way in which the Tories have actually destroyed the legal aid system, consequently disempowering whole communities, and some of the poorest and most vulnerable people in our society, from having the sort of advice and support that should naturally be available to them in any civilised society. The Welsh Government has over the years provided, through Citizens Advice, through funding of third sector groups that provide advice, areas to counter that deprived—some form of counter to those destructive cuts. But I wonder if we could have a statement from the Government on the issue of access to justice in Wales and also the issue of how we can actually start pulling together and reconstructing a new Welsh legal aid system—a system that will actually provide empowerment and advice and support to people within Wales, because the Tories won't do it and we know that we clearly have to do something about the empowerment of some of our poorest communities.
Arweinydd y tŷ, byddwch wedi gweld y datganiadau gan y Farwnes Hale dros y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf, Llywydd y Goruchaf Lys, a byddwch wedi gweld y datganiadau gan uwch farnwriaeth a llawer o gyfreithwyr, am y ffordd y mae'r Torïaid mewn gwirionedd wedi dinistrio'r system cymorth cyfreithiol, ac wedi dadrymuso o ganlyniad gymunedau cyfan, yn ogystal â rhai o'r bobl dlotaf a mwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymdeithas, o gael y math o gyngor a chymorth a ddylai fod ar gael iddynt mewn unrhyw gymdeithas wâr naturiol. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi darparu dros y blynyddoedd, drwy Cyngor ar Bopeth, drwy gyllid o grwpiau trydydd sector sy'n darparu cyngor, feysydd i wrthsefyll yr amddifadedd hwn—rhyw fath o wrthsafiad i'r toriadau dinistriol hynny. Ond tybed a oes modd cael datganiad gan y Llywodraeth ar fater cael mynediad i gyfiawnder yng Nghymru, a hefyd y mater o sut y gallwn mewn gwirionedd ddechrau tynnu at ei gilydd ac ail-greu system cymorth cyfreithiol newydd i Gymru—system a fydd mewn gwirionedd yn darparu hawliau, cyngor a chymorth i bobl yng Nghymru. Ni fydd y Torïaid yn gwneud hynny ac rydym yn gwybod bod yn rhaid inni wneud rhywbeth yn amlwg i rymuso rhai o'n cymunedau tlotaf.
I completely agree with Mick Antoniw that the destruction of the legal aid system has been detrimental across the board, actually to our democracy, because without access to the rule of law you really don't have a democracy. We now have a situation where a large number of people cannot access legal rights because they simply cannot afford it. That has a very detrimental effect on social policy and justice across the board, not just in the lower end. For example, the lack of access to proper legal aid in terms of domestic abuse, housing and fleeing domestic violence is a really serious issue. The Member highlights that we've already done quite a bit in terms of assisting advice agencies to step into the breach there a little, but nothing like enough. I would certainly be happy to discuss with my colleague the Minister for public services what we can do to pull together a comprehensive look at that and bring something back to this house when we've done so.
Ryw'n cytuno'n llwyr â Mick Antoniw bod dinistrio'r system cymorth cyfreithiol wedi bod yn niweidiol ar draws y bwrdd, mewn gwirionedd i'n democratiaeth, oherwydd heb fynediad at reol y gyfraith nid oes gennych ddemocratiaeth. Bellach mae gennym sefyllfa lle mae nifer fawr o bobl na allan nhw gael mynediad at hawliau cyfreithiol oherwydd, yn syml, na allan nhw ei fforddio. Caiff hynny effaith niweidiol iawn ar bolisi cymdeithasol a chyfiawnderau ar draws y bwrdd, nid yn unig yn y pen isaf. Er enghraifft, mae'r diffyg mynediad at gymorth cyfreithiol priodol o ran cam-drin domestig, tai a ffoi rhag trais yn y cartref yn fater difrifol iawn. Mae'r Aelod yn tynnu sylw at y ffaith ein bod eisoes wedi gwneud cryn dipyn o ran cynorthwyo asiantaethau cynghori i gamu i'r adwy ryw ychydig, ond dim digon o gwbl. Byddwn yn sicr yn hapus i drafod â fy nghyd-aelod, y Gweinidog dros wasanaethau cyhoeddus beth y gallwn ni ei wneud i ddwyn ynghyd dull cynhwysfawr o weithredu ar gyfer hynny a dod â rhywbeth yn ôl i'r tŷ hwn pan fyddwn ni wedi gwneud hynny.
Leader of the Chamber, the latest scientist to say that, in the interests of health and safety, the dredging and dumping of mud from the seabed outside of Hinkley Point nuclear power station should stop is Emeritus Professor Keith Barnham, distinguished research fellow of the physics department, Imperial College London. He is a high energy particle physicist—they used to call them nuclear physicists. He says, and he said yesterday on the record in a press conference, that the hot particles of uranium and plutonium—which could be in the mud because of the incidents in the 1960s, which Magnox have confirmed—that they would not be detected by gamma spectroscopy, which was the only way that the mud was tested. So, in layman's terms, there was only gamma testing; there should have been alpha testing and mass spectrometry as well. So, a very simple question and I'd like an answer or statement off the Government: is this eminent professor, another scientist—? Could you give us a statement on if he is correct, is he scientifically correct? That's all we want to know.
Arweinydd y Siambr, yr Athro Emeritws Keith Barnham, cymrawd ymchwil nodedig yr adran ffiseg, Coleg Imperial Llundain, yw'r gwyddonydd diweddaraf i ddweud y dylai carthu a dympio mwd oddi ar wely'r môr y tu allan i orsaf pŵer niwclear Hinkley Point ddod i ben, er lles iechyd a diogelwch. Mae'n ffisegydd gronynnau ynni uchel—yr arferent eu galw'n ffisegwyr niwclear. Mae e'n dweud, a dywedodd ddoe ar y cofnod mewn cynhadledd i'r wasg, bod y gronynnau poeth o wraniwm a plwtoniwm—a allai fod yn y mwd oherwydd y digwyddiadau yn y 1960au, a gadarnhawyd gan Magnox—na fyddent yn cael eu canfod gan gama sbectrosgopeg, sef yr unig ffordd y profwyd y mwd. Felly, o safbwynt y dyn cyffredin, dim ond gama profion a wnaed; dylid fod wedi cynnal profion alffa a sbectrometreg màs hefyd. Felly, cwestiwn syml iawn a hoffwn gael ateb neu ddatganiad gan y Llywodraeth: a yw'r athro prifysgol blaenllaw hwn, gwyddonydd arall—? A allech chi roi datganiad inni a yw e'n gywir, a yw'n wyddonol gywir? Dyna'r cyfan yr ydym ni eisiau ei wybod.
Well, Llywydd, I'm not in a position to say whether a scientist is or isn't scientifically correct. I am in a position to say that the head of NRW has already made a statement on the Welsh Government's position on the mud, which she says is not radioactive above normal background levels.
Wel, Llywydd, dydw i ddim mewn sefyllfa i ddweud a yw gwyddonydd yn wyddonol gywir neu beidio. Rwyf mewn sefyllfa i ddweud bod pennaeth Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru eisoes wedi gwneud datganiad ar safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar y mwd, a dywed nad yw'n ymbelydrol yn uwch na'r lefelau cefndir arferol.
You've never answered this question. Never.
Dydych chi heb ateb y cwestiwn hwn erioed. Ddim erioed.
Mike Hedges.
Mike Hedges.
Two questions for the leader of the house, one I think that the leader of the house must be getting used to by now: can I request a further update on Welsh Government action on the Virgin Media closure in Swansea? Unfortunately, I say now 'on the closure'; before we broke up for the summer it was 'the proposed closure'. Can I ask for a statement on that?
Can I also request a statement on banks and UCAS acceptance letters in Welsh? Last year, I had clarification that Lloyds Bank would accept it after initial refusal. This year, I've had Santander clarify they accept it after initial refusal. Either I can, on an annual basis, get clarification from the major banks one at a time or the Welsh Government can hold a discussion with them and make a statement to a Plenary session.
Mae gennyf ddau gwestiwn i arweinydd y tŷ, un ohonynt yr wyf yn credu bod arweinydd y tŷ wedi dod i arfer ag ef erbyn hyn: a gaf i ofyn am yr wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gamau gweithredu Llywodraeth Cymru ar gau Virgin Media yn Abertawe? Yn anffodus, rwy'n dweud 'cau' nawr; cyn inni dorri am yr haf roedd yn 'gau arfaethedig'. A gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad ar hynny?
A gaf i hefyd ofyn am ddatganiad ar fanciau a llythyrau derbyniadau UCAS yn Gymraeg? Y llynedd, cefais eglurhad y byddai banc Lloyds yn eu derbyn ar ôl gwrthod yn gychwynnol. Eleni, rwyf wedi cael Santander yn egluro eu bod yn eu derbyn ar ôl gwrthod yn gychwynnol. Naill ai gallaf gael eglurhad gan y banciau mawr, yn flynyddol, un ar y tro, neu gall Llywodraeth Cymru gynnal trafodaeth â nhw a gwneud datganiad i'r cyfarfod llawn.
Yes, well on that one I don't see any reason why we shouldn't be able to do that. I'll certainly look into that. I don't understand why we have to go through a process of them refusing and then us getting in touch and then being told 'yes'. I think several Members in the Chamber have had a similar conversation, so I'm happy to see what I can facilitate in terms of the service across Wales on that one.
In terms of Virgin Media, yes, absolutely. It's now clear that the site will close. The taskforce, as I understand it, is in position but I will discuss with my colleague Ken Skates bringing an update, now that the closure's been confirmed, to the house, as a large number of Members have constituents that are affected by it.
Ie, wel, ar hynny dydw i ddim yn gweld rheswm pam na ddylem allu gwneud hynny. Byddaf yn sicr yn ymchwilio i hynny. Dydw i ddim yn deall pam mae'n rhaid inni fynd drwy'r broses o nhw yn gwrthod, ac yna ni'n cysylltu â nhw er mwyn iddyn nhw ddweud 'ie'. Rwy'n credu bod nifer o Aelodau yn y Siambr wedi cael sgwrs debyg, felly rwy'n hapus i weld beth y gallaf ei hwyluso o ran y gwasanaeth ledled Cymru ar hynny.
O ran Virgin Media, ie, yn hollol. Mae'n amlwg erbyn hyn y bydd y safle'n cau. Mae'r tasglu, fel y deallaf, ar waith ond byddaf yn trafod â fy nghyd-weinidog Ken Skates i ddod â'r newyddion diweddaraf i'r tŷ, nawr bod cadarnhad o'r cau wedi'i wneud, gan fod nifer fawr o Aelodau y bydd hyn yn effeithio ar eu hetholwyr.
Including yourself.
Gan gynnwys chi eich hun.
Including myself, yes.
Gan gynnwys fi fy hun, ie.
I've got two questions for the leader of the house. It would be helpful to have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs on the Hinkley Point mud dumping off Cardiff Bay, which commenced last week. My constituents have raised concerns about the lack of an environmental impact assessment and inadequate sampling of deeper layers of mud.
My second question is whether I could request an update from the environment Minister with regard to the Barry biomass plant. Would she be able to release all correspondence with the developers and announce her decision as to whether the proposed development falls under Schedule 1 of the regulations? And is the Minister for Environment aware of the application to the Vale of Glamorgan planning committee by the developers for a lawful development certificate in respect of berth 31, Wimborne Road, Barry, which represents a significant development in plans for the biomass plant in Barry docks and the facility for storage of woodchip feed prior to approval of this facility?
Mae gennyf ddau gwestiwn i arweinydd y tŷ. Byddai'n ddefnyddiol cael datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig ar fwd Hinkley Point a dympio oddi ar Fae Caerdydd, a ddechreuodd yr wythnos diwethaf. Mae fy etholwyr wedi codi pryderon ynghylch y diffyg asesiad o effaith amgylcheddol a samplu annigonol o haenau dyfnach o fwd.
Fy ail gwestiwn yw a gaf i ofyn am ddiweddariad gan y Gweinidog dros yr amgylchedd am y gwaith biomas yn y Barri. A fyddai hi'n gallu rhyddhau pob gohebiaeth â datblygwyr a chyhoeddi ei phenderfyniad ynghylch a yw'r datblygiad arfaethedig yn dod o dan Atodlen 1 i'r Rheoliadau? A yw'r Gweinidog dros yr amgylchedd yn ymwybodol o'r cais i Bwyllgor Cynllunio Bro Morgannwg gan y datblygwyr am dystysgrif datblygiad cyfreithlon mewn perthynas ag Angorfa 31, Wimborne Road, y Barri, sy'n cynrychioli datblygiad sylweddol yn y cynlluniau ar gyfer y gwaith biomas yn nociau'r Barri a'r cyfleuster storio cynnyrch naddion pren, cyn cymeradwyo'r cyfleuster hwn?
Thank you for those two questions. At the moment, it would be inappropriate for the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs to make a statement as there is an ongoing legal process that is seeking an injunction to suspend the marine licence. So, as I said earlier, Natural Resources Wales have already confirmed their position, but there is an ongoing legal process, so the Cabinet Secretary will not be able to make a statement while that process is ongoing.
In terms of the second question, the Minister for Environment will be making a decision shortly about the need for an environmental impact assessment to accompany the planning application currently before the Vale of Glamorgan Council. With respect to the release of correspondence, we did release it up to July after your last request. I'm sure we can look again to see whether there's any more.
An application for a certificate of lawfulness to the Vale of Glamorgan Council is a matter for the authority. We're unable to comment to avoid prejudice to our formal role should the case come before us later by way of an appeal. But the short answer to your question is that the decision will be made shortly as to whether there should be an environmental impact assessment.
Diolch i chi am y ddau gwestiwn hynny. Ar hyn o bryd, byddai'n amhriodol i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig wneud datganiad oherwydd bod proses gyfreithiol ar y gweill sy'n ceisio sicrhau gwaharddeb i atal y drwydded forol. Felly, fel y dywedais yn gynharach, mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru eisoes wedi cadarnhau eu sefyllfa, ond mae proses gyfreithiol ar y gweill, felly ni fydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn gallu gwneud datganiad tra bod y broses honno'n mynd rhagddi.
O ran yr ail gwestiwn, bydd y Gweinidog dros yr Amgylchedd yn gwneud penderfyniad cyn bo hir ynghylch yr angen i gael asesiad o'r effaith amgylcheddol i fynd gyda'r cais cynllunio sydd ar hyn o bryd ger bron Cyngor Bro Morgannwg. O ran cyhoeddi gohebiaeth, fe wnaethom ni ei gyhoeddi hyd at fis Gorffennaf ar ôl eich cais diwethaf. Rwy'n siŵr y gallwn edrych eto i weld a oes unrhyw beth ychwanegol.
Mater i'r awdurdod yw cais am dystysgrif cyfreithlondeb i Gyngor Bro Morgannwg. Ni allwn ni wneud sylw, oherwydd mae'n rhaid inni aros yn ddi-duedd yn rhinwedd ein swyddogaeth ffurfiol pe byddai'r achos yn dod ger ein bron yn ddiweddarach drwy apêl. Ond yr ateb byr i'ch cwestiwn yw y gwneir y penderfyniad cyn bo hir ynghylch a ddylid cynnal asesiad o'r effaith amgylcheddol.
Diolch i arweinydd y tŷ.
I thank the leader of the house.
Yr eitem nesaf yw’r cynigion i ethol Aelodau i bwyllgorau ac, yn unol â Rheolau Sefydlog 12.24 a 12.40, rwy’n cynnig bod y cynigion i ethol Aelodau i bwyllgorau yn cael eu grwpio ar gyfer eu trafod a’u pleidleisio. Ac felly, rydw i’n galw ar aelod o’r Pwyllgor Busnes i wneud y cynigion yn ffurfiol—Paul Davies.
The next item is the motions to elect Members to committees and, in accordance with Standing Orders 12.24 and 12.40, I propose that the motions to elect Members to committees are grouped for debate and for voting. Therefore, I call on a member of the Business Committee to move the motions formally—Paul Davies.
Cynnig NDM6783 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Neil Hamilton (Plaid Annibyniaeth y Deyrnas Unedig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Busnes yn lle Gareth Bennett (Plaid Annibyniaeth y Deyrnas Unedig).
Cynnig NDM6784 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Darren Millar (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Busnes yn lle Paul Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6785 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Suzy Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg yn lle Darren Millar (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6786 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Janet Finch-Saunders (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg yn lle Mark Reckless (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6787 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Andrew R.T. Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig yn lle David Melding (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6788 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol David Melding (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Diwylliant, y Gymraeg a Chyfathrebu yn lle Suzy Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6789 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Mohammad Asghar (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor yr Economi, Seilwaith a Sgiliau yn lle Mark Isherwood (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6790 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Mark Isherwood (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb, Llywodraeth Leol a Chymunedau yn lle Janet Finch-Saunders (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6791 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Suzy Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Materion Cyfansoddiadol a Deddfwriaethol yn lle David Melding (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6792 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol David Melding (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Diwylliant, y Gymraeg a Chyfathrebu yn lle Suzy Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6793 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol Mark Reckless (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol yn lle Mark Isherwood (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Cynnig NDM6794 Elin Jones
Cynnig bod Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 17.14, yn ethol:
1. Andrew R.T. Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod o’r Pwyllgor Safonau Ymddygiad yn lle Paul Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig), a
2. Darren Millar (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig) yn aelod amgen o’r Pwyllgor Safonau Ymddygiad yn lle Andrew R.T. Davies (Ceidwadwyr Cymreig).
Motion NDM6783 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Neil Hamilton (United Kingdom Independence Party) as a Member of the Business Committee in place of Gareth Bennett (United Kingdom Independence Party).
Motion NDM6784 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Darren Millar (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Business Committee in place of Paul Davies (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6785 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Suzy Davies (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Children, Young People and Education Committee in place of Darren Millar (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6786 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Janet Finch-Saunders (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Children, Young People and Education Committee in place of Mark Reckless (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6787 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Andrew R.T. Davies (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee in place of David Melding (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6788 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects David Melding (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Culture, Welsh Language and Communications Committee in place of Suzy Davies (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6789 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Mohammad Asghar (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Economy, Infrastructure and Skills Committee in place of Mark Isherwood (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6790 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Mark Isherwood (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Equality, Local Government and Communities Committee in place of Janet Finch-Saunders (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6791 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Suzy Davies (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Constitutional and Legislative Affairs Committee in place of David Melding (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6792 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects David Melding (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee in place of Suzy Davies (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6793 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects Mark Reckless (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee in place of Mark Isherwood (Welsh Conservatives).
Motion NDM6794 Elin Jones
To propose that the National Assembly for Wales, in accordance with Standing Order 17.14, elects:
1. Andrew R.T. Davies (Welsh Conservatives) as a Member of the Standards of Conduct Committee in place of Paul Davies (Welsh Conservatives), and
2. Darren Millar (Welsh Conservatives) in place of Andrew R.T. Davies (Welsh Conservatives) as alternate member of the Standards of Conduct Committee.
Cynigiwyd y cynigion.
Motions moved.
Yn ffurfiol.
Formally.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynigion? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Nac oes. Felly, derbynnir y cynigion yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
The proposal is to agree the motions. Does any Member object? No. The motions are therefore agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Derbyniwyd y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Motion agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Yr eitem nesaf yw’r datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid ar y wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am drefniadau pontio Ewropeaidd, ac rydw i’n galw ar yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet i wneud ei ddatganiad—Mark Drakeford.
The next item is a statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Finance: update on European transition. I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make the statement—Mark Drakeford.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. The Welsh Government last reported to the Assembly on matters related to the UK’s exit from the European Union at the end of the summer term. The purpose of today’s statement is to provide an update about the many developments that have taken place in the meantime.
The first matter I'll deal with this afternoon is the nature of the separation deal and the future relationship with the European Union sought by the UK Government, as set out in the Chequers White Paper. Our own preferences are unchanged since the publication of 'Securing Wales’ Future' with Plaid Cymru in January 2017. The Chequers White Paper moved the UK Government’s position incrementally towards our own, enabling us to offer some of its proposals a modest welcome.
Chequers concedes the principle of a customs union; it makes a commitment to ongoing regulatory alignment for goods and agricultural products. The nature of the Welsh economy, as we have said many times, means that barrier-free trade for the manufacturing industry and the rural economy is especially important. The Chequers proposals are an improvement from that perspective, as the Confederation of British Industry and the National Farmers Union have both acknowledged.
However, Llywydd, Chequers leaves unanswered a whole series of significant practical and political questions. In policy terms, it fails to resolve at least three fundamental issues. While it agrees that the end objective must be a form of customs union between the UK and the EU, it fails to set out the means by which this can be achieved. The Government's own practical proposals are convoluted, heap new costs onto businesses, rely on untested technologies and are straightforwardly unacceptable to the EU 27.
As both the Welsh and Scottish Governments said at the JMC last week, the policy answer is simple. Let the UK Government say it plainly: 'We are already in a customs union; let’s stay in it.' And rather than pretend that we can have a buccaneering trading policy while staying in the customs union, let’s commit to continued alignment of our trade policy with that of the European Union for the wider benefits that brings.
The second practical problem with Chequers lies in the attempt to separate regulatory alignment between goods, which are to be aligned, and services, which are not. That distinction, of course, strikes at the heart of the four freedoms, which the EU regards as indivisible. But this distinction simply won’t work in the real world. People who buy goods also buy services alongside them. You buy a car and a finance package to fund it. People who sell goods also sell services with them. In the aerospace sector, the servicing of an engine—a service contract—is an integral part of the sales package and is of greater value than the sale of the engine itself.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Y tro diwethaf y soniodd Llywodraeth Cymru wrth y Cynulliad am faterion yn ymwneud ag ymadawiad y DU o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd oedd ar ddiwedd tymor yr haf. Diben datganiad heddiw yw rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y llu o ddatblygiadau sydd wedi digwydd yn y cyfamser.
Y mater cyntaf yr ymdriniaf ag ef y prynhawn yma yw natur y fargen wahanu a'r berthynas y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn gobeithio ei chael gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn y dyfodol, fel y nodir ym Mhapur Gwyn Chequers. Ni fu unrhyw newid ar ein dyheadau ni ers cyhoeddi 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru' gyda Phlaid Cymru ym mis Ionawr 2017. Gyda Phapur Gwyn Chequers daeth safbwynt Llywodraeth y DU yn raddol fwy cydnaws â'n un ni, gan ein galluogi i roi croeso llugoer i rai o'i argymhellion.
Mae Chequers yn arddel yr egwyddor o gael undeb tollau; mae'n gwneud ymrwymiad i gael aliniad rheoleiddiol parhaus ar gyfer nwyddau a chynnyrch amaethyddol. Mae natur economi Cymru, fel yr ydym ni wedi dweud lawer gwaith, yn golygu bod masnach ddi-rwystr ar gyfer y diwydiant gweithgynhyrchu a'r economi wledig yn arbennig o bwysig. Mae cynigion Chequers yn welliant yn hynny o beth, fel y mae Cydffederasiwn Diwydiant Prydain ac Undeb Cenedlaethol yr Amaethwyr ill dau wedi cydnabod.
Fodd bynnag, Llywydd, nid yw Chequers yn ateb llu o gwestiynau ymarferol a gwleidyddol sylweddol. O ran polisi, mae'n methu â datrys o leiaf tri mater sylfaenol. Er ei fod yn cytuno mai'r amcan terfynol yw cael rhyw lun ar undeb tollau rhwng y DU a'r UE, mae'n methu â nodi'r modd y gellir cyflawni hyn. Mae cynigion ymarferol y Llywodraeth ei hun yn ddryslyd, yn pentyru costau ychwanegol ar fusnesau, yn dibynnu ar dechnoleg sydd heb ei phrofi ac yn uniongyrchol annerbyniol i 27 aelod yr UE.
Fel y dywedodd Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth yr Alban yn y Cyd-bwyllgor Gweinidogion yr wythnos diwethaf, mae'r ateb polisi yn syml. Gadewch i Lywodraeth y DU ddweud yn blaen: 'Rydym ni eisoes mewn undeb tollau; gadewch inni aros yn rhan ohoni.' Ac yn hytrach nag esgus y gallwn ni gael polisi masnachu mentrus gan aros yn yr undeb tollau, gadewch inni ymrwymo i gadw ein polisi masnach yn gydnaws ag un yr Undeb Ewropeaidd er mwyn cael y manteision ehangach a ddaw yn sgil hynny.
Yr ail broblem ymarferol gyda Chequers yw'r ymgais i wahanu cysoni rheoleiddiol rhwng nwyddau, sydd i'w cysoni, a gwasanaethau, sydd ddim i'w cysoni. Mae'r gwahaniaeth hwnnw, wrth gwrs, yn mynd yn gwbl groes i'r pedwar rhyddid, y mae'r UE yn eu hystyried yn anwahanadwy. Ond ni fydd y gwahaniaeth hwn yn gweithio yn y byd go iawn. Mae pobl sy'n prynu nwyddau hefyd yn prynu gwasanaethau ochr yn ochr â nhw. Rydych chi'n prynu car a phecyn cyllid i'w ariannu. Mae pobl sy'n gwerthu nwyddau yn gwerthu gwasanaethau gyda nhw hefyd. Yn y sector awyrofod, mae gwasanaethu'r peiriant—contract gwasanaeth—yn rhan annatod o'r pecyn gwerthiant ac o fwy o werth na gwerthu'r peiriant ei hun.
That distinction, of course, strikes at the heart of the four freedoms, which the EU regards as indivisible. But this distinction simply won’t work in the real world. People who buy goods also buy services alongside them. You buy a car and a finance package to fund it. People who sell goods also sell services with them. In the aerospace sector, the servicing of an engine—a service contract—is an integral part of the sales package and is of greater value than the sale of the engine itself.
And, finally and most intractably of all, Chequers does not yet resolve the Irish border question. This much, at least, is clear, Llywydd: you simply cannot have all three of the things on the UK Government’s wish list at the same time. You cannot have at one and the same time an independent trade policy, no border on the island of Ireland and no border in the Irish sea.
Llywydd, these policy problems are real, but they sometimes pale in comparison to the political challenges which the Chequers White Paper has posed for the Prime Minister. She is trapped between the Scylla and Charybdis of the Conservative Party. Every millimetre she edges towards the ground she needs to occupy to conclude a deal with the EU, she provokes a stream of abuse from the irreconcilables in the European reform group. Every time she makes a hopeless concession to the Europhobic wing of her party, it guarantees that she loses the support of those remainer Tories whose support she needs to get a Chequers-based deal through the House of Commons. Little wonder, then, that so much of her summer has been taken up in a debate about how to resolve a deadlocked House of Commons unwilling and unable to endorse any deal the Prime Minister might conclude.
The Welsh Government’s position was clearly set out by the First Minister in his lecture to the Institute of Government last week. If the UK Government cannot secure a vote in the House of Commons in favour of the deal it has negotiated, then the decision must pass to the people. Our preference as a Government is that this decision is resolved through a general election. If the current House of Commons cannot conclude matters, we need another one which can. If the current rules of Parliament are manipulated to prevent an election, then the case for a second referendum strengthens. Either way, the people must decide. And that decision, Llywydd, will take place against the background of the final great theme of the summer: preparation for a ‘no deal’ Brexit.
Let me say again: for Wales, ‘no deal’ is unthinkable and unworkable. The technical notices published so far demonstrate in starkest possible clarity what a crash-out Brexit would mean for Welsh citizens and businesses, even though some of the most difficult issues are yet to be addressed in those notices. For citizens, for example, it means driving licences that no longer work in Europe, baggage delays at every crossing point, the end of guaranteed surcharge-free mobile phone use in the EU, and passports that cannot be used six months before their expiry date. For Welsh firms, it means new, complex burdens whenever they want to export to the continent. Instead of a single rulebook covering all EU member states, Welsh businesses would have to find and navigate the rules that apply, separately and differently at each border.
There is nothing, Llywydd, in these technical notices that will make life better or easier for Welsh business. They show up instead the disruption and damage to our economy and jobs, which would be the result of the catastrophic failure to reach a negotiated deal with the European Union. In the longer term, such conditions would be a huge disincentive to multinationals with complex supply chains to invest here, and a ‘no deal’ could easily result in many smaller firms that currently export only to the European Union withdrawing from exporting entirely.
Now, Llywydd, because the clock is indeed ticking and because the UK Government is so mired in difficulties of its own making, we have stepped up contingency planning here in Wales over the summer period. We have made allocations from the £50 million EU transition fund, the launch of the Brexit business portal is imminent, we have sent supplementary advice on the technical notices to organisations, and we are in dialogue with the UK Government and partners in Wales on potential civil contingencies implications. I repeat what the First Minister has said so often here: there is no sense in which ‘no deal’ can be reduced to just another point on a Brexit spectrum, where good planning can turn it into a triumph of the fevered imagination of the Brexiteers. Whatever mitigation is possible, however, we will put that in place to respond to the disaster that a 'no deal' represents for Wales.
Finally and briefly, Llywydd, to the detail of the summer period. Ministerial engagement with the UK Government has continued and intensified. More than a dozen formal meetings have been held in London, Cardiff and Edinburgh of the ministerial forum, the Joint Ministerial Committee on European negotiations, and the inter-ministerial group attended by my colleague Lesley Griffiths.
At official level, inter-governmental work on common frameworks intensifies, with one of the first fruits being the announcement that freezing regulations under section 12 of the withdrawal Act will not now be needed at all in respect of funding of agriculture. Our engagement with stakeholders has continued throughout the summer. The European advisory group will meet again on Thursday of this week. Ministers have held face-to-face discussions with key representatives from businesses, higher education, the health service, the rural economy and others to go on ensuring that our approach best reflects the advice we get from those most directly affected by Brexit. The First Minister has opened our new office in Berlin, the latest of a series of new sources of support for Welsh businesses and Welsh public services, as we carry out our determination that Wales will remain open to the world.
Over the summer, we have also continued to publish Brexit policy papers, the most recent being about the financial impact of Brexit, which itself followed a major statement about our approach to the rural economy. And finally, Llywydd, a huge effort continues to identify deficiencies in the current statute book that will need correcting as a result of Brexit, involving hundreds of pieces of legislation.
I am very grateful to the chairs of the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee and the Constitutional and Legislative Affairs Committee and to the Assembly Commission for their close engagement with the Government over the summer on the practical arrangements we will need to achieve a coherent and workable statute book for Wales in a way that safeguards the scrutiny role of the National Assembly.
Llywydd, the coming weeks will bring to a head the consequences of the decision taken in the referendum of June 2016. Our future prosperity, security and influence in the world will be indelibly shaped by what takes place. I am grateful for the chance to have provided Members with this update, as our own new term begins.
Mae'r gwahaniaeth hwnnw, wrth gwrs, yn mynd yn gwbl groes i'r pedwar rhyddid, y mae'r UE yn eu hystyried yn anwahanadwy. Ond ni fydd y gwahaniaeth hwn yn gweithio yn y byd go iawn. Mae pobl sy'n prynu nwyddau hefyd yn prynu gwasanaethau ochr yn ochr â nhw. Rydych chi'n prynu car a phecyn cyllid i'w ariannu. Mae pobl sy'n gwerthu nwyddau yn gwerthu gwasanaethau gyda nhw hefyd. Yn y sector awyrofod, mae gwasanaethu'r peiriant—contract gwasanaeth—yn rhan annatod o'r pecyn gwerthiant ac o fwy o werth na gwerthu'r peiriant ei hun.
Ac, yn olaf, a'r elfen fwyaf anhydrin o blith y cwbl, yw nad yw Chequers eto yn datrys cwestiwn ffin Iwerddon. Mae cymaint â hyn, o leiaf, yn glir, Llywydd: allwch chi ddim cael tri o'r pethau y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn eu dymuno ar yr un pryd. Ni allwch chi gael polisi masnach annibynnol, dim ffin ar ynys Iwerddon a dim ffin ym Môr Iwerddon, i gyd ar yr un pryd.
Llywydd, mae'r problemau polisi hyn yn rai gwirioneddol, ond weithiau maent yn ddibwys o'u gymharu â'r heriau gwleidyddol y mae Papur Gwyn Chequers wedi eu cyflwyno i Brif Weinidog y DU. Mae hi wedi ei dal rhwng Scylla a Charybdis y Blaid Geidwadol. Pob milimetr mae hi'n troedio tuag at y tir y mae hi angen ei feddiannu i sicrhau bargen gyda'r UE, mae hi'n cymell ffrwd o enllibion gan y gwrthwynebwyr yn y grŵp diwygio Ewropeaidd. Bob tro mae hi'n gwneud cyfaddawd anobeithiol â'r adain honno o'i phalid sy'n ddrwgdybus o Ewrop, mae'n gwarantu ei bod hi yn colli cefnogaeth y Torïaid hynny sydd eisiau aros yn rhan ohoni ac y mae hi angen eu cymorth er mwyn cael bargen yn seiliedig ar Chequers drwy Dŷ'r Cyffredin. Does dim rhyfedd, felly, bod cymaint o'i haf wedi'i draflyncu gan ddadl ynghylch sut i ymdrin â sefyllfa diddatrys mewn Tŷ Cyffredin sy'n anfodlon ac yn analluog i gymeradwyo unrhyw fargen y gallai Prif Weinidog y DU ei chynnig.
Eglurwyd safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru yn glir gan Brif Weinidog Cymru yn ei ddarlith i Sefydliad y Llywodraeth yr wythnos diwethaf. Os na all Llywodraeth y DU sicrhau pleidlais yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin o blaid y fargen y bu'n ei thrafod, yna bydd yn rhaid trosglwyddo'r penderfyniad i'r bobl. Ein dymuniad ni fel Llywodraeth yw datrys y penderfyniad hwn drwy etholiad cyffredinol. Os na all y Tŷ Cyffredin presennol benderfynu ar bethau, mae angen un arall arnom ni sy'n gallu. Os caiff rheolau presennol y Senedd eu camddefnyddio i atal etholiad, yna mae'r achos dros ail refferendwm yn cryfhau. Naill ffordd neu'r llall, mae'n rhaid i'r bobl benderfynu. Ac yn gefndir i'r penderfyniad hwnnw, Llywydd, fydd thema fawr olaf yr haf: paratoi ar gyfer Brexit 'dim bargen'.
Gadewch imi ddweud hyn eto: i Gymru, mae 'dim bargen' yn beryg bywyd ac yn anymarferol. Mae'r hysbysiadau technegol a gyhoeddwyd hyd yma yn dangos yn yr eglurder llymaf posibl beth fyddai canlyniad Brexit di-fargen i ddinasyddion a busnesau Cymru, er bod rhai o'r materion mwyaf anodd eto i gael sylw yn yr hysbysiadau hynny. I ddinasyddion, er enghraifft, mae'n golygu trwyddedau gyrru na fyddant bellach yn ddilys yn Ewrop, oedi gyda bagiau ym mhob man croesi, diwedd ar y sicrwydd o ddefnyddio ffôn symudol am ddim tâl ychwanegol yn yr UE, a phasbortau na ellir eu defnyddio chwe mis cyn eu dyddiad dod i ben. I gwmnïau yng Nghymru, mae'n golygu beichiau newydd, cymhleth pryd bynnag maen nhw eisiau allforio i'r cyfandir. Yn hytrach na rheolau sengl sy'n cwmpasu holl aelod wladwriaethau'r UE, byddai'n rhaid i fusnesau Cymru ddeall a chydymffurfio â'r rheolau perthnasol, ar wahân, a'r rheini yn wahanol ar bob ffin.
Nid oes unrhyw beth, Llywydd, yn yr hysbysiadau technegol hyn a fydd yn gwneud bywyd yn well neu'n haws i fusnesau Cymru. Maent yn dangos yn hytrach yr amharu a'r difrod a wneir i'n heconomi a'n swyddi, a fyddai'n deillio o'r methiant trychinebus i gytuno ar fargen gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Yn fwy hir-dymor, byddai amodau o'r fath yn anghymhelliad anferth i gwmnïau amlwladol gyda chadwyni cyflenwi cymhleth i fuddsoddi yma, a gallai 'dim bargen' arwain yn hawdd iawn at nifer o gwmnïau llai o faint sy'n allforio dim ond i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ar hyn o bryd i beidio ag allforio o gwbl.
Nawr, Llywydd, oherwydd god y cloc yn wir yn tician ac oherwydd bod Llywodraeth y DU yn diffygio mewn anawsterau o'i gwneuthuriad ei hun, rydym ni wedi bod yn gwneud lllawer iawn mwy o gynllunio wrth gefn yma yng Nghymru dros gyfnod yr haf. Rydym ni wedi dyrannu peth o'r £50 miliwn sydd yng nghronfa bontio'r UE, rydym ni ar fin lansio porth busnes Brexit, rydym ni wedi anfon cyngor atodol ar yr hysbysiadau technegol i sefydliadau, ac rydym ni wrthi'n trafod goblygiadau argyfyngau sifil posib gyda Llywodraeth y DU a phartneriaid yng Nghymru. Rwy'n ailadrodd yr hyn y mae Prif Weinidog Cymru wedi'i ddweud mor aml yn y fan yma: Nid oes unrhyw fodd o leihau 'dim bargen' i fod yn ddim amgenach na phwynt arall ar sbectrwm Brexit, lle gall cynllunio da ei droi i'r fuddugoliaeth honno sydd yn nychymyg anniddig y Brexitwyr. Pa bynnag liniaru sy'n bosib, fodd bynnag, byddwn yn gwneud hynny i ymateb i'r trychineb y mae 'dim bargen' yn ei olygu i Gymru.
Yn olaf ac yn fyr, Llywydd, trof at fanylion cyfnod yr haf. Mae gwaith ymgysylltu gweinidogol â Llywodraeth y DU wedi parhau a dwysau. Mae'r Fforwm Gweinidogol, Y Cyd-bwyllgor Gweinidogion ar negodiadau yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a'r grŵp rhyng-weinidogol ble'r oedd fy nghyd-Aelod, Lesley Griffiths, yn bresenol, wedi cyfarfod yn ffurfiol mwy na dwsin o weithiau yn Llundain, Caerdydd a Chaeredin.
Ar lefel swyddogol, mae gwaith rhynglywodraethol ar fframweithiau cyffredin yn dwysau, ac un o'r agweddau cyntaf yn hyn o beth i ddwyn ffrwyth yw'r cyhoeddiad na fydd angen o gwbl bellach i rewi rheoliadau o dan adran 12 o'r Ddeddf ymadael o ran cyllido amaethyddiaeth. Buom yn trafod â rhanddeiliaid drwy gydol yr haf. Bydd y grŵp cynghori Ewropeaidd yn cyfarfod eto ddydd Iau yr wythnos hon. Mae Gweinidogion wedi cynnal trafodaethau wyneb yn wyneb â chynrychiolwyr allweddol o fyd busnes, addysg uwch, y gwasanaeth iechyd, yr economi wledig ac eraill i barhau i sicrhau bod ein dull o weithio yn adlewyrchu orau y cyngor a roddir gan y rhai yr effeithir arnynt yn fwyaf uniongyrchol gan Brexit. Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru wedi agor ein swyddfa newydd yn Berlin, y diweddaraf mewn cyfres o ffynonellau newydd o gefnogaeth i fusnesau a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus Cymru, wrth inni gyflawni ein penderfyniad y bydd Cymru'n aros yn agored i'r byd.
Dros yr haf, rydym ni hefyd wedi parhau i gyhoeddi papurau polisi Brexit, yn fwyaf diweddar am effaith ariannol Brexit, oedd ynddo'i hun yn dilyn datganiad o bwys o ran sut y byddwn ni'n ymdrin â'r economi wledig. Ac yn olaf, Llywydd, mae ymdrech enfawr yn parhau er mwyn darganfod diffygion yn y llyfr statud cyfredol y bydd angen eu cywiro o ganlyniad i Brexit, sy'n cynnwys cannoedd o ddarnau o ddeddfwriaeth.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i gadeiryddion y Pwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol a'r Pwyllgor Materion Cyfansoddiadol a Deddfwriaethol ac i Gomisiwn y Cynulliad am eu trafodaethau agos â'r Llywodraeth dros yr haf ynglŷn â'r trefniadau ymarferol y bydd eu hangen arnom ni er mwyn cael llyfr statud cydlynol ac ymarferol i Gymru, a hynny mewn ffordd sy'n diogelu swyddogaeth graffu y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol.
Llywydd, yn yr wythnosau i ddod byddwn yn gweld penllanw'r canlyniadau'r penderfyniad a wnaed yn refferendwm mis Mehefin 2016. Bydd yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn cael effaith barhaol ar ein ffyniant, ein diogelwch a'n dylanwad yn y byd yn y dyfodol. Rwyf yn ddiolchgar am y cyfle i roi hyn o ddiweddariad i aelodau, fel y mae ein tymor newydd ein hunain yn dechrau.
Can I thank the Cabinet Secretary for the advance copy of his statement that I received this afternoon? But I have to say I'm absolutely none the wiser as to why he's actually made it, because, of course, it has simply been a repetition of the kind of diatribe that we've been used to expecting in recent months, particularly as the election for the leadership of the Labour party moves forward and we get closer to December. I think it's worth reminding everybody in this Chamber, particularly those who are heckling from sedentary positions, that Wales voted to leave the EU and leave the EU is precisely what we must do.
Now, I heard lots of prophecies of doom and gloom from the Cabinet Secretary in his statement: prophecies of doom and gloom around driving licences—driving licences that we can use outside of the EU now without any problems whatsoever; prophecies about problems with baggage delays—well, frankly, we have no problem with baggage delays coming in from outside the EU or going to countries outside of the EU now, so why would there be in the future? Mobile phone surcharges. I know what people are trying to do—it's another round of project fear about this project that the British people and Welsh people specifically voted on at the time of the last referendum. And, of course, we all remember, don't we, the prophecies of doom and gloom about immediate, tragic and serious consequences in the aftermath of the vote that the people of Wales and the rest of the UK took previously—so-called experts telling us that we'd have a collapse of the economy overnight and that we would already be paying a serious price for Brexit, but we've seen absolutely none of it. In fact, the economy is continuing, of course, to grow.
I was very surprised that you made no reference whatsoever, Cabinet Secretary, to the Joint Ministerial Committee meeting that was held last week, which you participated in. If you're going to update—. If you're going to provide an update—[Interruption.] No, he didn't. No, he didn't. I can hear people saying you did. No, you didn't, frankly. So, I think that you ought to, if you're going to bring a statement forward, make sure that it's actually meaningful and that there are things that you're updating us on.
Now, as you know, the mood music in Brussels around the opportunities in terms of a deal have been changing significantly in recent weeks. We're moving closer to an opportunity where a deal is much more likely. Michel Barnier and many others are confirming that we are now close to a deal. You made no reference to that in any way, shape or form whatsoever. The EU, of course, has been talking up the opportunities to put in place technological solutions around the UK border between the UK and the EU, including between Northern Ireland and Ireland. They've been talking these opportunities up, so quite why you're having to rehearse the old arguments and trying to belt out your greatest hits of doom and gloom, I really do not know.
Now, we also know—we also know—that it's in the interests of the EU to do a deal with the United Kingdom. The International Monetary Fund has warned the EU that, unless they do a deal with us, 0.7 per cent of the EU workforce could be put at risk and that economic growth across the remaining EU states could be affected by up to 1.5 per cent, with, of course, Ireland being the hardest hit.
That's why, on these benches, we will continue to support the UK Prime Minister as she seeks to get the best possible deal for Britain through the pragmatic approach that she has taken in setting out her stall with the Chequers agreement. That's the one that she and her team are pursuing, and, frankly, it's about time you got on board and started playing team UK, rather than trying to cause problems and to frustrate the will of the Welsh people. It's only a deal like the Chequers agreement that will continue to allow us to trade with the EU in as frictionless a way as possible while still having the opportunity to do bilateral trade agreements.
So, can I ask you, amidst all your doom and gloom, what on earth are you doing to prepare for the opportunities that Brexit presents for Wales and the Welsh economy? Why is it that we've heard nothing about the preparations that you're making to change the procurement processes to support small and medium-sized firms, which currently can't get a look-in, very often, in terms of public procurement processes? Why is it that you aren't talking up the opportunities for Wales in terms of the potential new trade deals that might be done in other parts of the world outside of the EU?
Now, to be fair to the Welsh Government, I've seen that you've been ramping up the ability of the Welsh Government offices in different parts of the world to be able to engage in those trade discussions, and I think that that's a very positive thing. You didn't speak about it specifically in your statement, because you wanted to concentrate on doom and gloom and everything that might possibly go wrong. However, I would be grateful if you could tell us what's the size of that workforce at the moment. In what ways are they currently involved in discussions with the Department for International Trade?
Can you also tell us—? You've got this £50 million transition fund. I would be grateful to know where you're intending to spend the rest of that money. You've only announced a very small slither of it to date, and I would be interested to know, and I'm sure the people of Wales would be interested to know, where else you're going to spend that in order that we can maximise these opportunities. So, instead of the doom and gloom, why can't we have someone who's more optimistic about the future, particularly given that you're wanting to become First Minister of this nation in the future?
A gaf i ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am y copi ymlaen llaw o'i ddatganiad a gefais y prynhawn yma? Ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud nad wyf i fymryn callach ynghylch pam mae mewn gwirionedd wedi gwneud hynny, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, ni fu'n ddim ond ailadroddiad o'r math o ymosodiad yr ydym ni wedi dod i ddisgwyl ei glywed yn y misoedd diwethaf, yn enwedig wrth i'r etholiad am arweinyddiaeth Llafur fagu stêm ac inni ddynesu at fis Rhagfyr. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n werth atgoffa pawb yn y Siambr hon, yn enwedig y rhai sy'n gweiddi o'u seddi, fod Cymru wedi pleidleisio i adael yr UE a gadael yr UE yw'r union beth y mae'n rhaid i ni ei wneud.
Nawr, clywais lawer o ddarogan gwae gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn ei ddatganiad: darogan gwae ynghylch trwyddedau gyrru—trwyddedau gyrru y gallwn ni eu defnyddio y tu allan i'r UE bellach heb unrhyw broblemau o gwbl; darogan problemau am oedi gyda bagiau—wel, a dweud y gwir, nid oes gennym ni broblem o ran oedi gyda bagiau wrth gyrraedd Prydain o'r tu allan i'r UE, neu wrth fynd i wledydd y tu allan i'r UE yn awr, felly pam fyddai yn y dyfodol? Gordaliadau ffôn symudol. Rwy'n gwybod beth y mae pobl yn ceisio ei wneud—mae'n rownd arall o brosiect ofn ynghylch y prosiect hwn y pleidleisiodd pobl Prydain a phobl Cymru yn benodol yn ei gylch adeg y refferendwm diwethaf. Ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni i gyd yn cofio, onid ydym ni, y darogan gwae am ganlyniadau enbyd a difrifol uniongyrchol yn sgil pleidlais flaenorol pobl Cymru a gweddill y DU—yr arbenigwyr honedig yn dweud wrthym y byddai cwymp yn yr economi dros nos ac y byddem ni eisoes yn talu'r pris difrifol am Brexit, ond welsom ni mo'r argoel leiaf ohono. Yn wir, mae'r economi yn parhau, wrth gwrs, i dyfu.
Roeddwn yn synnu'n fawr na wnaethoch unrhyw gyfeiriad o gwbl, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, at gyfarfod Cydbwyllgor y Gweinidogion a gynhaliwyd yr wythnos diwethaf, ac yr oeddech chi'n rhan ohono. Os ydych chi'n mynd i ddiweddaru—. Os ydych chi'n mynd i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf—[torri ar draws.] Na, wnaeth e ddim. Na, wnaeth e ddim. Gallaf glywed pobl yn dweud y gwnaethoch chi. Na, wnaethoch chi ddim, a dweud y gwir. Felly, rwy'n credu y dylech chi, os ydych chi'n mynd i wneud datganiad, wneud yn siŵr ei fod yn ystyrlon ac y ceir pethau yr ydych chi'n ein diweddaru yn eu cylch.
Nawr, fel y gwyddoch chi, mae'r awyrgylch ym Mrwsel ynghylch y cyfleoedd o ran bargen wedi bod yn newid yn sylweddol yn yr wythnosau diwethaf. Rydym yn symud yn agosach at gyfle lle mae bargen yn llawer mwy tebygol. Mae Michel Barnier a llawer o rai eraill yn cadarnhau ein bod yn awr yn agos at daro bargen. Ni wnaethoch unrhyw gyfeiriad at hynny mewn unrhyw fodd o gwbl. Mae'r UE, wrth gwrs, wedi bod yn sôn am y cyfleoedd sydd yna i gael atebion technolegol o ran ffin y DU rhwng y DU a'r UE, gan gynnwys rhwng Gogledd Iwerddon ac Iwerddon. Maen nhw wedi bod yn sôn am y cyfleoedd hyn, felly pam yr ydych chi'n dal i fod yn ailadrodd yr hen ddadleuon a bloeddio eich proffwydoliaethau duaf, wn i ddim.
Nawr, rydym hefyd yn gwybod—rydym hefyd yn gwybod—ei bod hi er budd i'r UE daro bargen â'r Deyrnas Unedig. Mae'r Gronfa Ariannol Ryngwladol wedi rhybuddio yr UE, oni fyddant yn taro bargen gyda ni, y gellid rhoi 0.7 y cant o weithlu'r UE mewn perygl ac y gellid cael effaith o hyd at 1.5% ar dwf economaidd ar draws gwledydd eraill yr UE, gydag Iwerddon, wrth gwrs, yn cael ei tharo galetaf.
Dyna pam, ar y meinciau hyn, y byddwn yn parhau i gefnogi Prif Weinidog y DU wrth iddi geisio cael y fargen orau bosib i Brydain drwy'r dull pragmatig y mae hi wedi ei arddel gyda chytundeb Chequers. Dyna'r un y mae hi a'i thîm yn mynd ar ei drywydd, ac, a dweud y gwir, mae'n hen bryd ichi ddechrau cydweithio a chwarae yn nhîm y DU, yn hytrach na cheisio achosi problemau a rhwystro ewyllys pobl Cymru. Dim ond bargen fel cytundeb Chequers fydd yn parhau i'n galluogi i fasnachu gyda'r UE mor ddirwystr â phosib gan roi'r cyfle inni hefyd wneud cytundebau masnach dwyochrog.
Felly, a gaf i ofyn i chi, yng nghanol eich gofid a gwae, beth ar y ddaear yr ydych chi'n ei wneud i baratoi ar gyfer y cyfleoedd sydd gan Brexit i Gymru ac i economi Cymru? Pam nad ydym ni wedi clywed dim am y paratoadau yr ydych chi'n eu gwneud i newid y prosesau caffael i gefnogi busnesau bach a chanolig, nad ydyn nhw ar hyn o bryd, yn aml iawn, yn cael unrhyw gyfle o ran prosesau caffael cyhoeddus? Pam nad ydych chi'n manteisio ar y cyfleoedd i Gymru o ran y cytundebau masnach posib y mae modd eu llunio mewn rhannau eraill o'r byd y tu allan i'r UE?
Nawr, i fod yn deg â Llywodraeth Cymru, rwyf wedi gweld eich bod yn cynyddu gallu swyddfeydd Llywodraeth Cymru mewn gwahanol rannau o'r byd i gymryd rhan yn y trafodaethau masnach hynny, ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n beth cadarnhaol iawn. Wnaethoch chi ddim sôn am hynny yn benodol yn eich datganiad, oherwydd bod arnoch chi eisiau canolbwyntio ar anobaith a phopeth a allai fynd o'i le. Fodd bynnag, byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech chi ddweud wrthym ni beth yw maint y gweithlu hwnnw ar hyn o bryd. Sut y maen nhw ar hyn o bryd yn cymryd rhan mewn trafodaethau gyda'r Adran Fasnach Ryngwladol?
A allwch chi hefyd ddweud wrthym—? Mae gennych chi'r gronfa bontio hon o £50 miliwn. Byddwn yn ddiolchgar o gael gwybod lle rydych chi'n bwriadu gwario gweddill yr arian hwnnw. Dim ond cyfran fach iawn ohono a gyhoeddwyd gennych hyd yn hyn, a byddai gennyf ddiddordeb gwybod, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai gan bobl Cymru ddiddordeb gwybod, ble arall yr ydych chi'n mynd i'w wario fel y gallwn ni fanteisio i'r eithaf ar y cyfleoedd hyn. Felly, yn hytrach na gofid a gwae, pam na allwn ni gael rhywun sy'n fwy gobeithiol am y dyfodol, yn enwedig o ystyried bod arnoch chi eisiau bod yn Brif Weinidog y wlad hon yn y dyfodol?
Well, Llywydd, diolch yn fawr. The Member began by saying that he was no better informed about Brexit, and I think the rest of his contribution allowed us to see how true he was in how he opened. [Laughter.] It will come, I am sure, as good news to people in Wales that, when their driving licences don't work in the European Union, the Conservative Party doesn't mind, that, when they're left waiting, as they will be—. These are not my ideas, by the way; these are the documents published by your Government. That's what their documents last week said. They said, if there is no deal, your driving licence will not work. They said, if there is no deal, you will queue every time you cross a border in the European Union, where you do not queue today. They said that while now you are guaranteed to have no roaming charges, by legislation of the European Union you will not have that protection in the future. But we've heard this afternoon that that really will not matter.
The Member said that there had been no impact from Brexit on the UK economy so far. The UK economy is 2 per cent smaller, Llywydd, than it would have been had we not made the decision to leave the European Union. That costs every household in Wales £900. That's the impact already. It is nonsensical to say that the decision has been cost-free in economic terms, and, again, that is the advice that the UK Government publishes through the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Now, the Member said that I hadn't mentioned the JMC that took place last week. In fact, it dealt with exactly the three issues that were covered in my statement. We talked about the deal that the Prime Minister wishes to take as a result of Chequers and the barriers that exist to successful delivery of it, we talked about preparations for 'no deal', and we talked about the legislative impact of leaving the European Union on the House of Commons, on the Scottish Parliament, on the National Assembly for Wales, and how we can work together to try to mitigate that impact. I'm certain that the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be very grateful for the fraction of the Conservative Party's support that she enjoys here in the National Assembly. It will come as a welcome change to her, no doubt, from the difficulties she faces on her own benches.
The Member asked me a small number of questions at the end. On procurement, he will know that I announced a review of our procurement policies last year precisely in order to take account of the impact of Brexit. I issued a number of written statements on progress in that review over the summer period, and we will look to see where there may be some opportunities that we can take in Wales to realign our procurement policies in the post-Brexit world.
The Member asked me how many members of the European transition team we now have working in the UK Government—in the Welsh Government, rather. There are 30 members of staff currently employed on those matters. The First Minister referred to the nearly 200 additional members of staff we will need to take on to work on these things, particularly in the field of agriculture and environment.
In relation to the EU transition fund, we have made one tranche of allocations already. A second tranche of allocations will be made very shortly indeed. It will reflect the same broad pattern. There will be allocations that will directly support the rural economy, there will be allocations that will directly support preparation by businesses in Wales, we will find additional help for the higher education sector, and we will invest in the capacity of our third sector to be prepared for the impact of Brexit on the work that they do.
Wel, Llywydd, diolch yn fawr. Dechreuodd yr Aelod drwy ddweud nad oedd ddim callach am Brexit, ac rwy'n credu i weddill ei gyfraniad ddangos inni pa mor wir oedd ei eiriau agoriadol. [Chwerthin.] Bydd hi'n newyddion da, rwy'n siŵr, i bobl yng Nghymru, pan nad yw eu trwyddedau gyrru yn ddilys yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, nad oes ots gan y Blaid Geidwadol, pan fyddan nhw'n aros, fel y byddant—. Nid fy syniadau i yw'r rhain, gyda llaw; dyma'r dogfennau a gyhoeddwyd gan eich Llywodraeth chi. Dyna ddywedwyd yn eu dogfennau yr wythnos diwethaf. Roedden nhw'n dweud, os nad oes bargen, na fydd eich trwydded yrru yn ddilys. Roedden nhw'n dweud, os nad oes bargen, y bydd yn rhaid ichi sefyll mewn rhes bob tro yr ydych chi'n croesi ffin yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, lle nad ydych chi'n gorfod gwneud hynny heddiw. Roedden nhw'n dweud, er bod sicrwydd na chodir unrhyw daliadau trawsrwydweithio arnoch chi ar hyn o bryd, yn ôl deddfwriaeth yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ni fydd gennych chi'r amddiffyniad hwnnw yn y dyfodol. Ond rydym wedi clywed y prynhawn yma na fydd hynny mewn gwirionedd yn bwysig.
Dywedodd yr Aelod nad yw Brexit wedi cael unrhyw effaith ar economi y DU hyd yma. Mae economi y DU 2 y cant yn llai, Llywydd, nag y byddai wedi bod pe na fyddem wedi gwneud y penderfyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae hynny'n costio £900 i bob aelwyd yng Nghymru. Dyna'r effaith eisoes. Mae'n hurt dweud y bu'r penderfyniad yn ddi-gost yn economaidd, ac, unwaith eto, dyna'r cyngor y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei gyhoeddi drwy Ganghellor y Trysorlys.
Nawr, dywedodd yr Aelod na soniais i am Gydbwyllgor y Gweinidogion a gyfarfu yr wythnos diwethaf. I ddweud y gwir, roedd yn ymdrin â'r tri mater yn union a gwmpaswyd yn fy natganiad i. Buom yn siarad am y fargen y mae'r Prif Weinidog yn awyddus i gytuno arni o ganlyniad i gyfarfod Chequers a'r rhwystrau sy'n bodoli i gyflwyno hynny'n llwyddiannus. Buom yn sôn am y paratoadau ar gyfer 'dim bargen', a buom yn sôn am effaith ddeddfwriaethol gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ar Dŷ'r Cyffredin, ar Senedd yr Alban, Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, a sut y gallwn ni weithio gyda'n gilydd i geisio lliniaru'r effaith honno. Rwy'n sicr y bydd Prif Weinidog y Deyrnas Unedig yn ddiolchgar iawn am y mymryn o gefnogaeth y mae hi'n ei mwynhau gan y Blaid Geidwadol yma yn y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol. Pleser ar y mwyaf iddi, heb amheuaeth, o ystyried yr anawsterau y mae hi'n eu hwynebu ar ei meinciau ei hun.
Gofynnodd yr Aelod nifer fach o gwestiynau imi ar y diwedd. O ran caffael, bydd yn gwybod y cyhoeddais adolygiad o'n polisïau caffael y llynedd yn union er mwyn ystyried effaith Brexit. Rwyf wedi cyhoeddi nifer o ddatganiadau ysgrifenedig ynglŷn â chynnydd yn yr adolygiad hwnnw dros gyfnod yr haf, a byddwn yn edrych i weld ymhle y gall fod rhai cyfleoedd y mae modd inni achub arnyn nhw yng Nghymru i aildrefnu ein polisïau caffael ar gyfer byd ar ôl Brexit.
Gofynnodd yr Aelod imi faint o aelodau'r tîm pontio Ewropeaidd sydd gennym ni yn awr yn gweithio yn Llywodraeth y DU—yn Llywodraeth Cymru, yn hytrach. Caiff 30 aelod o staff eu cyflogi ar hyn o bryd i weithio ar y materion hynny. Cyfeiriodd Prif Weinidog Cymru at bron i 200 o aelodau ychwanegol o staff y bydd angen i ni eu cyflogi i weithio ar y pethau hyn, yn enwedig ym maes amaethyddiaeth a'r amgylchedd.
O ran cronfa bontio yr UE, rydym wedi gwneud un gyfran o ddyraniadau eisoes. Byddwn yn gwneud ail gyfran o ddyraniadau yn fuan iawn. Bydd hyn yn adlewyrchu'r un patrwm eang. Bydd dyraniadau a fydd o gymorth uniongyrchol i'r economi wledig, dyraniadau a fydd yn rhoi cefnogaeth uniongyrchol i fusnesau yng Nghymru baratoi, byddwn yn dod o hyd i gymorth ychwanegol ar gyfer y sector addysg uwch, a byddwn yn buddsoddi yng ngallu ein trydydd sector i baratoi ar gyfer effaith Brexit ar y gwaith y maen nhw yn ei wneud.
I thank the Cabinet Secretary for his statement today and for updating the Assembly, but, despite the flurry of apparent activity over the summer in relation to our separation from the EU, we are no closer to answers to fundamental questions—questions so fundamental that they range from the future of an international peace treaty to food security. What is becoming very clear, however, is that we are being held hostage by a bunch of ideological separatists in Westminster.
In terms of the specifics of his statement today, can the Cabinet Secretary clarify a few points—specifically the points he has made about the customs union or a customs union? He has stated in his statement that we should stay in—. Well, I believe he is saying that we should stay in the customs union. The text I have in front of me says that we should stay in a customs union. Is he able to clarify whether he wants to stay in the customs union or whether he wants to negotiate a new customs union?
That is linked to my second question, which is on the point he raises on the need for a UK general election in the event of the Prime Minister failing to get a deal on separation through the Westminster Parliament. Presumably, the Cabinet Secretary would want the outcome of that general election to be a majority Labour Government, but, if that is the outcome, then we will definitely be leaving the customs union and we will definitely be leaving the single market. So, I wonder if he can clarify why it is tactically in the interests of the people of Wales, and even the Welsh Government, for there to be a majority Labour Government taking us out of the customs union and the single market. How can he reconcile those apparently contradictory positions?
The other point I'd like to raise is the question—and I think this is something that is coming to a head; it will, certainly, in the coming weeks—of the border in Ireland. Given the impossibility—. Regardless of the utterances of the spokesperson for the Conservative group today, given the impossibility of having an open border on the island of Ireland as there is now if one part of Ireland is outside the customs union, is it not more likely that we will see therefore a hard border in the Irish sea, in which case, what mitigating steps—? Well, I say 'mitigating'; there are no mitigating steps there. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to avoid that outcome, that Northern Ireland—? The fallback position is that Northern Ireland will remain in the single market and customs union in order to maintain the Belfast agreement, and that means a hard border in the Irish sea, which would be a disaster for communities in Wales.
The other questions I'd like to ask relate to contingency planning on behalf of Welsh Government. I of course welcome the Brexit business portal—of course a Plaid Cymru policy and suggestion made quite soon after the referendum. Indeed, it's a great regret that the Brexit business portal couldn't have been introduced sooner, but I wonder—. I know he is going to formally announce and launch this soon, but can he tell us when he will be launching the Brexit business portal and how businesses will be able to engage in it? I think we would find it also very useful as Members of this Assembly if the Cabinet Secretary were in a position to publish, maybe in the Assembly Library, a comprehensive list of contingency plans that the Welsh Government is undertaking. He said in his statement that they have been enhanced during the summer period. I think a list, perhaps along the lines of the format of the UK Government publishing its papers in the event of a 'no deal'. We could have a similar system in Wales, where Welsh Government is publishing more detailed information on contingency planning, not just for no deal, but for a possible deal as well.
One aspect that I think is missing from the statement today is the question of contingency planning in the Welsh NHS. I have raised this on a couple of occasions because, of course, this is a very complicated situation, because we have drug control that is, of course, not devolved, but, of course, you can't run a national health service that is devolved without drugs and without treatments. I declare an interest as somebody who's currently benefiting from treatment on the national health service. And the treatment that I personally received through chemotherapy—I understand that those drugs at the moment come via Munich, are distributed across the European Union via Munich, and are sourced from around the world. Now, that's a very—. And this is something I would urge people to think seriously about. When people are flirting with the idea of no deal, a 'no deal' Brexit, that means no deal on cancer drugs that people in this country rely upon. This is not playing political games or political football—that's a serious issue. If we don't have a deal on the future of cancer drugs that make up the composition of chemotherapy, cancer patients in this country are going to suffer, and that is not something I think anybody in this Chamber wants. So, can I ask the Welsh Government what discussions are ongoing with the UK Government, who hold control over drug control, with Welsh Government, who are, of course, responsible for the Welsh NHS and for future drugs and treatments?
Finally, it would be amiss for a Plaid Cymru spokesperson not to raise constitutional matters, particularly when we have an opportunity to do so on the issue of separation from the European Union. I note, in his references to meetings of the JMC and the ministerial forum, that it continues to be the case—and we saw it yesterday in evidence given by the First Minister to the External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee—I think, that Wales is treated as little more than a consultee rather than as a partner nation in the so-called United Kingdom. We have seen in this whole process that the United Kingdom is constitutionally flawed. Some of us believe that it's been constitutionally flawed since 1707, but this process has certainly underlined that. With developments in other parts of the UK—the prospect of a united Ireland, the prospect of a second referendum on independence in Scotland—what contingency planning is the Welsh Government undertaking at the moment for the very real, I suggest, possibility of there not being a United Kingdom at all at the end of this process?
Diolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei ddatganiad heddiw ac am roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Cynulliad. Ond, er gwaethaf y bwrlwm o weithgarwch ymddangosiadol dros yr haf ynghylch ein hymwahaniad oddi wrth yr UE, nid ydym yn agosach at gael atebion i gwestiynau sylfaenol—cwestiynau mor sylfaenol fel eu bod yn amrywio o ddyfodol cytuniad heddwch rhyngwladol i ddiogelwch bwyd. Yr hyn sy'n dod yn glir iawn, fodd bynnag, yw ein bod yn cael ein dal yn wystl gan griw o ymwahanwyr ideolegol yn San Steffan.
O ran y manylion yn ei ddatganiad heddiw, a all Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet egluro ambell bwynt— yn benodol y sylwadau a wnaeth am yr undeb tollau neu undeb tollau? Mae wedi dweud yn ei ddatganiad y dylem ni aros yn—. Wel, rwy'n credu ei fod yn dweud y dylem ni aros yn yr undeb tollau. Mae'r testun sydd gennyf o'm blaen yn dweud y dylem ni aros mewn undeb tollau. A all egluro a yw'n dymuno aros yn yr undeb tollau neu a yw eisiau negodi undeb tollau newydd?
Mae hynny'n gysylltiedig â'r ail gwestiwn, sydd ynglŷn â'r sylw a wnaeth am yr angen am etholiad cyffredinol yn y DU os na all Prif Weinidog y DU gael Senedd San Steffan i gytuno ar fargen ymwahanu. Yn ôl pob tebyg, byddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet eisiau i ganlyniad yr etholiad cyffredinol hwnnw arwain at Lywodraeth Lafur fwyafrifol, ond, os nai hynny fydd y canlyniad, yna byddwn ni'n bendant yn gadael yr undeb tollau a byddwn ni'n bendant yn gadael y farchnad sengl. Felly, tybed a all egluro pam ei bod hi'n dactegol er budd pobl Cymru, a hyd yn oed Lywodraeth Cymru, i gael Llywodraeth Lafur fwyafrifol fydd yn ein tynnu allan o'r undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl. Sut y gall ef gysoni'r safbwyntiau ymddangosiadol anghyson hynny?
Y pwynt arall yr hoffwn ei godi yw'r cwestiwn—ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth sy'n dod i benllanw, rwy'n credu; bydd, yn sicr, yn gwneud hynny yn yr wythnosau nesaf—o'r ffin yn yr Iwerddon. O ystyried yr amhosibilrwydd—. Er gwaethaf sylwadau llefarydd grŵp y Ceidwadwyr heddiw, o ystyried ei bod yn amhosib cael ffin agored ar ynys Iwerddon fel yn awr os yw un rhan o'r Iwerddon y tu allan i'r undeb tollau, onid yw hi'n fwy tebygol y gwelwn ni felly ffin galed ym Môr Iwerddon, ac os felly, pa gamau lliniaru —? Wel, rwy'n dweud 'lliniaru'; nid oes camau lliniaru'n bodoli. Beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i osgoi'r canlyniad hwnnw, bod Gogledd Iwerddon —? Y sefyllfa wrth gefn yw y bydd Gogledd Iwerddon yn aros yn y farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau er mwyn cynnal cytundeb Belfast, ac mae hynny'n golygu ffin galed ym Môr Iwerddon, a fyddai'n drychineb i gymunedau yng Nghymru.
Mae'r cwestiynau eraill yr hoffwn i eu gofyn yn ymwneud â chynllunio wrth gefn ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru. Rwyf i, wrth gwrs, yn croesawu porth busnes Brexit—a oedd yn bolisi Plaid Cymru, wrth gwrs, ac yn awgrym a wnaed yn fuan iawn ar ôl y refferendwm. Yn wir, mae'n drueni mawr na ellid fod wedi cyflwyno'r porth busnes Brexit ynghynt, ond tybed—. Rwy'n gwybod y bydd yn cyhoeddi ac yn lansio hyn yn ffurfiol yn fuan, ond a all ddweud wrthym ni pryd y bydd ef yn lansio'r porth busnes Brexit a sut y gall busnesau fod yn rhan ohono? Rwy'n credu y byddai'n ddefnyddiol iawn hefyd i ni, aelodau'r Cynulliad hwn, pe gallai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet gyhoeddi, efallai yn Llyfrgell y Cynulliad, restr gynhwysfawr o gynlluniau wrth gefn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ymgymryd â nhw. Dywedodd yn ei ddatganiad eu bod wedi eu gwella yn ystod y cyfnod yr haf. Rwy'n credu y byddai rhestr yn beth da, efallai rhywbeth tebyg i ddull Llywodraeth y DU o gyhoeddi ei phapurau achos 'dim bargen'. Fe allem ni gael system debyg yng Nghymru, lle mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cyhoeddi gwybodaeth fanylach ar gynllunio wrth gefn, nid yn unig ar gyfer sefyllfa o ddim bargen, ond ar gyfer bargen bosib hefyd.
Un agwedd sydd ar goll o'r datganiad heddiw, yn fy marn i, yw'r cwestiwn o gynllunio wrth gefn yng Ngwasanaeth Iechyd Gwladol Cymru. Rwyf wedi sôn am hyn ar ddau achlysur oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae hon yn sefyllfa gymhleth iawn, ac wrth gwrs, nid yw rheolaeth dros gyffuriau wedi'i ddatganoli, ond, wrth gwrs, ni ellir rhedeg gwasanaeth iechyd gwladol sydd wedi'i ddatganoli heb gyffuriau a heb driniaethau. Rwy'n datgan buddiant fel rhywun sydd ar hyn o bryd yn elwa o driniaeth ar y Gwasanaeth Iechyd Gwladol. A'r driniaeth a gefais yn bersonol drwy gemotherapi—caf ar ddeall bod y cyffuriau hynny ar hyn o bryd yn dod drwy Munich, yn cael eu dosbarthu ar draws yr Undeb Ewropeaidd drwy Munich, ac yn deillio o bedwar ban byd. Nawr, mae hynny'n—. Ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth y byddwn yn annog pobl i'w ystyried o ddifrif. Pan fo pobl yn chwarae gyda'r syniad o ddim bargen, o Brexit 'ddim bargen', mae hynny'n golygu dim bargen o ran cyffuriau canser y mae pobl yn y wlad hon yn dibynnu arnynt. Nid chwarae gemau gwleidyddol neu bêl-droed wleidyddol mo hyn—mae hynny'n fater difrifol. Os nad oes gennym ni gytundeb ar ddyfodol y cyffuriau canser sy'n ffurfio'r cyfansoddiad cemotherapi, mae cleifion canser yn y wlad hon yn mynd i ddioddef, ac nid yw hynny'n rhywbeth yr wyf i'n credu bod unrhyw un yn y Siambr hon yn dymuno ei weld. Felly, a gaf i ofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru pa drafodaethau sy'n mynd rhagddynt gan Lywodraeth y DU, sydd â rheolaeth dros reoli cyffuriau, gyda Llywodraeth Cymru, sydd, wrth gwrs, yn gyfrifol am y GIG yng Nghymru ac am gyffuriau a thriniaethau'r dyfodol?
Yn olaf, byddai rhywbeth o'i le oni fyddai llefarydd Plaid Cymru yn codi materion cyfansoddiadol, yn enwedig pan mae cyfle i wneud hynny ynglŷn â'r mater o wahanu oddi wrth yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Sylwaf, yn ei gyfeiriadau at gyfarfodydd Cydbwyllgor y Gweinidogion a'r Fforwm Gweinidogol, ei bod hi'n dal i fod yn wir—a gwelsom hyn ddoe mewn tystiolaeth a roddwyd gan Brif Weinidog Cymru i'r Pwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol—rwy'n credu, y caiff Cymru ei thrin yn fwy tebyg i bartner ymgynghorol na chenedl bartner yn y Deyrnas Unedig honedig. Rydym ni wedi gweld yn yr holl broses hon fod diffyg cyfansoddiadol yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Mae rhai ohonom ni'n credu ei bod wedi bod yn ddiffygiol gyfansoddiadol ers 1707, ond mae'r broses hon yn sicr wedi amlygu hynny. Gyda datblygiadau mewn rhannau eraill o'r DU—y posibilrwydd o Iwerddon Unedig, y posibilrwydd o gynnal ail refferendwm ar annibyniaeth yn yr Alban—pa gynllunio wrth gefn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd ar gyfer y posibilrwydd gwirioneddol, rwy'n awgrymu, na fydd Teyrnas Unedig o gwbl ar ddiwedd y broses hon?
Llywydd, can I thank the Member for his questions and say how good it is to be having today's opportunity to pick up conversations held with him earlier in the year? He began with a reference that echoes something that the director of the CBI, Carolyn Fairbairn, said recently when she described those who advocate a hard Brexit as the triumph of ideology over evidence, and I think he made that point very well in the outset. I'm not going to quarrel with him today over the difference between a definite or an indefinite article. If the text said 'a', then that's what I ought to have read out, so he can assume that the written word is more reliable than my rapid reading in the Chamber this afternoon. In a general election, of course, I hope there will be a majority Labour Government, and that would bring with it a whole series of advantages for Wales, including a sane approach to Brexit, but going much further than that, of course.
Llywydd, a gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiynau a dweud pa mor braf yw cael y cyfle heddiw i barhau â'r sgyrsiau a gafwyd gydag ef yn gynharach yn y flwyddyn? Dechreuodd gyda chyfeiriad sy'n adleisio rhywbeth a ddywedodd Cyfarwyddwr Cydffederasiwn Diwydiant Prydain, Carolyn Fairbairn, yn ddiweddar pan ddisgrifiodd y rhai sydd o blaid Brexit caled fel buddugoliaeth ideoleg dros dystiolaeth, ac rwy'n credu iddo wneud y pwynt hwnnw yn dda iawn ar y dechrau. Nid wyf i'n mynd i anghytuno ag ef heddiw ynghylch y gwahaniaeth rhwng y fannod bendant neu amhendant. Os mai'r fannod amhendant sydd yn y testun, yna dyna'r hyn y dylwn fod wedi ei ddarllen, felly gall dybio bod y gair ysgrifenedig yn fwy dibynadwy na fy narlleniad cyflym i yn y Siambr y prynhawn yma. Mewn etholiad cyffredinol, wrth gwrs, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd Llywodraeth Lafur fwyafrifol, a byddai hynny yn dod â llwyth o fanteision i Gymru yn ei sgil, gan gynnwys ffordd gall o fynd i'r afael â Brexit, ond gan fynd ymhellach o lawer na hynny, wrth gwrs.
He makes a very important point on the Irish border. The Prime Minister herself said that it would be unthinkable for any Prime Minister to agree to a hard border in the Irish sea, and that is one of the things that she now has to deliver in finding a solution to the Irish border question. And from a Welsh perspective, while we say every time—and I'll say it again this afternoon—that nothing that we will say or do will ever be done in the knowledge that we are creating any difficulties for the very important ground that has been gained in Ireland in recent years, from a Welsh perspective, we are, nevertheless, entitled to point to the additional difficulties that we would face were the border to be down the Irish sea, because of the ports of Holyhead, Fishguard and Pembroke Dock and so on, and we make that point to the UK Government whenever we have a chance to do so.
The Member mentioned the Brexit portal and it was, indeed, part of the two-year budget agreement between the Welsh Government and Plaid Cymru. It has been taken forward by a sub-group of the council for economic development because we were very keen that the portal would provide for businesses the things that businesses themselves tell us that they are most in need of when it comes to information and advice. And the portal will indeed provide the most up-to-date information that we can and provide advice on a range of relevant business topics. It has been difficult to settle on the content of the portal because of the significant uncertainty about the final form of Brexit and the implications that that has for Wales, but we're imminently hoping to be able to publish it. I'll think about what the Member said about us putting it in the library—the supplementary advice that we have provided over and above the technical notices when there are Welsh specific issues at stake.
Of course, he made a series of very important points about what a 'no deal' would mean, not just in some theoretical sense, but in the absolute day-in-day-out services that people in Wales rely upon. I can assure him that my colleague the Cabinet Secretary for health is discussing these matters very, very regularly with the advisers that he has in the pharmaceutical field, with the local health boards that provide services on the ground and with the NHS Confederation in Wales in relation to staffing matters, and we take a very close, direct and detailed interest in the way that Brexit could impact on the Welsh NHS.
Briefly, in relation to constitutional matters, what we have to do, Llywydd, is we have to move on from a grace-and-favour approach to devolution, which too often characterises the attitude of Ministers in the UK Government, where they appear to regard devolution as something that they have been good enough to give to people in Wales and in Scotland, and that they could take away again at any point when they appear not to like what we do with the responsibilities that we have. We have to have, the other side of Brexit, a far more formal, a far more reliable and a far more impartial form of interaction between the constituent parts of the United Kingdom. Of course, I don't follow the Member down his path of the break-up of the United Kingdom—we think that a successful future for Wales is best secured through a successful future for the United Kingdom. But we will not have that successful future unless, the other side of Brexit, we are able to conduct business between the constituent parts of the United Kingdom in a way that is based on parity of participation and parity of esteem.
Mae'n gwneud pwynt pwysig iawn am ffin Iwerddon. Dywedodd Prif Weinidog y DU ei hun y byddai y tu hwnt i amgyffred unrhyw Brif Weinidog i gytuno i ffin galed ym Môr Iwerddon, a dyna un o'r pethau y mae angen iddi ei gyflawni wrth geisio datrys cwestiwn ffin Iwerddon. Ac o safbwynt Cymru, er ein bod yn dweud bob amser—ac fe ddywedaf hyn eto y prynhawn yma —na fyddwn ni byth yn gwneud nac yn dweud unrhyw beth yr ydym ni'n gwybod a fydd yn creu unrhyw anawsterau o ran y cynnydd pwysig iawn a wnaed yn yr Iwerddon yn ystod y blynyddoedd diweddar. Ond o safbwynt Cymru, mae gennym ni, serch hynny, yr hawl i gyfeirio at yr anawsterau ychwanegol y byddem ni yn eu hwynebu pe bai ffin ym Môr Iwerddon, oherwydd porthladdoedd Caergybi, Abergwaun a Doc Penfro ac ati, ac rydym ni'n sôn am hynny wrth Lywodraeth y DU pryd bynnag y bydd cyfle i wneud hynny.
Soniodd yr Aelod am y porth Brexit ac roedd hynny, yn wir, yn rhan o'r cytundeb cyllideb dwy flynedd rhwng Llywodraeth Cymru a Phlaid Cymru. Mae is-grŵp o Gyngor Datblygu'r Economi wedi bod yn gweithio ar hynny oherwydd roeddem ni'n awyddus iawn y byddai'r porth yn cynnig i fusnesau y pethau y mae busnesau eu hunain yn dweud wrthym ni sydd eu hangen arnynt o ran gwybodaeth a chyngor. A bydd y porth yn wir yn darparu'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf sydd ar gael inni ac yn rhoi cyngor ar amrywiaeth o bynciau busnes perthnasol. Bu'n anodd cytuno ar gynnwys y porth oherwydd yr ansicrwydd sylweddol ynghylch ffurf derfynol Brexit a goblygiadau hynny i Gymru, ond rydym ni'n gobeithio gallu ei gyhoeddi yn fuan. Meddyliaf am yr hyn a ddywedodd yr Aelod am ei roi yn y llyfrgell—y cyngor atodol a ddarparwyd gennym ni yn ychwanegol at yr hysbysiadau technegol pan fo materion penodol yn ymwneud â Chymru yn y fantol.
Wrth gwrs, fe wnaeth gyfres o sylwadau pwysig iawn ynghylch beth fyddai 'dim bargen' yn ei olygu, nid yn unig mewn ystyr damcaniaethol, ond yng nghyswllt y gwasanaethau beunyddiol absoliwt y mae pobl yng Nghymru yn dibynnu arnynt. Gallaf ei sicrhau bod fy nghyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd, yn trafod y materion hyn yn rheolaidd iawn, iawn gyda'r cynghorwyr sydd ganddo yn y maes fferyllol, gyda'r byrddau iechyd lleol sy'n darparu gwasanaethau ar lawr gwlad ac â Chydffederasiwn y GIG yng Nghymru o ran materion staffio, ac mae gennym ni ddiddordeb brwd, uniongyrchol a manwl iawn yn y ffordd y gallai Brexit effeithio ar y GIG yng Nghymru.
Yn fyr, o ran materion cyfansoddiadol, yr hyn sy'n rhaid inni ei wneud, Llywydd, yw symud ymlaen o'r syniad mai ffafr neu ewyllys da yw datganoli, sydd yn rhy aml yn nodweddu agwedd Gweinidogion yn Llywodraeth y DU, lle'r ymddengys eu bod yn ystyried datganoli yn rhywbeth y maen nhw wedi bod yn ddigon hael i'w roi i bobl yng Nghymru ac yn yr Alban, ac y gallent ei hawlio'n ôl ar unrhyw adeg pan ymddengys nad ydyn nhw'n hoffi'r hyn a wnawn ni gyda'r cyfrifoldebau sydd gennym. Ar ôl Brexit, mae'n rhaid inni gael dull llawer mwy ffurfiol, llawer mwy dibynadwy a llawer mwy diduedd o ryngweithio rhwng rhannau cyfansoddol y Deyrnas Unedig. Wrth gwrs, nid wyf yn cytuno â'r Aelod ynghylch ei sylwadau am chwalu'r Deyrnas Unedig—rydym ni'n credu mai'r ffordd orau i sicrhau dyfodol llwyddiannus i Gymru yw drwy sicrhau dyfodol llwyddiannus i'r Deyrnas Unedig. Ond welwn ni mo'r dyfodol llwyddiannus hwnnw oni allwn ni, ar ôl Brexit, ymwneud â rhannau cyfansoddol y Deyrnas Unedig mewn ffordd sy'n seiliedig ar gydraddoldeb cyfranogiad a pharch cydradd.
I welcome the statement from the Cabinet Secretary in some respects, and I can certainly agree with his evisceration of the Chequers agreement and its internal contradictions. It's quite clear that this is a political exercise not to seek the best outcome for the United Kingdom but to try to paper over the cracks of the warring factions within the Conservative Party, and the dog's breakfast that has emerged from this process in the Chequers agreement just shows what happens when you conduct a negotiation through people who don't really believe in what they're doing. The majority of Conservative MPs voted for remain, an even bigger majority of Members of the Cabinet were remainers. We have a collection of people who fundamentally don't really want to leave the EU, and the Chequers agreement is designed to achieve that particular objective. We will remain in the EU in all but name. So, I'm surprised, in many ways, that other parties aren't more cheerful about it, because it actually delivers for them what they want.
Steffan Lewis, in the course of his contribution this afternoon, talked about the country being held hostage, Wales being held hostage, by irreconcilable ideologues at Westminster. Actually, the people who are holding us all in the United Kingdom hostage in this process is the European Commission and their mouthpiece Monsieur Barnier. Nobody can promise an agreement because of course we can't control the reaction of the European Union to British proposals. So, the First Minister was quite wrong when he said earlier on that we all confidently promised a deal from the EU; I certainly didn't promise confidently any deal with the EU, knowing that actually we're speaking different languages in political terms. We've been talking the language of economics, the European Union negotiators were actually talking the language of politics. For them, the fundamental necessity is to maintain the political project of moving to greater unity politically, and that is one of the main reasons why I have always been opposed to Britain's membership of the EU. I do not want to be part of a federal superstate in the EU, and that is what the permanent bureaucracy of the European Union is determined to achieve. So, this negotiation was always doomed to fail if they had the upper hand, and the British Government's weakness in this regard has actually given them an even greater advantage than they enjoyed naturally.
The Cabinet Secretary very quickly lapsed from that analysis, in which I can agree with him, into his usual jeremiad. I always enjoy his classical illusions, although I wonder how many secondary school children today would understand who Scylla and Charybdis were. Sadly, I don't suppose they even know who the prophet Jeremiah was either. But if ever there's an updated version of the Book of Lamentations, I can think of nobody better to write it than the Cabinet Secretary himself. As Darren Millar pointed out in his contribution, the extravagant claims of project fear go beyond absurdity. The idea that we won't be able to use our passports or that aircraft will not be able to fly over European air space or land at European airports—and, of course, that the reverse would perhaps be true in those circumstances—I think is so ridiculous that we don't need to spend much time on that. I didn't regard it as a refutation of what Darren Millar said that it's in his own Government's documents, because the Government itself is actually part of project fear in this respect, because that helps them to achieve their political objectives as well.
We've heard from Monsieur Barnier himself in the last 48 hours that a solution to the Northern Irish problem is easily available. He doesn't say so directly, but what he did say just two days ago in relation to solving the problem of east-west trade from Ireland, which is equally applicable to north-south trading, is that whether technology could help east-west trade is a different question from north-south. His aim is to make checks as simple and dedramatised as possible, but that's a matter for the negotiating teams. Of course, he heads the negotiating teams, so he is actually working towards a solution that can easily be found. There's no reason to think that that wouldn't be available for north-south trade as well. After all, only about 1 per cent of Irish trade is conducted north-south, and there are well established mechanisms in other jurisdictions throughout the world that could make that as undramatic as possible—automatic customs clearing, electronic border checks and occasional physical checks away from the border areas. So, if there's a will there's a way, and that can easily be achieved. Ireland is actually being used a bargaining chip by the EU, as a means not only of undermining our negotiating position in this Brexit negotiation but also as a means of trying to break up the United Kingdom and, in particular, to create political unity in Ireland, which would, clearly, be a disastrous effect of the Brexit process. But, they're the ones playing with fire, not us. My solution to that would be to say, 'If you want border checks on the Irish border, you put them up'. Let's put the ball back into their court, and let's see what happens then. We could unilaterally decide to have no border and let them cope with the consequences.
Rwy'n croesawu datganiad Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet i ryw raddau, ac rwy'n sicr yn cytuno â'i ddadansoddiad o gytundeb Chequers a'i wrthddywediadau mewnol. Mae'n eithaf clir mai ymarfer gwleidyddol yw hwn nid i gael y canlyniad gorau i'r Deyrnas Unedig, ond i geisio papuro dros graciau y carfannau cwerylgar o fewn y Blaid Geidwadol, ac mae'r llanast sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg o'r broses hon yng nghytundeb Chequers yn dangos beth sy'n digwydd pan rydych chi'n cynnal trafodaethau drwy gyfrwng pobl sydd ddim wir yn credu yn yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud. Pleidleisiodd y mwyafrif o Aelodau Seneddol Ceidwadol i aros, roedd hyd yn oed mwy o fwyafrif o aelodau'r Cabinet eisiau aros. Mae gennym ni gasgliad o bobl nad ydyn nhw yn y bôn eisiau gadael yr UE mewn gwirionedd, a bwriad cytundeb Chequers yw cyflawni'r amcan penodol hwnnw. Byddwn yn aros yn yr UE ym mhopeth, oni bai am mewn enw. Felly, rwy'n synnu, mewn llawer ffordd, nad yw pleidiau eraill yn fwy siriol yn ei gylch, oherwydd mae mewn gwirionedd yn cyflawni'r hyn yr oeddent yn ei ddymuno.
Soniodd Steffan Lewis, yn ystod ei gyfraniad y prynhawn yma, am y wlad yn cael ei dal yn wystl, Cymru'n cael ei dal yn wystl, gan ideolegwyr digyfaddawd yn San Steffan. Mewn gwirionedd, y bobl sy'n dal pob un ohonom ni yn y Deyrnas Unedig yn wystlon yn y broses hon yw'r Comisiwn Ewropeaidd a'i lefarydd, Monsieur Barnier. Ni all neb addo cytundeb oherwydd wrth gwrs allwn ni ddim rheoli ymateb yr Undeb Ewropeaidd i gynigion Prydain. Felly, roedd Prif Weinidog Cymru yn anghywir pan ddywedodd yn gynharach wrthym fod bargen wedi ei haddo yn ffyddiog inni gan yr UE; yn sicr wnes i ddim addo unrhyw fargen yn ffyddiog gyda'r UE, gan wybod ein bod mewn gwirionedd yn siarad ieithoedd gwahanol yn wleidyddol. Rydym ni wedi bod yn siarad iaith economeg, roedd negodwyr yr Undeb Ewropeaidd mewn gwirionedd yn siarad iaith gwleidyddiaeth. Iddyn nhw, yr angen sylfaenol yw cynnal y prosiect gwleidyddol o geisio mwy o undod gwleidyddol, a dyna un o'r prif resymau pam yr wyf i wastad wedi gwrthwynebu aelodaeth Prydain o'r UE. Does arnaf i ddim eisiau bod yn rhan o archwladwriaeth ffederal yn yr UE, a dyna beth mae biwrocratiaeth barhaol yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn benderfynol o'i gyflawni. Felly, roedd y drafodaeth hon wastad wedi ei thynghedu i fethu os oedd ganddyn nhw fantais drosom ni, ac yn hyn o beth mae gwendid Llywodraeth Prydain mewn gwirionedd wedi rhoi iddyn nhw hyd yn oed mwy o fantais nag oedd ganddyn nhw yn naturiol.
Llithrodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn gyflym iawn o'r dadansoddiad hwnnw, y gallaf gytuno ag ef yn ei gylch, i'w alarnad Jerimeiaidd arferol. Rwyf wastad yn mwynhau ei gyfeiriadau clasurol, er ys gwn i faint o blant ysgol uwchradd heddiw fyddai deall pwy oedd Scylla a Charybdis. Yn anffodus, ni wyddant mae'n debyg hyd yn oed pwy oedd y Proffwyd Jeremiah chwaith. Ond os cyhoeddir fyth fersiwn wedi'i ddiweddaru o Lyfr y Galarnadau, ni allaf feddwl am neb gwell i'w ysgrifennu nag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ei hun. Fel y nododd Darren Millar yn ei gyfraniad, mae honiadau eithafol prosiect ofn yn gwbl hurt. Rwy'n credu bod y syniad na fyddwn ni'n gallu defnyddio ein pasbortau neu na fydd awyrennau yn gallu hedfan dros ofod awyr Ewropeaidd neu dir mewn meysydd awyr Ewropeaidd—ac, wrth gwrs, y byddai efallai y gwrthwyneb yn wir mewn rhai amgylchiadau—mor chwerthinllyd nad oes angen treulio llawer o amser ar hynny. Nid wyf o'r farn fod hynny'n gwrthbrofi'r hyn a ddywedodd Darren Millar sydd yn nogfennau ei Lywodraeth ei hun, oherwydd mae'r Llywodraeth ei hun yn rhan o'r prosiect ofn yn hyn o beth, oherwydd mae hynny'n eu helpu i gyflawni eu hamcanion gwleidyddol hefyd.
Clywsom gan Monsieur Barnier ei hun yn y 48 awr diwethaf bod ateb rhwydd i broblem Gogledd Iwerddon. Nid yw'n dweud hynny uniongyrchol, ond beth ddywedodd ddau ddiwrnod yn ôl o ran datrys y broblem o fasnach dwyrain-gorllewin o'r Iwerddon, sydd yr un mor berthnasol i fasnachu rhwng y gogledd a'r de, yw, a allai technoleg helpu masnach Dwyrain-Gorllewin, ac a yw hynny'n gwestiwn gwahanol i fasnachu rhwng y Gogledd a'r De. Ei nod yw gwneud gwiriadau mor syml a rhwydd ag y bo modd, ond mae hynny'n fater ar gyfer y timau negodi. Wrth gwrs, ef sy'n arwain y timau negodi, felly mae mewn gwirionedd yn gweithio tuag at ateb rhwydd. Nid oes unrhyw reswm i feddwl na fyddai hynny ar gael ar gyfer masnach rhwng y gogledd a'r de yn ogystal. Wedi'r cyfan, dim ond tua 1 y cant o fasnach Iwerddon sy'n digwydd rhwng y gogledd a'r de, a cheir mecanweithiau sefydledig mewn awdurdodaethau eraill ledled y byd a allai wneud hynny mor rhwydd ag y bo modd—tollau clirio awtomatig, gwiriadau ffin electronig a gwiriadau ffisegol achlysurol ymhellach draw o'r ardaloedd ffiniol. Felly, dyfal donc yw hi, a gellir cyflawni hynny'n rhwydd. Mae Iwerddon mewn gwirionedd yn cael ei defnyddio fel teclyn bargeinio gan yr UE, fel modd i nid yn unig danseilio ein sefyllfa negodi yn y trafodaethau Brexit hyn, ond hefyd fel ffordd o geisio chwalu'r Deyrnas Unedig ac, yn benodol, i greu undod gwleidyddol yn Iwerddon, a fyddai, yn amlwg, yn effaith drychinebus allai ddeillio o'r broses Brexit. Ond, nhw yw'r rhai sy'n chwarae â thân, nid ni. Fy ateb i i hynny fyddai dweud, 'Os ydych chi eisiau gwiriadau ar ffin Iwerddon, yna rhowch chi nhw ar waith'. Gadewch inni daflu'r bêl yn ôl iddyn nhw, a gadewch i ni weld beth fydd yn digwydd wedyn. Fe allem ni benderfynu ein hunain i beidio â chael ffin a gadael iddyn nhw ymdopi â'r canlyniadau.
The Cabinet Secretary, in the course of his statement, said that he couldn't see any advantages from a 'no deal' Brexit. It's inevitable that there would be costs of a 'no deal' Brexit—nobody's ever denied that there would be transitional costs of leaving the EU, in the same way as there were significant transitional costs of joining it in the first place. But the protectionist policies of the EU bear down most heavily upon those at the lower end of the income scale in this country, from a protectionist agricultural policy where tariffs are as high as 50 per cent on the one hand, to taxes on footwear and clothing, and even, through the VAT code, on things like sanitary products and many others that we've frequently referred to in the course of this debate. We will have the freedom, once we're out of the EU, to make our decisions for ourselves in all of these areas, and to get rid of the regressive elements in the trade and tax codes that the EU has forced upon us. I've no fear of the trade consequences of leaving the EU for the longer term.
He referred, as the First Minister did earlier on today—[Interruption.] I've asked several questions up until now and I'll ask a few more as well in the short time that remains to me. It's the EU that will be fundamentally the loser from cutting off trade flows or restricting trade flows, because we have a massive trade deficit with them. Eighty-eight per cent of the cars that are registered in Britain every year actually originate from the EU. We have a trade deficit in cars amounting to millions with Germany alone. Admittedly, there will be problems for certain agricultural sectors if there is no deal, particularly, as we know, for lamb producers, but the sums of money involved here in global terms are small, and can easily be dealt with by a Government that has the will to put in place a system that protects the interests of those who would be disadvantaged. After all, the figures are that we import from abroad £0.4 billion worth of lamb, and we export £0.3 billion, so there was a deficit on imports of lamb. There's massive opportunity for import substitution for British farmers generally if the EU is so stupid as to try to force us into a position where there is no deal, to which they are actually legally committed to find a way to achieve through the Lisbon treaty itself. So, they would be breaking their own laws if they were to carry on the road that they are on.
So, what I ask the Cabinet Secretary to do, with no confidence whatsoever that he'll take my advice, is to become a bit more cheerful and optimistic about the future. Whatever the short-term costs, the long-term gains in democracy for the British people are what this is all about. Why should we want to outsource the making of our laws to a collection of international technocrats who not only do we not elect and cannot dismiss, but we can't even name? This is the very reverse, I think, of what the Labour Party was set up to achieve—to use the forces of parliamentary democracy to benefit working people in this country. The idea that the sort of people who are in international business organisations, like Carolyn Fairbairn, representing the Confederation of British Industry, a body that has been absolutely wrong on every major issue economically in my lifetime, from incomes policy to the European monetary system—the idea that their advice is worth taking seems to me to be bizarre for a Corbynite. Perhaps these contradictions will be explained in another forum.
So, the last question I want to ask the Cabinet Secretary relates to the possibility of a second referendum, because it's quite clear now that the direction that the Labour Party is going in is actually to have a second referendum. Because, whatever deal is done, or if no deal is done, they hope that the British people will take a different decision next time from the one that they took last time. But how many times do we have to have a vote on this issue? They spent 40 years denying us one—since 1975. If we have a second referendum, the British people must be forced to keep on voting until they provide the Labour Party with the result that they want. If we have a second referendum, why not a third, why not a fourth, why don't we make it an annual event like Christmas, because then we will have something to look forward to as politicians every year, something to keep us all in business? So, where does it end? That's what I ask. The British people decided, including the Welsh people, by a majority—they rejected the policies of Plaid Cymru, they rejected the policies of the Labour Party, in the referendum in May 2016. And, therefore, will the Cabinet Secretary not take the votes of the Welsh people, and the British people, at face value, and give them what they want, which is freedom from the EU?
Dywedodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn ystod ei ddatganiad na allai weld unrhyw fanteision o Brexit 'dim bargen'. Mae'n anochel y byddai costau ynghlwm â Brexit 'dim bargen'—nid oes neb erioed wedi gwadu y byddai costau trosiannol i adael yr UE, yn yr un modd ag yr oedd costau trosiannol sylweddol o ymuno yn y lle cyntaf. Ond mae polisïau diffyndollol yr UE yn pwyso drymaf ar y rhai sydd ar ben isaf y raddfa incwm yn y wlad hon, o bolisi amaethyddol diffyndollol ble mae tariffau mor uchel â 50 y cant ar y naill law, i drethi ar esgidiau a dillad, a hyd yn oed, drwy'r Cod TAW, ar bethau fel cynnyrch glanweithdra a llawer o gynhyrchion eraill yr ydym ni wedi cyfeirio atyn nhw yn ystod y ddadl hon. Bydd gennym ni'r rhyddid, pan rydym ni wedi ymadael â'r UE, i wneud ein penderfyniadau ein hunain ym mhob un o'r meysydd hyn, ac i gael gwared ar yr elfennau atchweliadol yn y codau treth a masnach y mae'r UE wedi eu gorfodi arnom ni. Does arnaf i ddim ofn y goblygiadau masnach wrth adael yr UE ar gyfer y tymor hwy.
Cyfeiriodd, fel y gwnaeth y Prif Weinidog yn gynharach heddiw—[torri ar draws.] Rwyf wedi gofyn nifer o gwestiynau hyd yn hyn a byddaf yn gofyn ychydig mwy hefyd yn yr amser byr sydd gennyf yn weddill. Yr UE fydd yn sylfaenol ar ei cholled wrth dorri llifau masnach neu gyfyngu ar lifau masnach, oherwydd mae gennym ni ddiffyg masnach enfawr â nhw. Mae wyth deg wyth y cant o geir sydd wedi'u cofrestru ym Mhrydain bob blwyddyn mewn gwirionedd yn tarddu o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae gennym ni ddiffyg masnach mewn ceir gwerth miliynau â'r Almaen yn unig. Mae'n rhaid cyfaddef, bydd problemau i rai sectorau amaethyddol os nad oes bargen, yn enwedig, fel y gwyddom ni, ar gyfer cynhyrchwyr cig oen, ond mae'r symiau o arian dan sylw yma mewn termau byd-eang yn fach, ac fe allai Llywodraeth sydd â'r ewyllys i weithredu system sy'n amddiffyn buddiannau'r rhai a fyddai o dan anfantais ymdrin â nhw yn hawdd. Wedi'r cyfan, dengys ffigurau ein bod yn mewnforio £0.4 biliwn o gig oen o dramor, ac yn allforio £0.3 biliwn, felly roedd diffyg ar fewnforion cig oen. Mae cyfle enfawr o ran amnewid mewnforion ar gyfer ffermwyr Prydain yn gyffredinol os yw'r UE yn ddigon hurt i geisio ein gorfodi i sefyllfa lle nad oes bargen, y maen nhw mewn gwirionedd wedi ymrwymo'n gyfreithiol i geisio ei gyflawni drwy Gytuniad Lisbon. Felly, bydden nhw'n torri eu deddfau eu hunain pe baen nhw'n parhau i ymddwyn fel y maen nhw.
Felly, yr hyn rwy'n ei ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ei wneud, heb unrhyw ffydd o gwbl y bydd yn derbyn fy nghyngor, yw bod ychydig yn fwy siriol a gobeithiol am y dyfodol. Beth bynnag yw'r costau tymor byr, yr enillion tymor hir mewn democratiaeth i bobl Prydain yw hanfod hyn i gyd. Pam y byddai arnom ni eisiau allanoli ein cyfreithiau i griw o dechnocratiaid rhyngwladol nad ydym yn eu hethol ac na allwn ni gael gwared arnyn nhw, ond na allwn ni hyd yn oed eu henwi ychwaith? Dyma'r gwrthwyneb yn llwyr, rwy'n credu, i'r hyn y sefydlwyd y Blaid Lafur i'w gyflawni—i ddefnyddio grymoedd democratiaeth seneddol er budd dosbarth gweithiol y wlad hon. Mae'r syniad bod y math o bobl sydd mewn sefydliadau busnes rhyngwladol, fel Carolyn Fairbairn, sy'n cynrychioli Cydffederasiwn Diwydiant Prydain, corff sydd wedi bod yn hollol anghywir ar bob mater economaidd o bwys yn ystod fy oes i, o incwm polisi i system ariannol Ewrop—mae'r syniad bod eu cyngor yn werth gwrando arno yn ymddangos i mi yn rhyfedd i un o gefnogwyr Corbyn. Efallai y caiff y gwrthgyferbyniadau hynny eu hesbonio mewn fforwm arall.
Felly, mae'r cwestiwn olaf yr hoffwn i ei ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn ymwneud â'r posibilrwydd o gynnal ail refferendwm, oherwydd mae'n eithaf clir bellach mai'r cyfeiriad y mae'r Blaid Lafur yn troedio tuag ato mewn gwirionedd yw cael ail refferendwm. Oherwydd, beth bynnag yw'r fargen a gaiff ei tharo, neu os na cheir unrhyw fargen, maen nhw'n gobeithio y bydd pobl Prydain yn gwneud penderfyniad gwahanol y tro nesaf i'r un a wnaethant y tro diwethaf. Ond sawl gwaith y mae'n rhaid inni gael pleidlais ar y mater hwn? Maen nhw wedi treulio 40 mlynedd yn gwarafun un inni—ers 1975. Os cawn ni ail refferendwm, rhaid gorfodi pobl Prydain i barhau i bleidleisio hyd nes y caiff y Blaid Lafur y canlyniad y maen nhw'n ei ddymuno. Os ydym ni'n cael ail refferendwm, pam ddim trydydd, pam ddim pedwerydd, pam ddim ei wneud yn ddigwyddiad blynyddol fel y Nadolig, oherwydd yna bydd gennym ni rywbeth i edrych ymlaen ato fel gwleidyddion bob blwyddyn, rhywbeth i'n cadw i gyd mewn gwaith? Felly, lle y daw hyn i gyd i ben? Dyna rwy'n ei ofyn. Penderfynodd pobl Prydain, gan gynnwys pobl Cymru, â mwyafrif—fe wnaethon nhw wrthod polisïau Plaid Cymru, fe wnaethon nhw wrthod polisïau'r Blaid Lafur, yn y refferendwm ym mis Mai 2016. Ac, felly, a wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dderbyn pleidleisiau pobl Cymru a phobl Prydain am yr hyn ydyn nhw yn eu hanfod a rhoi iddyn nhw yr hyn y mae arnyn nhw ei eisiau, sef rhyddid oddi wrth yr UE?
Well, Llywydd, I think I heard two questions in that. The first question was: why don't I cheer up? And I hope I set out for you all the reasons why a sensible person will not be approaching this autumn in a spirit of empty optimism.
The second question was about a second referendum. I've said plainly that my own belief is that, if you have a deadlocked House of Commons, you need a new House of Commons, through a general election. As I understand it, to talk of a second referendum is not about reversing the first referendum, although I think we can speculate—and it would not be unfair of us to speculate—that, had the Member found himself on the losing side of the last referendum, by a very narrow majority, he would not be sitting there, saying, 'Oh, well, the British people have spoken, I will never ask that question again.' But, of course, it's apparently impossible for people on the other side to ask the same question again. The question of a second referendum is not on whether to leave the European Union—it's whether the terms of the deal negotiated are satisfactory to people. I think that's a different question, and I think it's not improper for people to think that that is the right way to ask people, as to whether or not, having decided to leave the European Union—is this what you thought it would mean and is this what you thought you were voting for? That's not an unfair question to ask people. If I buy a vacuum cleaner in a shop today, I have 28 days to take it back to the shop if it doesn't do the job that I thought it was going to do when I bought it. And if I can do that for a vacuum cleaner, then asking people, 'Having made the decision to leave the European Union, is this particular deal what you think you were voting for?'—I don't think it's right simply just to dismiss that.
In amongst everything else, Llywydd, I think you hear two or three of the emerging narratives of those people who tried to persuade people in the United Kingdom to leave the European Union. When it all goes as badly wrong as some of us fear that it might, the accusations will be of betrayal at home and intransigence abroad. Everything would have been fine if it wasn't for the fact that those people in charge of it—David Davis, Boris Johnson, those well-known people, determined to stay in the European Union—. If it hadn't been for them, everything would have been fine. And if it isn't for them, it's all the fault of foreigners. We heard that emerging clear as you like this afternoon. Then we hear, on the one hand, of course it will be fine anyway. Apparently, driving licences will work, although we're told they won't if we have a no-Brexit. I wonder if the Member had spotted today, in his talk of German car manufacturers, that BMW has said that it will shut its main British manufacturing factory for several weeks immediately after 29 March next year. It's a decision they've already taken, because they fear that the channel tunnel will be blocked for two weeks—that they will not be able to move parts from one part of the European Union to another. Far from German car manufacturers being in favour of new free trade deals with the United Kingdom, they are taking steps now to deal with the consequences of the course of action that he and his party have advocated.
And then we hear, if it's not going to be fine straight away, then don't worry—in the longer run, it will all be fine. Well, I wonder whether people who heard messages during the referendum campaign, and saw busses going up and down their streets with large sums of money advertised on the side of them, realised that this wasn't going to happen as a result of leaving the European Union—it was as a result of of some long-distant future when a period of immiseration had been survived and everything would be fine for those who were left. Really, it doesn't stack up. The Member knows it doesn't stack up, but he makes his normal attempt to persuade us of it this afternoon.
Wel, Llywydd, rwy'n credu y clywais ddau gwestiwn yn y fan yna. Y cwestiwn cyntaf oedd: pam na allaf i fod yn fwy siriol? Ac rwy'n gobeithio imi egluro'r holl resymau pam na fyddai person synhwyrol yn dynesu at yr hydref hwn mewn ysbryd o obaith gwag.
Roedd yr ail gwestiwn am ail refferendwm. Rwyf wedi dweud yn glir mai fy nghred fy hun yw, os yw Tŷ'r Cyffredin yn analluog i gydweld, mae angen Tŷ Cyffredin newydd, drwy etholiad cyffredinol. Fel rwy'n deall pethau, nid yw sôn am ail refferendwm yn golygu gwrthdroi'r refferendwm cyntaf, er y credaf y gallem ni ddyfalu—ac ni fyddai'n annheg inni ddyfalu—pe canfu'r Aelod ei hun ar yr ochr a gollodd y refferendwm diwethaf, o fwyafrif bach iawn, na fyddai yn eistedd yn y fan yna yn dweud, 'O, wel, mae pobl Prydain wedi lleisio eu barn, wnaf i fyth ofyn y cwestiwn yna eto.' Ond, wrth gwrs, ymddengys ei bod hi'n amhosib i bobl ar yr ochr arall ofyn yr un cwestiwn eto. Nid yw'r cwestiwn o ail refferendwm ynglŷn ag a ddylid gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd—mae ynglŷn ag a yw telerau'r fargen a negodwyd yn foddhaol i'r bobl. Rwy'n credu fod hynny'n gwestiwn gwahanol, ac nid wyf i'n credu ei bod hi'n amhriodol i bobl feddwl mai dyna'r ffordd gywir i ofyn i bobl, pa un ai ynteu peidio, ar ôl penderfynu gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd—ai dyma'r hyn yr oeddech chi'n credu y byddai hynny yn ei olygu ac ai dyma'r hyn yr oeddech chi'n credu eich bod yn pleidleisio drosto? Nid yw hynny'n gwestiwn annheg i ofyn i bobl. Os wyf yn prynu sugnydd llwch mewn siop heddiw, mae gennyf 28 diwrnod i'w ddychwelyd i'r siop os nad yw'n gwneud y gwaith y credais y byddai'n ei wneud pan brynais ef. Ac os gallaf wneud hynny gyda sugnydd llwch, yna mae gofyn i bobl, 'wedi gwneud y penderfyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ai'r fargen benodol hon yw'r hyn yr oeddech chi'n credu yr oeddech chi'n pleidleisio o'i blaid?'—Nid wyf i'n credu ei bod hi'n briodol i ddiystyru hynny.
Ymhlith popeth arall, Llywydd, rwy'n credu y clywch chi'r bobl hynny sy'n ceisio argyhoeddi pobl yn y Deyrnas Unedig i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn sôn am ddau neu dri pheth. Pan fydd pethau'n mynd o chwith cymaint ag y mae rhai ohonom ni yn ofni y gallai, cawn gyhuddiadau o frad gartref ac anhyblygrwydd dramor. Byddai popeth wedi bod yn iawn oni bai am y ffaith bod y bobl hynny sy'n gyfrifol amdano—David Davis, Boris Johnson, y bobl adnabyddus hynny, oedd yn benderfynol o aros yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd—. Oni bai amdanyn nhw, byddai popeth wedi bod yn iawn. Ac os nad yw pethau'n iawn iddyn nhw, mae'r holl fai ar y tramorwyr. Clywsom hynny'n dod i'r amlwg yn glir iawn y prynhawn yma. Yna rydym ni'n clywed, ar y naill law, wrth gwrs, bydd popeth yn iawn beth bynnag. Mae'n debyg, bydd modd defnyddio trwyddedau gyrru, er y dywedir wrthym ni na fydd modd gwneud hynny os na chawn ni gytundeb ynglŷn â Brexit. Tybed a sylwodd yr Aelod heddiw, wrth sôn am wneuthurwyr ceir yr Almaen, bod BMW wedi dweud y byddan nhw'n cau eu prif ffatri gweithgynhyrchu ym Mhrydain am sawl wythnos yn union ar ôl 29 Mawrth y flwyddyn nesaf. Mae'n benderfyniad y maen nhw wedi ei wneud eisoes, oherwydd maen nhw'n ofni y bydd tagfeydd yn nhwnnel y Sianel am bythefnos—na fyddan nhw'n gallu symud rhannau o un rhan o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd i un arall. Yn hytrach na bod gwneuthurwyr ceir yr Almaen o blaid cytundebau masnach rydd newydd gyda'r Deyrnas Unedig, maen nhw wrthi ar hyn o bryd yn ymdopi â chanlyniadau'r camau gweithredu a argymhellodd ef a'i blaid.
Ac yna rydym ni'n clywed, peidiwch â phoeni os na fydd popeth yn dda ar unwaith—yn y pen draw, bydd popeth yn iawn. Wel, tybed a sylweddolodd pobl a glywodd negeseuon yn ystod ymgyrch y refferendwm, ac a welodd fysiau a mynd i fyny ac i lawr eu strydoedd â symiau mawr o arian wedi eu hysbysebu ar eu hochrau, nad oedd hyn yn mynd i ddigwydd o ganlyniad i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd—roedd yn ganlyniad rhyw ddyfodol pell ar ôl goroesi cyfnod o ddigalondid ac y byddai popeth yn iawn i'r rhai a oedd yn weddill. I ddweud y gwir, nid yw hynny'n dal dŵr. Mae'r Aelod yn gwybod nad yw hynny'n dal dŵr, ond mae'n gwneud ei ymgais arferol i'n hargyhoeddi ni o hynny y prynhawn yma.
Cabinet Secretary, you'll have heard Frances O'Grady, general secretary of the Wales TUC, recently. She said:
'I warned the prime minister that if her deal doesn’t protect jobs, rights at work and peace in Northern Ireland, the TUC will throw our weight behind the call for a vote on the terms of Brexit. We’re all trade unionists—when we do a deal, we go back to the members to get their approval. So whether it’s through a general election or a popular vote, Mrs May must put her Brexit deal back to the people so they can decide whether it’s good enough.'
Now, it seems to me, Cabinet Secretary, that is something that sounds and is very reasonable. I wonder whether you agree with that.
In terms of your statement, one further point is this: we've been hearing a lot about shared prosperity before the summer. There doesn't seem to be any talk of shared prosperity in the various discussions that have taken place. Now, we know that the Tories, when they talk about shared prosperity—the only prosperity they've ever shared is prosperity amongst themselves and those who support them. But I wonder, is there any prospect of any shared prosperity whatsoever heading its way towards Wales, as was promised before the referendum?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, byddwch chi wedi clywed Frances O'Grady, Ysgrifennydd Cyffredinol TUC Cymru, yn ddiweddar. Dywedodd hi:
Rhybuddiais y Prif Weinidog os nad yw ei bargen yn amddiffyn swyddi, hawliau yn y gwaith a heddwch yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, bydd y TUC yn cefnogi'r alwad am bleidlais ar delerau Brexit. Rydym ni i gyd yn undebwyr llafur—pan rydym ni'n taro bargen, awn yn ôl at yr aelodau i gael eu cymeradwyaeth. Felly boed hynny drwy bleidlais boblogaidd neu etholiad cyffredinol, mae'n rhaid i Mrs May gyflwyno ei bargen Brexit i'r bobl fel y gallan nhw benderfynu a yw'n ddigon da.
Nawr, ymddengys i mi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, bod hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n swnio, ac sydd yn, rhesymol iawn. Tybed a ydych chi'n cytuno â hynny.
O ran eich datganiad, un pwynt pellach yw hyn: rydym ni wedi bod yn clywed llawer am ffyniant cyffredin cyn yr haf. Nid yw'n ymddangos fod unrhyw sôn am ffyniant cyffredin yn y trafodaethau amrywiol a fu. Bellach, fe wyddom ni fod y Torïaid, pan maen nhw'n sôn am ffyniant cyffredin—yr unig ffyniant cyffredin y maen nhw erioed wedi'i arddel yw ffyniant ymysg eu hunain a'r rhai sy'n eu cefnogi. Ond tybed, a oes unrhyw obaith o unrhyw ffyniant cyffredin yn canfod ei ffordd i Gymru, fel yr addawyd cyn y refferendwm?
Well, Llywydd, let me say at the beginning: I hope there will be a deal. I hope the Prime Minister will negotiate a deal that delivers what she says she wants to deliver and that she can bring it back and that she can persuade the House of Commons to support it. What Frances O'Grady was referring to, and what I've referred to this afternoon, is what happens if she can't do such a deal—and then the things that the TUC have said that were very largely reflected in what I've said this afternoon—in those circumstances, then it is right that people should have a chance to decide.
On the shared prosperity issue, let's be clear: Wales benefits from our membership of the European Union to the tune of some £660 million a year. We qualify for that money by the rules, we get money because we have needs that need to be met and we get funding from the European Union to help us to do that. Those needs will not have disappeared the day after Brexit and the funding must therefore flow to Wales to allow us to continue to deal with the issues that have been identified here.
If the Conservative Party think that a shared prosperity fund is about taking money that comes to Wales today and sharing it out to other people, so that we are worse off as a result of our membership of the United Kingdom than we have been as a result of our membership of the European Union, then they are on a very foolish path indeed, and I make that point whenever I have the opportunity.
Wel, Llywydd, gadewch imi ddweud ar y dechrau: rwy'n gobeithio y bydd bargen. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd Prif Weinidog y DU yn negodi bargen fydd yn cyflawni'r hyn y mae hi'n dweud y mae arni eisiau ei gyflawni ac y gall hi ddarbwyllo Tŷ'r Cyffredin i'w gefnogi. Yr hyn yr oedd Frances O'Grady yn cyfeirio ato, a'r hyn yr wyf innau wedi cyfeirio ato y prynhawn yma, yw beth fydd yn digwydd os na all daro bargen o'r fath—ac yna mae'r pethau y mae'r TUC wedi eu dweud a gafodd eu hadlewyrchu i raddau helaeth yn yr hyn yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud y prynhawn yma—yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, yna mae'n briodol y dylai pobl gael cyfle i benderfynu.
O ran ffyniant cyffredin, gadewch inni fod yn glir: mae Cymru'n elwa o'n haelodaeth o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd o oddeutu £660 miliwn y flwyddyn. Rydym ni'n gymwys ar gyfer yr arian hwnnw yn unol â'r rheolau, rydym ni'n cael arian oherwydd bod gennym ni anghenion y mae angen eu bodloni ac rydym ni'n cael cyllid gan yr Undeb Ewropeaidd i'n helpu i wneud hynny. Ni fydd yr anghenion hynny wedi diflannu y diwrnod ar ôl Brexit, ac felly mae'n rhaid i'r arian ddod i Gymru i'n galluogi i barhau i ymdrin â'r materion sydd wedi'u nodi yma.
Os yw'r Blaid Geidwadol yn credu mai diben cronfa ffyniant gyffredin yw cymryd arian a ddaw i Gymru heddiw a'i ddyrannu i bobl eraill, fel ein bod yn waeth ein byd o ganlyniad i'n haelodaeth o'r Deyrnas Unedig nag yr ydym ni wedi bod o ganlyniad i'n haelodaeth o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, yna maen nhw ar lwybr ffôl iawn yn wir, ac rwy'n gwneud y pwynt hwnnw pa bryd bynnag y caf y cyfle.
Cabinet Secretary, thank you for your statement this afternoon. I had hoped to speak a bit longer but I think the 10 minutes taken up has damaged a lot of our opportunities.
Can I highlight also a couple of points of thinking? I think Steffan Lewis made a very clear argument and nothing could be more stark than what he said about the implications of a 'no deal' Brexit. I wish that the officials in Westminster and Whitehall would listen to that type of argument when they produce these technical papers, because technical papers, to be blunt, are very light on any solutions to the problems they've identified, and they're the only ones we've seen to date.
But can I ask you a couple of questions in relation to that? Obviously, 'no deal' is very much on the agenda now and we risk getting closer and closer to a point in time at which we have to either agree a deal or we end up automatically, by default, in a 'no deal' situation. You've had these technical papers from the UK Government: have you had a chance to ask your officials to look at thos