Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd
Plenary - Fifth Senedd
26/06/2018Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Galw'r Aelodau i drefn.
I call Members to order.
Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein hagenda ni y prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Bethan Sayed.
The first item on our agenda this afternoon is questions to the First Minister, and the first question is from Bethan Sayed.
1. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gefnogaeth i fenywod yng Nghymru y mae'r heddlu cudd ('spycops') wedi effeithio arnynt yn uniongyrchol? OAQ52395
1. Will the First Minister make a statement on the support for Welsh women affected directly by the spycops issue? OAQ52395
It is important that women affected by this issue receive the help and assistance that they need. I understand that the inquiry that the UK Government has put in place is not due to report until 2023.
Mae'n bwysig bod menywod sy'n cael eu heffeithio gan y mater hwn yn cael y cymorth a'r gefnogaeth sydd eu hangen arnynt. Deallaf na ddisgwylir i'r ymchwiliad y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi ei roi ar waith adrodd tan 2023.
Thank you for that response. The reason why I was asking this question was because I think that it's important that the Welsh Government reaches out to some of the women from Wales who have been directly affected by this operation—the special demonstration squad unit within the police that infiltrated activist groups, and then, clearly, those police officers acted inappropriately with those women. Lisa was with Mark Stone. She discovered this in 2010. He was an undercover policeman called Mark Kennedy. Rosa, an anti-racist campaigner, had a relationship with Jim Sutton/Jim Boyling, who had two children with her. Eight women are taking action and we have an event tonight in the Pierhead with these two women involved. I'm asking what you can do as a Government to support these women in this public inquiry to make sure that nothing like this ever happens again to Welsh women, so that they're not violated in this way, and how can we go about changing the practices within the police so that we ensure that if they do need to go undercover, it is done in an ethical and an appropriate way?
Diolch am yr ymateb yna. Y rheswm pam yr oeddwn i'n gofyn y cwestiwn hwn oedd oherwydd fy mod i'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn estyn allan at rai o'r menywod o Gymru sydd wedi cael eu heffeithio'n uniongyrchol gan yr ymgyrch hon—yr uned sgwad arddangos arbennig o fewn yr heddlu a ymdreiddiodd grwpiau gweithredu, ac yna, yn amlwg, fe wnaeth y swyddogion yr heddlu hynny ymddwyn yn amhriodol gyda'r menywod hynny wedyn. Roedd Lisa gyda Mark Stone. Darganfu hyn yn 2010. Plismon cudd o'r enw Mark Kennedy oedd ef. Roedd Rosa, ymgyrchydd gwrth-hiliaeth, mewn perthynas gyda Jim Sutton/Jim Boyling, a gafodd ddau o blant gyda hi. Mae wyth o fenywod yn cymryd camau ac mae gennym ni ddigwyddiad heno yn y Pierhead gyda'r ddwy fenyw dan sylw hyn. Rwy'n gofyn beth y gallwch chi ei wneud fel Llywodraeth i gefnogi'r menywod hyn yn yr ymchwiliad cyhoeddus hwn i wneud yn siŵr nad oes dim fel hyn byth yn digwydd i fenywod Cymru eto, fel nad ydyn nhw'n cael eu bradychu fel hyn, a sut y gallwn ni fynd ati i newid yr arferion o fewn yr heddlu fel ein bod ni'n sicrhau os oes angen iddyn nhw weithredu'n gudd, ei fod yn cael ei wneud mewn ffordd foesegol a phriodol?
Can I first of all congratulate the Member for hosting tonight's event and raising a very important issue that I suspect many members of the public are still not yet aware of? Now, it's some time—five years it seems—before the report will be prepared. In the meantime, however, it is important to provide services to those who have been affected. What I can say is that we do fund, of course, the Live Fear Free helpline, which is managed by Welsh Women's Aid. Those contacting the helpline will be listened to, believed and offered help and support. It provides support and advice to victims of violence and abuse, as well as their friends and relatives, and practitioners. So, the support is there, but it is hugely important, of course, that, when the inquiry reports, that it does make robust recommendations to ensure that unacceptable practices are not repeated.
A gaf i yn gyntaf oll longyfarch yr Aelod am gynnal digwyddiad heno a chodi mater pwysig iawn yr wyf i'n amau nad oes llawer o'r cyhoedd yn ymwybodol ohono o hyd? Nawr, bydd cryn amser—pum mlynedd mae'n ymddangos—cyn y bydd yr adroddiad yn barod. Yn y cyfamser, fodd bynnag, mae'n bwysig darparu gwasanaethau i'r rhai hynny sydd wedi eu heffeithio. Yr hyn y gallaf i ei ddweud yw ein bod ni'n ariannu, wrth gwrs, llinell gymorth Byw Heb Ofn, a reolir gan Cymorth i Fenywod Cymru. Bydd y rhai hynny sy'n cysylltu â'r llinell gymorth yn cael gwrandawiad, yn cael eu credu ac yn cael cynnig cymorth a chefnogaeth. Mae'n darparu cymorth a chyngor i ddioddefwyr trais a chamdriniaeth, yn ogystal â'u ffrindiau a'u perthnasau, ac ymarferwyr. Felly, mae'r cymorth yno, ond mae'n hynod bwysig, wrth gwrs, pan fydd yr ymchwiliad yn adrodd, ei fod yn gwneud argymhellion cadarn i sicrhau nad yw arferion annerbyniol yn cael eu hailadrodd.
Terms of reference for the undercover police inquiry, which I think was launched in 2015 by the then Home Secretary, says the investigation would include but not be limited to whether and to what purpose, extent and effect undercover police operations had targeted political and social justice campaigners. However, it makes no explicit reference to the many women deceived into sexual relationships by undercover police officers. What, if any, representations has the Welsh Government made to the inquiry on behalf of women in Wales who were exploited in this way, or, if not, can you explain what limitations on the Welsh Government's intervention there might be in this respect?
Mae'r cylch gorchwyl ar gyfer yr ymchwiliad heddlu cudd, a lansiwyd yn 2015, rwy'n credu, gan yr Ysgrifennydd Cartref ar y pryd, yn dweud y byddai'r ymchwiliad yn cynnwys pa un a ac i ba ddiben, i ba raddau ac i ba effaith yr oedd ymgyrchoedd heddlu cudd wedi targedu ymgyrchwyr gwleidyddol a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol, ond ni fyddai wedi ei gyfyngu i hynny. Fodd bynnag, nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw gyfeiriad penodol at y menywod lawer a dwyllwyd i berthynas rywiol gan swyddogion heddlu cudd. Pa sylwadau, os o gwbl, y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi eu gwneud i'r ymchwiliad ar ran menywod yng Nghymru y camfanteisiwyd arnyn nhw yn y modd hwn, neu, os na wnaed sylwadau, a allwch chi esbonio pa gyfyngiadau ar ymyrraeth Llywodraeth Cymru allai fodoli yn hyn o beth?
Well, this ultimately is a matter for the UK Government, although it is taking a great deal of time, I have to say. March 2015, as the Member rightly says, was when the inquiry was announced. It potentially will take eight years before it actually reports, for reasons which are not clear. The inquiry itself will be looking at the deployment of police officers in undercover roles. It has been established following the controversy surrounding the conduct of undercover officers. Now, the inquiry will make, as I understand, recommendations as to how undercover policing is conducted and will scrutinise the use of undercover officers by the now defunct SDS and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit. Now, among the allegations, of course, are that undercover officers took fake identities from dead children, had relationships with the campaigners and fathered children. Those are on the record. It would strike me as hugely difficult to understand if the inquiry itself did not also look at those issues in order to provide a comprehensive report.
Wel, yn y pen draw, mater i Lywodraeth y DU yw hwn, er ei fod yn cymryd llawer iawn o amser, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud. Ym mis Mawrth 2015, fel y dywed yr Aelod yn gywir, y cyhoeddwyd yr ymchwiliad. Bydd o bosibl yn cymryd wyth mlynedd cyn iddo adrodd, am resymau nad ydynt yn eglur. Bydd yr ymchwiliad ei hun yn ystyried y defnydd o swyddogion yr heddlu mewn swyddogaethau cudd. Fe'i sefydlwyd yn dilyn y ddadl ynghylch ymddygiad swyddogion cudd. Nawr, bydd yr ymchwiliad yn gwneud argymhellion, fel y deallaf, ynglŷn â sut yr ymgymerir â phlismona cudd a bydd yn craffu ar y defnydd o swyddogion cudd gan SDS, sydd wedi ei ddiddymu erbyn hyn, a'r Uned Cudd-wybodaeth Trefn Gyhoeddus Genedlaethol. Nawr, ymhlith yr honiadau, wrth gwrs, mae'r cyhuddiad bod swyddogion cudd wedi mabwysiadu hunaniaethau ffug oddi wrth blant marw, wedi cael perthynas gyda'r ymgyrchwyr ac wedi cenhedlu plant. Mae'r rheini ar y cofnod. Byddai'n fy nharo i'n hynod anodd ei ddeall pe na byddai'r ymchwiliad ei hun yn ystyried y materion hynny hefyd er mwyn darparu adroddiad cynhwysfawr.
2. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am daliadau grantiau Glastir? OAQ52433
2. Will the First Minister make a statement on Glastir grant payments? OAQ52433
Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi darparu taliadau Glastir i’r hawlwyr mewn modd amserol ac yn gyson. Hyd yn hyn, mae dros £39 miliwn wedi’i dalu i fusnesau fferm yng Nghymru yn ystod y flwyddyn hon. Bydd cyfnodau ymgeisio pellach ar gyfer grantiau bach Glastir yn agor eleni ac yn 2019 er mwyn hyrwyddo’r gwaith o adfer a chreu cynefinoedd hanfodol.
The Welsh Government has consistently delivered Glastir payments to claimants in a timely manner, and done so consistently. To date, over £39 million has been paid to Welsh farm businesses during this year. Further Glastir small grants windows will open this year and in 2019 to promote the restoration and creation of vital habitats.
Diolch am yr ateb yna. Rydw i wedi siarad â nifer o ffermwyr a chynrychiolwyr sydd wedi bod yn rhoi cymorth iddyn nhw i wneud ceisiadau am grantiau bach Glastir, a hynny yn sgil pryderon bod taliadau yn hir yn dod. Rŵan, yr ymateb rydw i wedi ei gael gan y Llywodraeth ydy nad ydy’r taliadau’n hwyr, ac, yn dechnegol, mae hynny’n gywir, oherwydd nid oes amser yn cael ei osod o ran faint o amser ar ôl gwneud cais y mae taliadau i fod i gael eu gwneud. Rŵan, o ystyried, yn enwedig ar ôl gaeaf caled iawn, fod llif arian yn bwysig i ffermwyr, a wnewch chi, fel Prif Weinidog, ystyried cyflwyno canllaw ar gyfer gosod amserlen lle y gall ffermwr ddisgwyl cael taliad lle'r oedd yn llwyddiannus yn gwneud cais?
Thank you for that response. I have spoken to a number of farmers and representatives who have been assisting them in making applications for the small Glastir grants, and that as a result of concern that payments were taking a long time to arrive. The response I’ve had from the Government is that the payments aren’t late, and, technically, that is correct because no time limit is set in relation to how long after applications are made that payments are to be made. When we consider that, especially after a hard winter, cash flow is important to farmers, will you, as First Minister, consider introducing guidelines in terms of setting a time frame in which farmers can expect to receive payment where their applications have been successful?
Fe allaf i ddweud wrth yr Aelod fod rheoliadau'r Comisiwn Ewropeaidd wedi cael eu newid yn ddiweddar er mwyn sicrhau ffenest ynglŷn â gwneud taliadau. Bydd hynny'n meddwl y bydd taliadau Glastir yn cael eu gwneud rhwng 1 Rhagfyr eleni a 30 Mehefin y flwyddyn nesaf. Felly, am y tro cyntaf, bydd yna ffenest, ac yn y ffenest hynny bydd ffermwyr yn gallu erfyn taliadau.
I can tell the Member that European Commission regulations were recently changed in order to ensure a window in terms of payments, and that means that Glastir payments will be made between 1 December this year and 30 June next year. For the first time, there will be a window, and during that window farmers can expect payments.
What other schemes are available to help farmers bring forward environmental schemes on their farmland, other than the Glastir scheme?
Pa gynlluniau eraill sydd ar gael i helpu ffermwyr gyflwyno cynlluniau amgylcheddol ar eu tir, ac eithrio'r cynllun Glastir?
Well, farmers, of course, can look at schemes such as the existing agri-environment schemes. There is the small grant scheme that Members will be aware of, and also, of course, Farming Connect, which can help farmers to become more sustainable in terms of their businesses. So, there are a number of options available for farmers in order to make their practices more sustainable and, of course, to make their businesses more sustainable.
Wel, gall ffermwyr, wrth gwrs, ystyried cynlluniau fel y cynlluniau amaeth-amgylchedd presennol. Ceir cynllun grantiau bach y bydd yr Aelodau'n ymwybodol ohono, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, Cyswllt Ffermio, sy'n gallu helpu ffermwyr i ddod yn fwy cynaliadwy o ran eu busnesau. Felly, mae nifer o ddewisiadau ar gael i ffermwyr i wneud eu harferion yn fwy cynaliadwy ac, wrth gwrs, i wneud eu busnesau yn fwy cynaliadwy.
Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau. Arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
Questions now from the party leaders. The leader of Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
Yesterday, your Labour Government backed Westminster's multibillion investment in a polluting new runway in the south-east of England. Do you stand by that decision, considering, on the same day, Westminster cancelled a clean, green, renewable energy project in Swansea?
Ddoe, cefnogodd eich Llywodraeth Lafur fuddsoddiad gwerth sawl biliwn San Steffan mewn rhedfa newydd sy'n llygru yn ne-ddwyrain Lloegr. A ydych chi'n glynu wrth y penderfyniad hwnnw, o ystyried, ar yr un diwrnod, bod San Steffan wedi canslo prosiect ynni adnewyddadwy gwyrdd a glân yn Abertawe?
I'm not responsible for the way votes go in Westminster, as I've said many, many times, but I do share her very great concern—and that's probably an understatement—with the failure to go ahead with the Swansea bay tidal lagoon. It is a huge disappointment for the Swansea bay area and it's a disappointment that's shared, in fairness, by Conservatives as well in this Chamber. They've expressed that great concern. It's a shame the UK Government didn't look at this in a far more rounded way—the fact that the project would've lasted a century, the fact that it would've created jobs not just in the short term, but potentially in the long term as well. It would've created a technology that we could've exported around the world. Now, others will steal a march on us.
It is hugely important that the UK Government doesn't give the impression, which it has done now, that nuclear and offshore wind seem to be the only options for energy generation in the future. We have around the coast of Wales, particularly but not exclusively in the Bristol channel, one of the highest tidal reaches in the world. The fact that it's not being harnessed is a sign that the UK Government sees Britain as being a boring and backward place and not one that's bold and bright and wants to go forward developing new technology. It's a huge shame for so many people in Swansea bay and beyond.
Nid wyf i'n gyfrifol am y ffordd y mae pleidleisiau'n cael eu bwrw yn San Steffan, fel yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud lawer iawn o weithiau, ond rwy'n rhannu ei phryder mawr—ac nid yw'n hynny'n ei gyfleu'n ddigonol, mae'n debyg—ynghylch y methiant i fwrw ymlaen â morlyn llanw bae Abertawe. Mae'n siom enfawr i ardal bae Abertawe ac mae'n siom a rennir, a bod yn deg, gan y Ceidwadwyr yn y Siambr hon hefyd. Maen nhw wedi mynegi'r pryder mawr hwnnw. Mae'n drueni na wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU ystyried hyn mewn ffordd llawer mwy cytbwys—y ffaith y byddai'r prosiect wedi para canrif, y ffaith y byddai wedi creu swyddi nid yn unig yn y tymor byr, ond yn y tymor hir hefyd o bosibl. Byddai wedi creu technoleg y gallem ni fod wedi ei hallforio ledled y byd. Bellach, bydd eraill yn achub y blaen arnom ni.
Mae'n hynod bwysig nad yw Llywodraeth y DU yn rhoi'r argraff, y mae hi wedi ei wneud nawr, ei bod yn ymddangos mai niwclear a gwynt ar y môr yw'r unig ddewisiadau ar gyfer cynhyrchu ynni yn y dyfodol. Mae gennym ni ar hyd arfordir Cymru, ym Môr Hafren yn arbennig, ond nid yn unig, un o'r cyraeddiadau llanw uchaf yn y byd. Mae'r ffaith nad yw'n cael ei harneisio yn arwydd bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gweld Prydain fel lle diflas a hen ffasiwn ac nid un sy'n feiddgar a disglair ac eisiau bwrw ymlaen â datblygu technoleg newydd. Mae'n drueni enfawr i gymaint o bobl yn ardal bae Abertawe a thu hwnt.
First Minister, the contradiction in all of this is shocking. Any Government that is serious about tackling climate change cannot seriously take such contradictory positions as this. Not only do we see Heathrow being built, but new nuclear to be funded by the taxpayer at the same if not higher rate than the stated cost of the tidal lagoon. Now, First Minister, I acknowledge that the Welsh Government has made an offer of financial support for the tidal lagoon, but that wasn't enough. Now, we need action and not offers. The window of opportunity is small, but I believe that the Swansea tidal lagoon project can still be saved. So, will you now keep hope alive by honouring Labour's manifesto commitment to set up a national, publicly owned energy company to take over and progress this project?
Brif Weinidog, mae'r gwrth-ddweud yn hyn i gyd yn syfrdanol. Ni all unrhyw Lywodraeth sydd o ddifrif ynghylch mynd i'r afael â'r newid yn yr hinsawdd wir gymryd safbwyntiau sy'n mynd mor groes i'w gilydd fel hyn. Nid yn unig yr ydym ni'n gweld Heathrow yn cael ei adeiladu, ond niwclear newydd i gael ei ariannu gan y trethdalwr ar yr un gyfradd, os nad uwch na chost ddatganedig y morlyn llanw. Nawr, Brif Weinidog, rwy'n cydnabod bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwneud cynnig o gymorth ariannol ar gyfer y morlyn llanw, ond nid oedd hynny'n ddigon. Nawr, rydym ni angen gweithredu ac nid cynigion. Mae'r ffenestr cyfle yn fach, ond rwy'n credu y gall prosiect morlyn llanw Abertawe gael ei achub o hyd. Felly, a wnewch chi gadw gobaith yn fyw nawr trwy anrhydeddu ymrwymiad maniffesto Llafur i sefydlu cwmni ynni cenedlaethol o dan berchenogaeth gyhoeddus i gymryd drosodd a bwrw ymlaen â'r prosiect hwn?
On a day when people in different parties have been united in expressing their concern at the UK Government's decision, Plaid Cymru start moving the blame elsewhere. There is a fair question and that is: what plans do you have for the future? And that is a fair question, but today, what I have to say is that Wales has been let down by a decision of the UK Government in London. That's what's happened. We cannot fill in the gaps that they have left; they are responsible for that. They're the ones who have to explain what they have done to the people of Swansea, and we will continue to press them.
Now, in the future, what plans can there be for other projects that we'll be looking to support? Of course the door is open and of course that's something that we want to do, because we believe that there is huge potential around the coast of Wales in terms of energy generation. What we cannot do, however, is fill in enormous gaps that are left by the UK Government and are the UK Government's responsibility. Surely she will join me today in expressing her great concern at the way this has been dealt with by the UK Government—18 months of delay, despite the Hendry review; the fact that this would have been a game-changing project for the whole of Wales and, indeed, for the world, and that will not now happen because of the actions of the UK Government.
Ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl mewn gwahanol bleidiau wedi bod yn unfryd o ran mynegi eu pryder ynghylch penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU, mae Plaid Cymru yn dechrau symud y bai i rywle arall. Ceir cwestiwn teg, sef: pa gynlluniau sydd gennych chi ar gyfer y dyfodol? Ac mae hwnnw'n gwestiwn teg, ond heddiw, yr hyn y mae'n rhaid i mi ei ddweud yw bod Cymru wedi cael cam yn sgil penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU yn Llundain. Dyna'r hyn sydd wedi digwydd. Ni allwn lenwi'r bylchau y maen nhw wedi eu gadael; nhw sy'n gyfrifol am hynny. Nhw yw'r rhai sy'n gorfod esbonio yr hyn y maen nhw wedi ei wneud i bobl Abertawe, a byddwn ni'n parhau i bwyso arnynt.
Nawr, yn y dyfodol, pa gynlluniau allai fod ar gyfer prosiectau eraill y byddwn yn ceisio eu cefnogi? Mae'r drws ar agor, wrth gwrs, ac wrth gwrs mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr ydym ni eisiau ei wneud, gan ein bod ni'n credu bod potensial enfawr ar hyd arfordir Cymru o ran cynhyrchu ynni. Yr hyn na allwn ni ei wneud, fodd bynnag, yw llenwi'r bylchau enfawr sy'n cael eu gadael gan Lywodraeth y DU ac sy'n gyfrifoldeb i Lywodraeth y DU. Siawns y gwnaiff hi ymuno â mi heddiw i fynegi ei phryder mawr o ran y ffordd yr ymdriniwyd â hyn gan Lywodraeth y DU—18 mis o oedi, er gwaethaf adolygiad Hendry; y ffaith y byddai hwn wedi bod yn brosiect gweddnewidiol i Gymru gyfan ac, yn wir, i'r byd, ac na fydd hynny'n digwydd bellach oherwydd gweithredoedd Llywodraeth y DU.
So, you're just going to wring your hands; you're not even going to bother trying. And remember, you promised in your manifesto that you would set up an energy company and that could, if you were prepared to look at it, progress this project. First Minister, railways not electrified, lagoons not built, Airbus not investing—it's clear that the Secretary of State is Westminster's voice in Wales and not Wales's voice in Westminster. First Minister, Airbus employs around 7,000 people here in Wales, and their reason for reconsidering their investment in this country is our place in the single market and customs union. Now, I recognise that the First Minister may well say that he supports our membership of both, but the actions of his party indicate the opposite. Just a few weeks back, a majority of Welsh Labour MPs failed to vote on a crucial amendment that would have kept us in the single market. We now need clarity. Will you, First Minister, join with us in condemning your Labour MPs for supporting pulling Wales out of the single market and customs union, directly endangering those Airbus jobs?
Y cwbl yr ydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud yw anobeithio, felly; dydych chi ddim yn mynd i drafferthu i wneud dim hyd yn oed. A chofiwch, gwnaed addewid gennych chi yn eich maniffesto y byddech chi'n sefydlu cwmni ynni ac y gallai hwnnw, pe byddech chi'n fodlon ei ystyried, fwrw ymlaen â'r prosiect hwn. Brif Weinidog, rheilffyrdd heb eu trydaneiddio, morlynnoedd heb eu hadeiladu, Airbus ddim yn buddsoddi—mae'n amlwg mai'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yw llais San Steffan yng Nghymru ac nid llais Cymru yn San Steffan. Brif Weinidog, mae Airbus yn cyflogi tua 7,000 o bobl yma yng Nghymru, a'u rheswm am ailystyried eu buddsoddiad yn y wlad hon yw ein lle yn y farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau. Nawr, rwy'n cydnabod ei bod yn bosibl iawn y bydd y Prif Weinidog yn dweud ei fod yn cefnogi ein haelodaeth o'r ddau, ond mae gweithredoedd ei blaid yn dynodi i'r gwrthwyneb. Dim ond ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, methodd mwyafrif ASau Llafur a phleidleisio ar welliant hollbwysig a fyddai wedi ein cadw ni yn y farchnad sengl. Mae angen eglurder arnom ni nawr. A wnewch chi, Brif Weinidog, ymuno â ni i gondemnio eich ASau Llafur am gefnogi Cymru yn tynnu allan o'r farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau, gan beryglu'r swyddi Airbus hynny yn uniongyrchol?
This is like watching somebody playing darts and deliberately trying to aim at the wall to the side rather than the dartboard itself. On a day when people from different parties have expressed concern—they've expressed it in different ways, of course, which they have to do, according to which party they're a member of—on a day when people have expressed concern at the decision of the UK Government, Plaid Cymru have left them off the hook.
Mae hyn fel gwylio rhywun yn chwarae dartiau ac yn ceisio anelu'n fwriadol at y wal i'r ochr yn hytrach na'r dartfwrdd ei hun. Ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl o wahanol bleidiau wedi mynegi pryder—maen nhw wedi ei fynegi mewn gwahanol ffyrdd, wrth gwrs, fel y mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw ei wneud, yn dibynnu ar ba blaid y maen nhw'n aelodau ohoni—ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl wedi mynegi pryder am benderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU, mae Plaid Cymru wedi rhoi rhwydd hynt iddyn nhw.
I'm asking you to do something about it. Do something about it—
Rwy'n gofyn i chi wneud rhywbeth yn ei gylch. Gwnewch rywbeth yn ei gylch—
On a day when blame should rest in Westminster, where the decision has been made, Plaid Cymru are trying to turn this into an exercise in presenting themselves as being relevant when, in fact—[Interruption.] It is First Minister's questions. First Minister's questions doesn't involve answering questions about what happens in Westminster. That's one of the things that are absolutely clear. I am here to give the view of the Welsh Government. It's a matter of great regret today that, as politicians from across Wales have expressed their concern at the decision taken by the UK Government—even those within the Welsh Conservative Party who have expressed their view—Plaid Cymru decided to let them off the hook.
Ar ddiwrnod pan ddylai'r bai gael ei roi ar San Steffan, lle gwnaed y penderfyniad, mae Plaid Cymru yn ceisio troi hwn yn ymarfer mewn cyflwyno eu hunain fel eu bod yn berthnasol pan, mewn gwirionedd—[Torri ar draws.] Cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yw'r rhain. Nid yw cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yn cynnwys ateb cwestiynau am yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn San Steffan. Dyna un o'r pethau sy'n gwbl eglur. Rwyf i yma i roi safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae'n fater o ofid mawr heddiw, wrth i wleidyddion o bob cwr o Gymru fynegi eu pryder ynghylch y penderfyniad a wnaed gan Lywodraeth y DU—hyd yn oed y rhai hynny ym Mhlaid y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig sydd wedi mynegi eu barn—bod Plaid Cymru wedi penderfynu rhoi rhwydd hynt iddyn nhw.
Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Andrew R.T. Davies.
The leader of the opposition, Andrew R.T. Davies.
Thank you, Presiding Officer. First Minister, last week, the report into the tragedy at Gosport War Memorial Hospital came forward and, in particular, the excessive use of opiate painkillers that potentially led to the untimely death of at least 650 patients. Has the Welsh Government had a chance to consider the report, the findings of that report and any implications for the Welsh NHS and changes that it might need to make?
Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, yr wythnos diwethaf, cyhoeddwyd yr adroddiad ar y drychineb yn Ysbyty Coffa'r Rhyfel Gosport ac, yn benodol, y defnydd gormodol o boenladdwyr opioid a arweiniodd o bosibl at farwolaeth cynamserol o leiaf 650 o gleifion. A yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael cyfle i ystyried yr adroddiad, canfyddiadau'r adroddiad hwnnw ac unrhyw oblygiadau i GIG Cymru a'r newidiadau y gallai fod angen iddo eu gwneud?
We will, of course, consider any reports that are relevant to Wales, and many of the issues that arise elsewhere in the UK and beyond will inform our future thinking. Officials and the Minister will look at the report to see if there are any lessons that can be learned for Wales.
Byddwn, wrth gwrs, yn ystyried unrhyw adroddiadau sy'n berthnasol i Gymru, a bydd llawer o'r materion sy'n codi mewn mannau eraill yn y DU a thu hwnt yn llywio ein hystyriaethau yn y dyfodol. Bydd swyddogion a'r Gweinidog yn edrych ar yr adroddiad i weld a oes unrhyw wersi y gellir eu dysgu ar gyfer Cymru.
Thank you for that answer. I hope that there will be a timely report back on that, because there are some very concerning aspects in relation to the circumstances around the premature deaths of the patients concerned. But one of the things that has come to light, certainly in press comment, is the use of Graseby syringe drivers, which basically administer opiate painkillers, either over a 24-hour period or over an hour. Now, various safety notices have been put out over the last 20 years in relation to these instruments, and in Australia and New Zealand they were banned many years ago. The NHS was supposed to have withdrawn from service these syringes in 2015. Can you confirm today whether the NHS in Wales is still using these syringes, or is the Welsh Government still investigating this?
Diolch am yr ateb yna. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd adroddiad prydlon yn ôl ar hynny, oherwydd ceir rhai agweddau sy'n peri pryder mawr o ran yr amgylchiadau yn ymwneud â marwolaethau cynamserol y cleifion dan sylw. Ond un o'r pethau sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg, yn sicr yn sylwadau'r wasg, yw'r defnydd o yrwyr chwistrell Graseby, sy'n darparu poenladdwyr opioid i bob pwrpas, naill ai dros gyfnod o 24 awr neu dros awr. Nawr, cyhoeddwyd gwahanol hysbysiadau diogelwch dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf o ran yr offerynnau hyn, a chawsant eu gwahardd flynyddoedd lawer yn ôl yn Awstralia a Seland Newydd. Roedd y GIG i fod wedi tynnu'r chwistrelli hyn o gael eu defnyddio yn 2015. A allwch chi gadarnhau heddiw pa un a yw'r GIG yng Nghymru yn dal i ddefnyddio'r chwistrellau hyn, neu a yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn dal i ymchwilio i hyn?
What I can say is that he's right about the media coverage of the syringes. The syringe drivers, which are called Graseby MS26 and Graseby MS16A, were loaded with capsules and programmed to release drugs into a patient's bloodstream over an extended period. They delivered drugs at different rates, and, of course, we know from the report that led to a dangerous over-infusion of drugs. Hazard notices were issued by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency—MHRA—to ensure that NHS staff knew the difference between the models. This was also the subject of an England and Wales-wide National Patient Safety Agency publication—a rapid response report—in December 2010, which gave the NHS five years to transition to drivers with additional safety features whilst mitigating the risk in the meantime. What I can say is that all relevant NHS Wales organisations have confirmed compliance with that patient safety requirement. We will be writing to health boards and trusts asking them to audit existing practice and to provide assurance that they remain compliant with this advice, and I understand that the same thing will be happening in England.
Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw ei fod yn iawn am y sylw i'r chwistrellau yn y cyfryngau. Roedd y gyrwyr chwistrell, o'r enw Graseby MS26 a Graseby MS16A, yn cael eu llwytho gyda chapsiwlau wedi eu rhaglennu i ryddhau cyffuriau i lif gwaed claf dros gyfnod estynedig. Roedden nhw'n darparu cyffuriau ar wahanol gyfraddau, ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n gwybod o'r adroddiad bod hynny wedi arwain at or-drwytho peryglus o gyffuriau. Cyhoeddwyd hysbysiadau o berygl gan yr Asiantaeth Rheoleiddio Meddyginiaethau a chynhyrchion Gofal Iechyd—MHRA—i sicrhau bod staff y GIG yn gwybod y gwahaniaeth rhwng y modelau. Roedd hyn hefyd yn destun cyhoeddiad Asiantaeth Diogelwch Cleifion Genedlaethol ar draws Cymru a Lloegr—adroddiad ymateb cyflym—ym mis Rhagfyr 2010, a roddodd bum mlynedd i'r GIG bontio i yrwyr â nodweddion diogelwch ychwanegol gan liniaru'r risg yn y cyfamser. Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw bod holl sefydliadau perthnasol GIG Cymru wedi cadarnhau cydymffurfiad â'r gofyniad diogelwch cleifion hwnnw. Byddwn yn ysgrifennu at fyrddau ac ymddiriedolaethau iechyd gan ofyn iddyn nhw archwilio arferion presennol a rhoi sicrwydd eu bod yn dal i gydymffurfio â'r cyngor hwn, a deallaf y bydd yr un peth yn digwydd yn Lloegr.
I'm grateful for that very detailed response, because the reports over the weekend will have caused a huge amount of distress to families of bereaved relatives that might suspect some wrongdoing or some faulty equipment that might have caused an untimely death. What is important is if families do have those concerns—and the numbers we are talking about run into the thousands if you put it across the whole of the NHS, because these machines were used right across the NHS in England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland—that families can raise their concerns and ultimately have those concerns addressed. What actions will the Welsh Government be doing to work with health boards so that families who do have those concerns—bearing in mind you have confirmed that the Welsh NHS is compliant with the directive that ruled out their use up to 2015, but families will have concerns that need addressing, so how can families go about having those concerns addressed?
Rwy'n ddiolchgar am yr ateb manwl iawn yna, oherwydd bydd yr adroddiadau dros y penwythnos wedi achosi gofid aruthrol i deuluoedd perthnasau sydd wedi dioddef profedigaeth a allai amau rhywfaint o ddrygioni neu offer diffygiol a allai fod wedi achosi marwolaeth gynamserol. Yr hyn sy'n bwysig, os bydd y pryderon hynny gan deuluoedd—ac mae'r niferoedd yr ydym ni'n sôn amdanynt yn rhedeg i'r miloedd os byddwch chi'n ei gyfrif ar draws y GIG cyfan, oherwydd defnyddiwyd y peiriannau hyn ar draws y GIG yng Nghymru, Lloegr, yr Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon—yw y gall teuluoedd godi eu pryderon a chael sylw i'r pryderon hynny yn y pen draw. Pa gamau fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i weithio gyda byrddau iechyd fel bod teuluoedd sydd â'r pryderon hynny—cofiwch eich bod chi wedi cadarnhau bod GIG Cymru yn cydymffurfio â'r gyfarwyddeb a ddiystyrwyd eu defnydd hyd at 2015, ond bydd gan deuluoedd bryderon y mae angen rhoi sylw iddynt, felly sut gall teuluoedd fynd ati i gael sylw i'r pryderon hynny?
Well, if anybody has a concern, of course, they can raise that concern directly with the health board, or with their AM, or indeed with the health Minister. There is an outlet to do that. We're not aware of any concerns, but obviously it is right that there is an audit to make sure that the compliance is still there in the way that we would want. That is the way we will seek to give assurance to both patients and their families across the NHS.
Wel, os oes gan unrhyw un bryder, wrth gwrs, gallant godi'r pryder hwnnw yn uniongyrchol gyda'r bwrdd iechyd, gyda'u AC, neu gyda'r Gweinidog iechyd, yn wir. Ceir ffordd o wneud hynny. Nid ydym ni'n ymwybodol o unrhyw bryderon, ond mae'n amlwg yn briodol bod archwiliad i wneud yn siŵr bod y cydymffurfiad yn dal i fod yno yn y ffordd y byddem ni'n dymuno iddo fod. Dyna'r ffordd y byddwn ni'n ceisio rhoi sicrwydd i gleifion a'u teuluoedd ar draws y GIG.
Arweinydd grŵp UKIP, Caroline Jones.
Leader of the UKIP group, Caroline Jones.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, the past few months have been brutal for the Welsh high street, with many large retailers announcing closures of their stores. Mothercare is closing 50 stores across the UK, including its Newport branch. New Look is closing 60 stores, including its stores in Cardiff, Monmouth, Rhyl and Pontypool. Carphone Warehouse announced nearly 100 store closures across the country, and other retail giants like M&S are announcing closures, and planning closures as well. In the last week, we had the devastating news that one of the high street's most iconic names, House of Fraser, was closing its stores in Cardiff and Cwmbran. So, we've seen many high street brands disappear in recent times, and thousands of jobs have been lost. So, First Minister, the UK Government are not appearing to address this issue, and some are calling this 'hell on the high street', so please can you tell me what your Government, the Welsh Government, is planning to do to help halt this decline?
Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, mae'r misoedd diwethaf wedi bod yn ofnadwy i stryd fawr Cymru, gyda nifer o fanwerthwyr mawr yn cyhoeddi y bydd eu siopau yn cau. Mae Mothercare yn cau 50 o siopau ledled y DU, gan gynnwys ei gangen yng Nghasnewydd. Mae New Look yn cau 60 o siopau, gan gynnwys ei siopau yng Nghaerdydd, Trefynwy, y Rhyl a Phont-y-pŵl. Cyhoeddodd Carphone Warehouse ei fod yn cau bron i 100 o siopau ledled y wlad, ac mae cewri manwerthu eraill fel M&S yn cyhoeddi eu bod yn cau siopau, ac yn bwriadu cau siopau hefyd. Yn ystod yr wythnos ddiwethaf, cawsom y newyddion trychinebus bod un o enwau mwyaf eiconig y stryd fawr, House of Fraser, yn cau ei siopau yng Nghaerdydd ac yng Nghwmbrân. Felly, rydym ni wedi gweld llawer o frandiau stryd fawr yn diflannu yn ddiweddar, ac mae miloedd o swyddi wedi eu colli. Felly, Brif Weinidog, nid yw'n ymddangos bod Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd i'r afael â'r mater hwn, ac mae rhai yn galw hyn yn 'uffern ar y stryd fawr', felly a allwch chi ddweud wrthyf beth mae eich Llywodraeth chi, Llywodraeth Cymru, yn bwriadu ei wneud i helpu i atal y dirywiad hwn?
Well, retail is an important sector for us; we're making it a priority. I'm not going to pretend that the challenges facing retail are easy, because they're not. There are many people who shop online. There are many people who go into a shop and then shop online, not shopping in the shop itself. And there are some challenges there. Where does the answer lie? I suspect it's ensuring that our town centres are more mixed, making sure that more people live in town centres, and also ensuring that there are more offices. I know from my own experience in Bridgend that there is a lack of office space and there is too much retail space. What we need is to get the balance right so that there is more good-quality office space, creating, then, the footfall during the day for the shops that are there. So, it's a question, I think, of rethinking what our town centres should look like, not seeing them purely for retail but a far better mix in terms of what they offer, and people living there and people working there.
Wel, mae manwerthu yn sector pwysig i ni; rydym ni'n ei wneud yn flaenoriaeth. Nid wyf i'n mynd i esgus bod yr heriau sy'n wynebu manwerthu yn hawdd, gan nad ydyn nhw. Ceir llawer o bobl sy'n siopa ar-lein. Ceir llawer o bobl sy'n mynd i mewn i siop ac yna'n siopa ar-lein, nid siopa yn y siop ei hun. A cheir rhai heriau yn hynny o beth. Ymhle mae'r ateb? Rwy'n amau mai'r ateb yw sicrhau bod canol ein trefi yn fwy cymysg, gwneud yn siŵr bod mwy o bobl yn byw yng nghanol trefi, a hefyd sicrhau bod mwy o swyddfeydd. Gwn o'm profiad fy hun ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr fod diffyg mannau swyddfa a bod gormod o fannau manwerthu. Yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom ni yw sicrhau'r cydbwysedd cywir fel bod mwy o fannau swyddfa o ansawdd da ar gael, gan greu, wedyn, yr ymwelwyr yn ystod y dydd ar gyfer y siopau sydd yno. Felly, mae'n gwestiwn, rwy'n credu, o ailfeddwl sut y dylai canol ein trefi edrych, nid eu gweld fel bod ar gyfer manwerthu yn unig ond cymysgedd llawer gwell o ran yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei gynnig, a phobl yn byw yno a phobl yn gweithio yno.
I appreciate what you're saying, First Minister, but, over the weekend, retail experts outlined the scale of the problem facing Wales's department stores, following the announcement by the House of Fraser and the news that Chepstow's Herbert Lewis was to close. Howells has been on Cardiff's high street since 1879 and will soon go the same way as David Morgan, which was the mainstay of Cardiff's retail experience for over 125 years. Herbert Lewis has been part of Chepstow's shopping experience for 140 years. The managing director of Newport's Wildings department store, which recently had to downsize, said the future was not good for traditional stores, due to the rising costs and growth of online sales. So, First Minister, do you think it's time we took radical action, such as massively cutting business rates, in order to save Wales's remaining retail icons?
Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r hyn yr ydych chi'n ei ddweud, Brif Weinidog, ond, dros y penwythnos, amlinellodd arbenigwyr manwerthu faint y broblem sy'n wynebu siopau adrannau Cymru, yn dilyn y cyhoeddiad gan House of Fraser a'r newyddion y byddai siop Herbert Lewis yng Nghas-gwent yn cau. Mae Howells wedi bod ar stryd fawr Caerdydd ers 1879 ac yn fuan bydd yn mynd yr un ffordd â David Morgan, a oedd yn ganolbwynt i brofiad manwerthu Caerdydd am dros 125 mlynedd. Mae Herbert Lewis wedi bod yn rhan o brofiad siopa Cas-gwent am 140 mlynedd. Dywedodd rheolwr-gyfarwyddwr siop adrannau Wildings, Casnewydd, y bu'n rhaid iddi leihau ei maint yn ddiweddar, nad yw'r dyfodol yn dda ar gyfer siopau traddodiadol, oherwydd y costau cynyddol a thwf gwerthiannau ar-lein. Felly, Brif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n credu ei bod hi'n bryd i ni gymryd camau radical, fel gostwng ardrethi busnes yn aruthrol, er mwyn achub yr eiconau manwerthu sydd ar ôl yng Nghymru?
It will take more than that. I think one of the issues that does need to be dealt with is we need to make sure that online retailers are paying taxes properly. The reality is that, if you are a shop, you are paying business rates. You might be competing with somebody who's paying next to nothing, because they're online, and there are issues there that only the UK Government can resolve. They have been issues that have arisen many times over the past few years, but that's where the level playing field has to be established. Simply saying, well, because an online shop is based outside of the UK or is subject to a more favourable tax regime—it's never going to work for the high street, if I can put it that way, or even for the bigger chains, if they're competing against online retailers who just don't pay the same taxes as they do, and that's where I think the focus has to be.
Bydd yn cymryd mwy na hynny. Rwy'n credu mai un o'r materion y mae angen rhoi sylw iddyn nhw yw bod angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod manwerthwyr ar-lein yn talu trethi yn briodol. Y gwir amdani, os ydych chi'n siop, yw eich bod chi'n talu ardrethi busnes. Efallai eich bod chi'n cystadlu gyda rhywun sy'n talu'r nesaf peth i ddim, gan eu bod nhw ar-lein, a cheir materion yn hynny o beth mai dim ond Llywodraeth y DU sy'n gallu eu datrys. Maen nhw wedi bod yn faterion sydd wedi codi droeon dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, ond dyna lle mae'n rhaid creu'r sefyllfa o chwarae teg. Nid yw dweud yn syml, wel, gan fod siop ar-lein sydd wedi'i lleoli y tu allan i'r DU neu'n ddarostyngedig i gyfundrefn dreth fwy ffafriol—nid yw byth yn mynd i weithio ar gyfer y stryd fawr, os caf ei roi felly, na hyd yn oed i'r cadwyni mwy, os ydyn nhw'n cystadlu yn erbyn manwerthwyr ar-lein nad ydyn nhw'n talu'r un trethi ag y maen nhw'n eu talu, a dyna lle y credaf y dylai'r pwyslais fod.
Yes, but we have to redress and look at the balance and have a level playing field. Unfortunately, according to Cardiff Metropolitan University's business school, it is too late to save our traditional retailers. According to Chris Parry, senior lecturer in accounting and finance at Cardiff Met, the time to cut rents and rates was 2008, not 2018. He said that the challenge for us is what we do with our town centres and our high streets to look like that in 10 years' time. What do we do with it? That's something we need to urgently consider. So, if the exponential rise in online sales continues—and we have no reason to believe that it won't—then, by 2028, many of our traditional retailers will have disappeared. So, First Minister, we have to plan for that future. Chris Parry said that, if we sit and do nothing, our town centres may well be derelict wastelands in the next decade. So, we have to avoid that at all costs. First Minister, what plans does your Government have to accelerate mixed-use of our town and city centres, replacing closed-down stores with housing, restaurants, GP surgeries, and everything else needed for true urban living?
Ie, ond mae'n rhaid i ni unioni'r fantol ac ystyried y cydbwysedd a chael sefyllfa o chwarae teg. Yn anffodus, yn ôl ysgol fusnes Prifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd, mae'n rhy hwyr i achub ein manwerthwyr traddodiadol. Yn ôl Chris Parry, sy'n uwch ddarlithydd cyfrifeg a chyllid ym Mhrifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd, 2008 oedd yr adeg i ostwng ardrethi a rhenti, nid 2018. Dywedodd mai'r her i ni yw sut yr ydym ni eisiau i ganol ein trefi a'n strydoedd mawr edrych ymhen 10 mlynedd. Beth ydym ni'n mynd i'w wneud â nhw? Mae hynny'n rhywbeth y mae angen i ni ei ystyried ar frys. Felly, os bydd y cynnydd esbonyddol i werthiannau ar-lein yn parhau—ac nid oes gennym ni reswm i gredu na fydd—yna, erbyn 2028, bydd llawer o'n manwerthwyr traddodiadol wedi diflannu. Felly, Brif Weinidog, mae'n rhaid i ni gynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol hwnnw. Dywedodd Chris Parry, os byddwn ni'n eistedd ac yn gwneud dim, mae'n bosibl iawn y bydd canol ein trefi yn diroedd diffaith yn y degawd nesaf. Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni osgoi hynny ar bob cyfrif. Brif Weinidog, pa gynlluniau sydd gan eich Llywodraeth i gyflymu defnydd cymysg o'n trefi a'n dinasoedd, gan ddisodli siopau sydd wedi cau gyda thai, bwytai, meddygfeydd teulu, a phopeth arall sydd ei angen ar gyfer bywyd trefol gwirioneddol?
I agree, and it comes back to the point I made earlier on—and planning guidance has been changed to reflect this—we do need to make sure that our urban centres are more mixed. Some of them are, some of them are not. People have tended not to live in town centres for some time. We know that there are some businesses that will do well because they don't have online competition. If you're a cafe, there is no online competition. If you are a barber or a hairdresser, there's no online competition. There are some shops that have specialised particularly strongly in some products. They also perhaps have an online shop as well, which helps them to sustain their business. Ultimately, of course, the problem is that people aren't going through the doors as they used to; they're looking elsewhere. How do we look to resolve that? Well, making sure, I think, as well, that people are around in the day. One of the issues is, to my mind, that, in many town centres, shops are open between 9.30 a.m. and 5.30 p.m. when most people are not around, in reality. It's a question of looking again about flexible opening hours so that shopping centres are open, particularly in town centres, when people are actually out of work and back from work and able to shop, rather than having a model that is a model, really, that hasn't really existed for 30 or 40 years, where people would go in and shop during the course of the day because perhaps they weren't in paid employment. Those days have changed, and I think it's important as well that the challenges that exists with the retail sector are met with looking as well at how they can become more flexible in order to cater for the fact that life has changed for most of their customers.
Rwy'n cytuno, ac mae'n dod yn ôl i'r pwynt a wneuthum yn gynharach—ac mae canllawiau cynllunio wedi cael eu newid i adlewyrchu hyn—mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod ein canolfannau trefol yn fwy cymysg. Mae rhai ohonynt, nid yw rhai ohonynt. Mae pobl wedi tueddu i beidio â byw yng nghanol trefi ers cryn amser. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod rhai busnesau a fydd yn gwneud yn dda oherwydd nad oes ganddyn nhw gystadleuaeth ar-lein. Os ydych chi'n gaffi, nid oes cystadleuaeth ar-lein. Os ydych chi'n farbwr neu'n siop trin gwallt, nid oes cystadleuaeth ar-lein. Ceir rhai siopau sydd wedi arbenigo yn arbennig o gryf mewn rhai cynhyrchion. Efallai y bydd ganddyn nhw siop ar-lein hefyd, sy'n eu helpu i gynnal eu busnes. Yn y pen draw, wrth gwrs, y broblem yw nad yw pobl yn mynd drwy'r drysau fel yr oedden nhw; maen nhw'n chwilio mewn mannau eraill. Sut ydym ni'n ceisio datrys hynny? Wel, gwneud yn siŵr, rwy'n credu, hefyd, bod pobl o gwmpas yn ystod y dydd. Un o'r problemau, yn fy marn i, yw bod siopau yng nghanol llawer o drefi ar agor rhwng 9.30 a.m. a 5.30 p.m. pan nad yw'r rhan fwyaf o bobl o gwmpas, mewn gwirionedd. Mae'n gwestiwn o edrych eto ar oriau agor hyblyg fel bod canolfannau siopa ar agor, yn enwedig yng nghanol trefi, pan nad yw pobl yn y gwaith ac yn ôl o'r gwaith ac yn gallu siopa, yn hytrach na chael model sy'n fodel nad yw wedi bodoli ers 30 neu 40 mlynedd mewn gwirionedd, lle byddai pobl yn mynd i mewn i siopa yn ystod y dydd oherwydd efallai nad oedden nhw mewn cyflogaeth. Mae'r dyddiau hynny wedi newid, ac rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig hefyd bod yr heriau sy'n bodoli gyda'r sector manwerthu yn cael eu bodloni trwy ystyried hefyd sut y gallan nhw ddod yn fwy hyblyg er mwyn darparu ar gyfer y ffaith bod bywyd wedi newid i'r rhan fwyaf o'u cwsmeriaid.
3. Pa ddadansoddiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o'r cyfleoedd a amlinellir yn astudiaeth achos y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, 'Swansea Bay City Region: A Renewable Energy Future’? OAQ52429
3. What analysis has the Welsh Government undertaken of the opportunities outlined in the Institute of Welsh Affairs’s case study, 'Swansea Bay City Region: A Renewable Energy Future’? OAQ52429
Well, can I welcome the recent report that IWA produced, under their Re-energising Wales project, on the potential for the region? It will be extremely valuable for us, and particularly for decision makers in the Swansea area, in order to inform the direction of the city deal.
Wel, a gaf i groesawu'r adroddiad diweddar a luniwyd gan y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, o dan eu prosiect Ail-egnïo Cymru, ar y potensial ar gyfer y rhanbarth? Bydd yn hynod o werthfawr i ni, ac i'r rhai sy'n gwneud penderfyniadau yn ardal Abertawe yn arbennig, er mwyn llywio cyfeiriad y fargen ddinesig.
Thank you, First Minister. Not content with cancelling green trains to Swansea and pulling the plug on subsidies for renewable energy, yesterday the Tory Government pulled the plug on the tidal lagoon, when their own former energy Minister said it would be a no-regrets policy. The Welsh Secretary had the brass neck to tour the TV studios and say that the 30p annual subsidy was expensive, when he's happy to subsidise Hinkley by £12 for every customer a year. So, I think we should call out the hypocrisy of the Tories and the way they've led investors up the garden path who are going to think twice about putting money into innovative technology again. But I think the message of the IWA report is that there is still a possibility for us to lead the way in Wales, and it's for us, as the Welsh Government, to be at the front of that. The case study set out in detail how Wales can meet 100 per cent of its renewable energy demand by 2035 just from green technologies. The city region leaders are supportive. Will the First Minister make sure that the Welsh Government gives its full-throated support to this effort to make sure we still can be leaders in this field?
Diolch, Brif Weinidog. Heb fod yn fodlon gyda chanslo trenau gwyrdd i Abertawe a thynnu'r plwg ar gymorthdaliadau ar gyfer ynni adnewyddadwy, tynnodd y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd y plwg ar y morlyn llanw ddoe, pan ddywedodd eu cyn-Weinidog ynni eu hunain y byddai'n bolisi dim edifeirwch. Roedd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn ddigon digywilydd i fynd o gwmpas y stiwdios teledu gan ddweud bod y cymhorthdal blynyddol o 30c yn ddrud, er ei fod yn hapus i roi cymhorthdal o £12 ar gyfer pob cwsmer y flwyddyn i Hinkley. Felly, rwy'n credu y dylem ni dynnu sylw at ragrith y Torïaid a'r ffordd y maen nhw wedi camarwain buddsoddwyr sy'n mynd i feddwl ddwywaith am gyfrannu arian at dechnoleg arloesol eto. Ond rwy'n credu mai neges adroddiad y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig yw bod posibilrwydd o hyd i ni arwain y ffordd yng Nghymru, a'n cyfrifoldeb ni, fel Llywodraeth Cymru, yw bod ar flaen y gad yn hynny o beth. Nododd yr astudiaeth achos yn fanwl sut y gall Cymru fodloni 100 y cant o'i galw am ynni adnewyddadwy erbyn 2035 o dechnolegau gwyrdd yn unig. Mae arweinyddion y dinas-ranbarthau yn gefnogol. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog wneud yn siŵr bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi ei chefnogaeth mwyaf brwd i'r ymdrech hon i wneud yn siŵr y gallwn ni ddal i fod yn arweinwyr yn y maes hwn?
Yes, and we've already done it, of course, in Pembrokeshire particularly, with projects that we've supported there. I think the problem is that the mood music created around the announcement today is that tidal energy is too expensive. That's the message that's been given. Now, that will apply wherever potential investors are looking at tidal energy projects. If I were a tidal investor now, I'd start thinking twice about investing in the UK, because the UK Government haven't given any encouragement to tidal energy. It's a matter of great regret. What they have said is, 'Well, nuclear is there and offshore wind'—not onshore, but offshore wind is something they want to pursue. The message is that tidal energy is not seen as important by the UK Government, and I regret that very much. Bear in mind that all we were asking for was the same financial deal as was offered to Hinkley. No more than that. We weren't asking for special favours beyond that. If the contract for difference was there in the same way it was for Hinkley, I believe the lagoon could have moved forward, but the UK Government did not accept that, and that is something I know that is a matter for regret not just for Members on this side of the house, but also for Members in other parties as well.
Gwnaf, ac rydym ni wedi ei wneud eisoes, wrth gwrs, yn sir Benfro yn benodol, gyda phrosiectau yr ydym ni wedi eu cefnogi yn y fan honno. Credaf mai'r broblem yw mai'r awyrgylch a grëwyd ynghylch y cyhoeddiad heddiw yw bod ynni'r llanw yn rhy ddrud. Dyna'r neges sydd wedi ei rhoi. Nawr, bydd hynny'n berthnasol lle bynnag y mae darpar fuddsoddwyr yn edrych ar brosiectau ynni'r llanw. Pe bawn i'n fuddsoddwr llanw nawr, byddwn yn dechrau meddwl ddwywaith am fuddsoddi yn y DU, oherwydd nid yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi rhoi unrhyw anogaeth i ynni'r llanw. Mae'n destun gofid mawr. Yr hyn y maen nhw wedi ei ddweud yw, 'Wel, mae niwclear ar gael a gwynt ar y môr'—nid ar y tir, ond mae gwynt ar y môr yn rhywbeth yn maen nhw eisiau ei ystyried. Y neges yw nad yw Llywodraeth y DU o'r farn bod ynni'r llanw yn bwysig, ac rwy'n gresynu hynny'n fawr iawn. Cofiwch mai'r cwbl yr oeddem ni'n gofyn amdano oedd yr un cytundeb ariannol ag a gynigiwyd i Hinkley. Dim mwy na hynny. Nid oeddem ni'n gofyn am ffafrau arbennig y tu hwnt i hynny. Pe byddai'r contract ar gyfer gwahaniaeth yno yn yr un modd ag yr oedd ar gyfer Hinkley, rwy'n credu y gallai'r morlyn llanw fod wedi symud ymlaen, ond nid oedd Llywodraeth y DU yn derbyn hynny, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y gwn sy'n destun gofid nid yn unig i Aelodau ar yr ochr hon i'r tŷ, ond hefyd i Aelodau yn y pleidiau eraill hefyd.
It was my understanding that Ministers made it clear that the door was still open on tidal energy and future discussions on that. But let's talk about something that we can do something about more quickly, and that is rapid and fast electrical vehicle charging points. The same report mentioned that Wales is behind the rest of the UK in the number of charging points available, and suggested as a key action that increasing the number of charging points at major transport nodes, park and rides and tourist attractions should happen fairly quickly. Now, Swansea bay city region is awash with these types of locations, and, as the role of transport within the city deal area is something we're all talking about now, including local businesses, can you tell me whether the money you've given for scoping out the South Wales West metro includes perhaps increasing the number of electrical charging points in the bay, and have you had any further conversations with Ford about whether they're considering electric car production within the South Wales West region?
Fy nealltwriaeth i oedd bod Gweinidogion wedi ei gwneud yn eglur bod y drws yn dal i fod ar agor i ynni'r llanw a thrafodaethau ynghylch hynny yn y dyfodol. Ond gadewch i ni siarad am rywbeth y gallwn ni wneud rhywbeth yn ei gylch yn gyflymach, sef pwyntiau gwefru cerbydau trydanol cyflym. Dywedodd yr un adroddiad bod Cymru y tu ôl i weddill y DU o ran nifer y pwyntiau gwefru sydd ar gael, ac awgrymodd fel cam gweithredu allweddol y dylai cynyddu nifer y pwyntiau gwefru ar nodau trafnidiaeth mawr, mannau parcio a theithio ac atyniadau i dwristiaid ddigwydd yn weddol gyflym. Nawr, mae dinas-ranbarth bae Abertawe yn llawn o'r mathau hyn o leoliadau, a, chan fod swyddogaeth trafnidiaeth o fewn ardal y fargen ddinesig yn rhywbeth yr ydym ni i gyd yn sôn amdano nawr, gan gynnwys busnesau lleol, a allwch chi ddweud wrthyf a yw'r arian yr ydych chi wedi ei roi ar gyfer cwmpasu metro Gorllewin De Cymru yn cynnwys efallai cynyddu nifer y pwyntiau gwefru trydanol yn y bae, ac a ydych chi wedi cael unrhyw sgyrsiau pellach gyda Ford ynghylch pa un a ydyn nhw'n ystyried cynhyrchu ceir trydanol yn rhanbarth Gorllewin De Cymru?
Sorry, I missed the last point.
Mae'n ddrwg gen i, collais i'r pwynt olaf.
Oh—whether you've had any conversations with Ford about electric car production in South Wales West.
O—a ydych chi wedi cael unrhyw sgyrsiau gyda Ford am gynhyrchu ceir trydanol yng Ngorllewin De Cymru.
Well, there have been discussions with Ford on a number of potential opportunities. To my mind, battery production is where the future lies. The technology's not far away when batteries will become far better used. I suspect that the step change will come if the day comes when people are physically able to take a battery out of the car that has discharged and then able to put one in that has been charged, so there's no delay in terms of the charge. We're a long way from that point at the moment, because the batteries are huge.
In terms of charging points, Tesla, of course, have invested heavily in charging points, but the reality is that there are very few Teslas on the road. There are charging points available in, I think, almost every service station at the moment as well. A number of retailers, like Ikea, for example, have charging points as well in the shops, and it is possible to—. There is an app available that gives you an idea of where all the charging points are. So, we want to roll out charging points across Wales. We know how important that is, and that is something that will be a priority for us as a Government.
Wel, bu trafodaethau gyda Ford ar nifer o gyfleoedd posibl. Cynhyrchu batris yw'r dyfodol yn fy marn i. Nid yw'r dechnoleg yn bell i ffwrdd pan fydd batris yn cael eu defnyddio'n llawer gwell. Rwy'n amau y bydd newid sylweddol yn dod os daw y dydd pan fydd pobl yn gallu cymryd batri gwag allan o'r car yn ei grynswth ac yna'n gallu rhoi un i mewn sydd wedi ei wefru, fel nad oes unrhyw oedi o ran y wefr. Rydym ni ymhell o'r pwynt hwnnw ar hyn o bryd, gan fod y batris yn enfawr.
O ran pwyntiau gwefru, mae Tesla, wrth gwrs, wedi buddsoddi'n drwm mewn pwyntiau gwefru, ond y gwir amdani yw mai ychydig iawn o geir Tesla sydd ar y ffordd. Mae pwyntiau gwefru ar gael, rwy'n credu, yn bron bob gorsaf wasanaeth ar hyn o bryd hefyd. Mae gan nifer o fanwerthwyr, fel Ikea, er enghraifft, bwyntiau gwefru yn y siopau hefyd, ac mae'n bosibl—. Mae ap ar gael sy'n rhoi syniad i chi o ble mae'r holl bwyntiau gwefru. Felly, rydym ni eisiau cyflwyno pwyntiau gwefru ledled Cymru. Rydym ni'n gwybod pa mor bwysig yw hynny, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth a fydd yn flaenoriaeth i ni fel Llywodraeth.
The IWA report on the Swansea bay region certainly sets out an exciting vision of the region's energy future. Taking ownership and control is a theme that runs throughout that report, as you know, and it clearly shows that the growth of renewable energy projects in Wales is still dependent, to a large extent, on Westminster. Yesterday certainly proved that point, as regards the tidal lagoon decision.
In view of your earlier comments to Leanne Wood, we look forward to your full support tomorrow in the vote of no confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales. But notwithstanding, whilst the Wales Act 2017 transfers some new powers to Wales for projects generating less than 350 MW, for example, do you now believe that Wales should, as Scotland has, have a greater influence over the strategy to develop offshore wind and marine energy technology as well as setting subsidy levels and priorities for supporting community energy and energy efficiency schemes?
Mae adroddiad y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig ar ranbarth bae Abertawe yn sicr yn cynnig gweledigaeth gyffrous o ddyfodol ynni'r rhanbarth. Mae cymryd cyfrifoldeb a rheolaeth yn thema sy'n rhedeg drwy'r adroddiad hwnnw, fel y gwyddoch, ac mae'n dangos yn eglur bod twf prosiectau ynni adnewyddadwy yng Nghymru yn dal yn ddibynnol, i raddau helaeth, ar San Steffan. Profwyd y pwynt hwnnw ddoe, yn sicr, o ran y penderfyniad ynghylch y morlyn llanw.
Yng ngoleuni eich sylwadau cynharach i Leanne Wood, edrychwn ymlaen at eich cefnogaeth lawn yfory yn y bleidlais o ddiffyg hyder yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru. Ond er gwaethaf hynny, tra bod Deddf Cymru 2017 yn trosglwyddo rhai pwerau newydd i Gymru ar gyfer prosiectau sy'n cynhyrchu llai na 350 MW, er enghraifft, a ydych chi bellach yn credu y dylai fod gan Gymru, fel y mae gan yr Alban, fwy o ddylanwad dros y strategaeth i ddatblygu ynni gwynt ar y môr a thechnoleg ynni morol yn ogystal â phennu lefelau cymhorthdal a blaenoriaethau ar gyfer cefnogi ynni cymunedol a chynlluniau effeithlonrwydd ynni?
Yes, but we still wouldn't control the market. That's the issue—the GB energy market. We need to have a Government in London that sees renewable energy as important and is willing to make the investments in renewable energy that are going to be needed for the future. That is not the case at the moment. What we've seen over the years are solar panels having their subsidies removed, the same for onshore wind, and now what we have is a situation where the UK Government has limited itself to a small number of ways of generating energy. They need to be more expansive than that, and be far bolder in terms of supporting projects like the tidal lagoon.
Ydw, ond ni fyddem ni'n rheoli'r farchnad o hyd. Dyna'r broblem—marchnad ynni Prydain Fawr. Mae angen i ni gael Llywodraeth yn Llundain sy'n credu bod ynni adnewyddadwy yn bwysig ac sy'n barod i wneud y buddsoddiadau mewn ynni adnewyddadwy a fydd eu hangen ar gyfer y dyfodol. Nid yw hynny'n wir ar hyn o bryd. Yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei weld dros y blynyddoedd yw tynnu cymorthdaliadau ar gyfer paneli solar yn ôl, yr un fath ar gyfer gwynt ar y tir, a'r hyn sydd gennym ni nawr yw sefyllfa lle mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi cyfyngu ei hun i nifer fach o ffyrdd o gynhyrchu ynni. Mae angen iddyn nhw fod yn fwy eang na hynny, a bod yn llawer mwy beiddgar o ran cefnogi prosiectau fel y morlyn llanw.
4. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i gefnogi'r economi hydrogen yng Nghymru? OAQ52431
4. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to support the hydrogen economy in Wales? OAQ52431
Mae potensial mawr gyda hydrogen i chwarae rôl bwysig yn ein heconomi, gan ei fod yn ddefnyddiol o ran gwres, pŵer a thrafnidiaeth. Mae nifer o fentrau Llywodraeth Cymru yn edrych ar y cyfleoedd i ddefnyddio hydrogen yng Nghymru i wella ein dealltwriaeth o'i botensial.
Hydrogen has the potential, in terms of power, transport and heat, to play an important role. Several Welsh Government initiatives are exploring hydrogen opportunities in Wales to improve our understanding of its potential.
Diolch am yr ateb, ond, wyth mlynedd yn ôl, fe gyhoeddodd Peter Hain a Jane Davidson y byddai'r M4 yn dod yn briffordd hydrogen i Gymru, a byddai, erbyn hyn—ers dwy flynedd, a dweud y gwir—restr o lefydd i storio hydrogen, i ddefnyddio hydrogen, fel rhan o drafnidiaeth a oedd yn cael ei datgarboneiddio. Nid ŷm ni wedi gweld y freuddwyd yna wedi'i gwireddu ac nid ŷm ni wedi gweld nemor ddim yn symud ymlaen yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf i ddatblygu potensial hydrogen. Rŷm ni newydd fod yn trafod, drwy'r bore yma, datgarboneiddio economi Cymru. Dyma dechnoleg a ddyfeisiwyd yng Nghymru, lle mae yna ymchwil, ar hyn o bryd, yn digwydd ym Maglan a llefydd tebyg, lle mae yna gyfle euraidd i Lywodraeth Cymru nid yn unig i arwain yng Nghymru, ond i arwain yn rhyngwladol. A wnewch chi fanteisio ar y cyfle yma i fod, fel y dywedoch chi wrth Leanne Wood, yn bold and brave?
Thank you for that response, but, eight years ago, Peter Hain and Jane Davidson announced that the M4 would become a hydrogen highway for Wales and, by now—for two years, in fact—there would have been a list of places where hydrogen could be stored and used as part of decarbonised transport. We haven’t seen that dream realised and we’ve seen virtually no progress over the past few years in developing the potential of hydrogen. We have, this morning, been discussing decarbonising the Welsh economy. This is technology devised in Wales, where research is currently happening in Baglan and elsewhere, where there is a golden opportunity for the Welsh Government not only to lead in Wales but also to lead internationally. Will you take that opportunity to be, as you said to Leanne Wood, bold and brave?
Mi ydym ni. Mae yna grŵp cyfeirio wedi cael ei sefydlu er mwyn arwain y ffordd rŷm ni'n meddwl ynglŷn â hydrogen yn y pen draw. Rŷm ni wedi bod yn sicrhau bod yna adnoddau ar gael er mwyn dangos fel y bydd y dechnoleg yn gweithio. Mi wnaethom ni gomisiynu astudiaeth i edrych ar gyfleoedd hydrogen yn Rhondda Cynon Taf ddwy flynedd yn ôl ac mae argymhellion yr adroddiad hwnnw yn cael eu hystyried ar hyn o bryd er mwyn gweld sut y byddan nhw'n gweithio. Rŷm ni'n helpu Cyngor Sir Fynwy, er enghraifft, i edrych ar gyfleon i adeiladu ar Riversimple, sef cais sy'n cymryd lle yn eu hardal nhw ynglŷn ag edrych ar danwydd cynaliadwy, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, gweld fel y bydd hynny'n digwydd. Mae £2 miliwn wedi cael ei roi i Riversimple. Mae hynny'n dangos, wrth gwrs, ein cefnogaeth ni o ran cefnogi'r economi carbon isel lleol. Ac, wrth gwrs, rŷm ni hefyd yn gweithio gyda Chyngor Sir Penfro a phorthladd Aberdaugleddau er mwyn datblygu ardal sero-garbon yn ardal Aberdaugleddau. So, mae sawl peth wedi cael eu cefnogi lan at nawr ac, wrth gwrs, mae llawer o botensial ar gael gyda'r gwaith ymchwil hefyd. Mae rhaglen Sêr Cymru yn cyllido gwaith ymchwil ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe ynglŷn â thanwydd hydrogen ar gyfer cerbydau ac mae Prifysgol Caerdydd hefyd yn edrych ar waith ymchwil ynglŷn â thechnoleg i greu hydrogen gwyrdd yn y pen draw.
We are. A reference group has been established to lead our thinking on hydrogen. We have been ensuring that resources are available to show how the technology will work. We commissioned a study to look at opportunities with hydrogen in Rhondda Cynon Taf two years ago and recommendations of that report are being considered at the moment to see how they will work. We are helping Monmouthshire County Council, for example, to look at opportunities to build on Riversimple, which is an application happening in their area looking at sustainable fuel and, of course, looking at how that will happen. A sum of £2 million has been given to Riversimple. That shows our support in terms of supporting the low-carbon economy on a local level. Of course, we’re working with Pembrokeshire council and Milford Haven port in order to develop a zero-carbon area in the Milford Haven area. So, quite a number of things are being supported and, of course, there’s a lot of potential available with research. Sêr Cymru is funding research in Swansea University on the use of hydrogen in vehicles and Cardiff University is also looking at research in terms of technology to create green hydrogen.
First Minister, there have been concerns expressed from some quarters that we may be putting all our eggs in the electric basket and the electrification basket in terms of rail and cars at the very point when some countries are moving fast towards a hydrogen economy. I suspect that, over the medium term, it will be a mixture of both that will provide the carbon reductions that we need. Will you undertake that you will look, in the first instance, for exploring the potential for hydrogen fuel on freight, railways and buses? I think it was Simon Thomas who mentioned the M4 as a potential hydrogen highway. And looking beyond that, clearly, we are moving down the line of electric vehicles at the moment. There were all sorts of issues with providing electric charging points in the early days of electric cars, and there are still some issues there. In the future, hydrogen cars might be much more of a reality. Have you done any provisional work in terms of developing our highways, developing the infrastructure for a potential hydrogen future, not just in the case of trains and buses, but also in the case of cars as well?
Brif Weinidog, mynegwyd pryderon gan rai ein bod ni efallai'n rhoi ein hwyau i gyd yn y fasged drydan a'r fasged drydaneiddio o ran rheilffyrdd a cheir, ar yr union adeg pan fo rhai gwledydd yn symud yn gyflym tuag at economi hydrogen. Rwy'n amau, dros y tymor canolig, mai cymysgedd o'r ddau fydd yn darparu'r gostyngiadau carbon sydd eu hangen arnom ni. A wnewch chi addo y gwnewch chi edrych, yn y lle cyntaf, ar archwilio'r potensial ar gyfer tanwydd hydrogen ar gludwyr nwyddau, rheilffyrdd a bysiau? Rwy'n credu mai Simon Thomas gyfeiriodd at yr M4 fel priffordd hydrogen bosibl. A chan edrych y tu hwnt i hynny, yn amlwg, rydym ni'n mynd ar drywydd cerbydau trydan ar hyn o bryd. Roedd pob math o broblemau gyda darparu pwyntiau gwefru trydan yn nyddiau cynnar ceir trydan, a cheir rhai problemau o hyd yn hynny o beth. Yn y dyfodol, efallai y bydd ceir hydrogen yn llawer mwy o realiti. A ydych chi wedi gwneud unrhyw waith rhagarweiniol o ran datblygu ein priffyrdd, datblygu'r seilwaith ar gyfer dyfodol hydrogen posibl, nid yn unig yn achos trenau a bysiau, ond yn achos ceir hefyd?
If I remember rightly, the hydrogen fuel cell was invented in Wales. So, in some ways, we've stolen the march there and we must make sure that we continue to be at the forefront of this technology. We did look at the option of hydrogen technology with the train bidders during the procurement process. That wasn't something that we could take forward at this stage, but we'll continue to look at how the network can innovate in the future. If we look, for example, at the research I made reference to earlier on—the research work at Swansea University and Cardiff University—looking at how we can develop hydrogen in the future as well, it's hugely important for us to be ahead of the game in Wales in terms of the scientific research. I think there are great opportunities there, in the future, in terms of developing hydrogen as a fuel, and he will be aware, of course, of Riversimple, the trial that took place in Monmouthshire. Again, it's a question of supporting the research and supporting the trials to move the technology forward, and we'll continue to do that.
Os cofiaf yn iawn, dyfeisiwyd y gell tanwydd hydrogen yng Nghymru. Felly, mewn rhai ffyrdd, rydym ni wedi achub y blaen yn hynny o beth ac mae'n rhaid i ni wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n parhau i fod ar flaen y gad o ran y dechnoleg hon. Ystyriwyd y dewis o dechnoleg hydrogen gennym gyda'r cynigwyr trenau yn ystod y broses gaffael. Nid oedd hynny'n rhywbeth y gallem ni fwrw ymlaen ag ef ar hyn o bryd, ond byddwn yn parhau i edrych ar sut y gall y rhwydwaith arloesi yn y dyfodol. Os edrychwn ni, er enghraifft, ar y gwaith ymchwil y cyfeiriais i ato'n gynharach—y gwaith ymchwil ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe a Phrifysgol Caerdydd—yn ystyried sut y gallwn ni ddatblygu hydrogen yn y dyfodol hefyd, mae'n hynod bwysig i ni fod ar flaen y gad yng Nghymru o ran yr ymchwil gwyddonol. Rwy'n credu bod cyfleoedd gwych ar gael, yn y dyfodol, o ran datblygu hydrogen fel tanwydd, a bydd ef yn ymwybodol, wrth gwrs, o Riversimple, yr arbrawf a gynhaliwyd yn sir Fynwy. Unwaith eto, mae'n gwestiwn o gefnogi'r gwaith ymchwil a chefnogi'r arbrofion i symud y dechnoleg yn ei blaen, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud hynny.
5. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am weithredu cynlluniau datblygu lleol yng Nghanol De Cymru? OAQ52430
5. Will the First Minister provide an update on the implementation of local development plans in South Wales Central? OAQ52430
There's complete coverage of local development plans in the South Wales Central region. The implementation, of course, of local development plans is the responsibility of each respective local planning authority.
Mae'r holl gynlluniau datblygu lleol yn rhanbarth Canol De Cymru wedi eu cwblhau. Cyfrifoldeb pob awdurdod cynllunio lleol perthnasol yw gweithredu cynlluniau datblygu lleol, wrth gwrs.
Diolch. I didn't really expect a proper answer, so I'm going to give you an update on the LDP in Cardiff on behalf of residents, because your local development plan is bringing absolute chaos. Traffic jams already go on for miles, and yet there will be over 10,000 extra cars on those roads that are already rammed. There's no new infrastructure in place, no new public transport, and communities will be suffocated with dirty and polluted air. GP surgeries are about to have thousands of extra patients when they are already at breaking point. New places will not be provided in doctors' surgeries or hospitals until 3,000 houses are built. You denied announcing that all this would take place. Your councillors stood in green fields pledging to protect them; those very same green fields are now full of bulldozers. Do you accept that you and your party have a very strange relationship with the truth?
Diolch. Doeddwn i ddim yn disgwyl ateb iawn mewn gwirionedd, felly rwy'n mynd i roi'r newyddion diweddaraf i chi am y CDLl yng Nghaerdydd ar ran trigolion, oherwydd mae eich cynllun datblygu lleol yn creu anhrefn llwyr. Mae tagfeydd traffig eisoes yn mynd ymlaen am filltiroedd, ac eto bydd dros 10,000 o geir ychwanegol ar y ffyrdd hynny sydd eisoes yn orlawn. Nid oes unrhyw seilwaith newydd ar waith, dim trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus newydd, a bydd cymunedau yn cael eu mygu gan aer brwnt a llygredig. Mae meddygfeydd teulu ar fin cael miloedd o gleifion ychwanegol pan eu bod wedi cyrraedd pen eu tennyn eisoes. Ni fydd lleoedd newydd yn cael eu darparu mewn meddygfeydd teulu nac ysbytai tan i 3,000 o dai gael eu hadeiladu. Fe wnaethoch chi wadu cyhoeddi y byddai hyn i gyd yn digwydd. Safodd eich cynghorwyr mewn caeau gwyrdd yn addo eu hamddiffyn; mae'r un caeau gwyrdd hynny yn llawn teirw dur erbyn hyn. A ydych chi'n derbyn bod gennych chi a'ch plaid berthynas ryfedd iawn â'r gwir?
I'm sorry; I don't know what the allegation was there, Llywydd. I'd like a ruling, please.
Mae'n ddrwg gen i; nid wyf i'n gwybod beth oedd yr honiad yn y fan yna, Llywydd. Hoffwn i gael dyfarniad, os gwelwch yn dda.
Well, if you fail to understand the allegation, you can't answer the question. Thank you. Andrew R.T. Davies.
Wel, os nad ydych chi'n gallu deall yr honiad, ni allwch chi ateb y cwestiwn. Diolch. Andrew R.T. Davies.
First Minister, in relation to LDPs, it is really important that, obviously, local people's voices are heard in the process. There does appear in the current system to be a disconnect with the ability for local people to feel they're having an influence in the development of LDPs. I appreciate that that's a responsibility for local authorities, but ultimately the Welsh Government signs those LDPs off. Where do you think real improvements can be made in the process so that local communities do not feel that they are excluded from the development of plans that are supposed to govern the development of their own communities?
Brif Weinidog, o ran CDLlau, mae'n bwysig iawn, yn amlwg, bod lleisiau pobl leol yn cael eu clywed yn y broses. Mae'n ymddangos yn y system bresennol fod diffyg cysylltiad â'r gallu i bobl leol deimlo bod ganddyn nhw ddylanwad yn natblygiad CDLlau. Rwy'n sylweddoli mai cyfrifoldeb awdurdodau lleol yw hwnnw, ond mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cadarnhau'r CDLlau hynny yn y pen draw. Ble ydych chi'n credu y gellir gwneud gwelliannau gwirioneddol yn y broses fel nad yw cymunedau lleol yn teimlo eu bod yn cael eu heithrio o ddatblygiad cynlluniau sydd i fod i lywodraethu datblygiad eu cymunedau eu hunain?
I think what's key is that people are involved in the LDP development process at the start. He will know, I'm sure—and I've had the same experience—that people will object to a planning application when, in fact, the land has already been allocated in a development plan for a particular purpose, at which point, of course, it's too late in the day to bring forward the objections that they would want. So, I would expect local authorities to be fully engaged with the local community in the development of a local development plan.
It is hugely important now that we move on to strategic development plans. One of the issues that is correct in Cardiff is that Cardiff is a popular place to live. There is a need for more housing, otherwise house prices will go up to a point where people will be forced out of the city in order to live. There are real challenges in terms of infrastructure—that much is true—which is why it's hugely important that in the south-east of our country we see the development of a strategic development plan that looks at a much larger area, rather than thinking that local authorities can only look at their own areas when it comes to setting out a development plan. That's not how the economy works—we know that—and that's where the next stage of planning must go.
Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn sy'n allweddol yw bod pobl yn cymryd rhan yn y broses o ddatblygu CDLl ar y dechrau. Bydd ef yn gwybod, rwy'n siŵr—ac rwyf i wedi cael yr un profiad—y bydd pobl yn gwrthwynebu cais cynllunio pan, mewn gwirionedd, mae'r tir eisoes wedi ei ddyrannu mewn cynllun datblygu at ddiben penodol, ac erbyn hynny, wrth gwrs, mae'n rhy hwyr i gyflwyno'r gwrthwynebiadau y bydden nhw'n dymuno eu cyflwyno. Felly, byddwn i'n disgwyl i awdurdodau lleol ymgysylltu'n llawn â'r gymuned leol yn natblygiad cynllun datblygu lleol.
Mae'n hynod bwysig nawr ein bod ni'n symud ymlaen i gynlluniau datblygu strategol. Un o'r problemau sy'n wir yng Nghaerdydd yw bod Caerdydd yn lle poblogaidd i fyw ynddo. Mae angen mwy o dai, fel arall bydd prisiau tai yn cynyddu i lefel lle bydd pobl yn cael eu gorfodi i symud allan o'r ddinas er mwyn gallu byw. Ceir heriau gwirioneddol o ran seilwaith—mae hynny'n wir—a dyna pam mae'n bwysig dros ben ein bod ni'n gweld datblygiad cynllun datblygu strategol yn ne-ddwyrain ein gwlad sy'n ystyried ardal fwy o lawer, yn hytrach na meddwl y gall awdurdodau lleol edrych ar eu hardaloedd eu hunain yn unig pan ddaw i gyflwyno cynllun datblygu. Nid dyna sut y mae'r economi yn gweithio—rydym ni'n gwybod hynny—a dyna'r cyfeiriad y mae'n rhaid i'r cam nesaf o gynllunio fynd iddo.
I agree with the First Minister; I think strategic development plans are the answer. I'd go further to say that LDPs fail to deliver within their boundaries in areas like South Wales Central, and those authorities that stand against them then find themselves victim to speculative planning applications, where chief inspectors overturn democratically elected councillors on appeal, which is why I would praise the Welsh Government for its proposal to temporarily disapply paragraph 6.2 of technical advice note 1, the advice note to planning inspectors, relating to the provision of the weighting of a five-year housing land supply. I've written my own response to the consultation supporting it. However, I was disappointed to receive a letter recently from the Home Builders Federation, which went to other Assembly Members, opposing the Welsh Government's plans. I feel that the Home Builders Federation are far too keen to support the cartel of large house builders, and the planning system is stacked in their favour. They deliver barely any affordable housing. I think the Home Builders Federation need to rethink their position. Would the First Minister agree that we need to look at how we develop small and medium-sized house builders, who have far more of a focus on their local communities than the needs of the market? Will he stand firm against lobbying groups who have vested interests?
Rwy'n cytuno gyda'r Prif Weinidog; rwy'n credu mai cynlluniau datblygu strategol yw'r ateb. Byddwn yn mynd ymhellach a dweud bod CDLlau yn methu â chyflawni o fewn eu ffiniau mewn ardaloedd fel Canol De Cymru, a'r awdurdodau hynny sy'n sefyll yn eu herbyn ac yna'n canfod eu hunain yn dioddef ceisiadau cynllunio hapfasnachol, pan fo prif arolygwyr yn gwrthdroi cynghorwyr a etholwyd yn ddemocrataidd ar apêl, a dyna pam y byddwn yn canmol Llywodraeth Cymru am ei chynnig i ddatgymhwyso dros dro paragraff 6.2 nodyn cyngor technegol 1, y nodyn cyngor i arolygwyr cynllunio, yn ymwneud â darpariaeth y pwysoliad o gyflenwad tir tai dros bum mlynedd. Rwyf i wedi ysgrifennu fy ymateb fy hun i'r ymgynghoriad yn ei gefnogi. Fodd bynnag, roeddwn i'n siomedig o dderbyn llythyr yn ddiweddar gan y Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi, a aeth i Aelodau Cynulliad eraill, yn gwrthwynebu cynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru. Teimlaf fod y Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi yn llawer rhy awyddus i gefnogi'r cartél o adeiladwyr tai mawr, a bod y system gynllunio wedi ei phwysoli o'u plaid. Prin yw'r tai fforddiadwy y maen nhw'n eu darparu. Rwy'n credu bod angen i'r Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi ailystyried eu safbwynt. A fyddai'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno bod angen i ni edrych ar sut y gallwn ddatblygu adeiladwyr tai bach a chanolig eu maint, sydd â llawer mwy o bwyslais ar eu cymunedau lleol nag ar anghenion y farchnad? A wnaiff ef sefyll yn gadarn yn erbyn grwpiau lobïo sydd â'u buddiannau eu hunain?
It's hugely important that we have a planning system that works as effectively as it can. He's right to report that a consultation has taken place on the disapplication of paragraph 6.2 of TAN 1. We're considering the evidence on that now. But there is here a responsibility on local authorities as well, because it is important that local authorities agree governance arrangements to move on rapidly to progress a strategic development plan.
The difficulty is, of course, that local authorities will look at producing a development plan for their own areas. The reality is that people will live in their area and work somewhere else. If you look at my own constituency, many thousands of people work in Cardiff and happen to live in Bridgend. To suggest that, somehow, you can have a development plan in Bridgend that's wholly separate to that of the Vale of Glamorgan or Cardiff really doesn't work, because in reality it's one large area.
So, it is important now—. He will know the pressures, of course, in Caerphilly, as he's mentioned them many, many times. It is hugely important now that local authorities do now get together and do decide who is going to take forward the strategic development plan, in order to make sure that there's a greater distribution of people around the area. Otherwise, it's right to say that most of the development, I suspect, will fall on Cardiff, it'll fall on southern Caerphilly, and we need to make sure that a strategic development plan is in place to make sure that there is not overdevelopment in some parts of south-east Wales when, in fact, there might be opportunities elsewhere.
Mae'n bwysig dros ben bod gennym ni system gynllunio sy'n gweithio mor effeithiol â phosibl. Mae e'n iawn i hysbysu bod ymgynghoriad wedi ei gynnal ar ddatgymhwyso paragraff 6.2 Nodyn Cyngor Technegol 1. Rydym ni'n ystyried y dystiolaeth ar hynny ar hyn o bryd. Ond mae cyfrifoldeb yn y fan yma ar awdurdodau lleol hefyd, gan ei bod hi'n bwysig bod awdurdodau lleol yn cytuno trefniadau llywodraethu i symud ymlaen yn gyflym i gynllun datblygu strategol.
Yr anhawster, wrth gwrs, yw y bydd awdurdodau lleol yn ceisio llunio cynllun datblygu ar gyfer eu hardaloedd eu hunain. Y gwir amdani yw y bydd pobl yn byw yn eu hardaloedd ac yn gweithio yn rhywle arall. Os edrychwch chi ar fy etholaeth i fy hun, mae miloedd lawer o bobl yn gweithio yng Nghaerdydd ac yn digwydd bod yn byw ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr. Nid yw awgrymu, rywsut, y gallwch chi fod â chynllun datblygu ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr sy'n gwbl ar wahân i rai Bro Morgannwg neu Gaerdydd yn gweithio mewn gwirionedd, gan mai un ardal fawr yw hi mewn gwirionedd.
Felly, mae'n bwysig nawr—. Bydd ef yn ymwybodol o'r pwysau, wrth gwrs, yng Nghaerffili, gan ei fod wedi sôn amdanyn nhw lawer gwaith o'r blaen. Mae'n hynod bwysig nawr bod awdurdodau lleol yn dod at ei gilydd ac yn penderfynu pwy sy'n mynd i fwrw ymlaen â'r cynllun datblygu strategol, er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr bod dosbarthiad mwy o bobl o gwmpas yr ardal. Fel arall, mae'n iawn i ddweud y bydd y rhan fwyaf o'r datblygiad, rwy'n amau, yn digwydd yng Nghaerdydd, yn digwydd yn ne Caerffili, ac mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod cynllun datblygu strategol ar waith i wneud yn siŵr nad oes gorddatblygu mewn rhai rhannau o'r de-ddwyrain, pan, mewn gwirionedd, y gallai fod cyfleoedd mewn mannau eraill.
6. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog amlinellu nifer y derbyniadau o ganlyniad i glefyd rhwystrol cronig yr ysgyfaint i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys rhwng 2016 a 2017? OAQ52405
6. Will the First Minister outline the number of admissions resulting from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease to accident and emergency departments from 2016 to 2017? OAQ52405
Nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn casglu data yn rheolaidd ar nifer y derbyniadau i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys sy’n ymwneud â chlefyd rhwystrol cronig yr ysgyfaint. Fodd bynnag, mae gwybodaeth o gronfa ddata cyfnodau gofal cleifion Cymru yn dangos y cafwyd 5,044 o dderbyniadau yn 2015 a 4,768 o dderbyniadau yn 2016—gostyngiad, felly, o 5.5%.
Data on the number of COPD-related admissions to emergency departments is not routinely collected by the Welsh Government. However, information from the patient episode database for Wales indicates there were 5,044 admissions in 2015 and 4,768 admissions in 2016—a fall of 5.5 per cent.
Diolch am hynny. Fel rydych wedi ei grybwyll, mae'r data yn dangos bod yna fwy o dderbyniadau i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys nag sydd wedi bod yn hanesyddol, ac mae yna angen clir i sicrhau mynediad at wasanaethau adsefydlu cleifion yr ysgyfaint, felly, a hefyd i'w harallgyfeirio nhw a chefnogi cleifion i wneud ymarfer corff. Felly, beth mwy ydych chi fel Llywodraeth yn mynd i'w wneud i sicrhau bod gan gleifion ar draws Cymru fynediad at y triniaethau yma er mwyn lleihau'r risg o'u cyflwr yn gwaethygu, ac arwain at dderbyniadau diangen felly i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys?
Thank you for that. Of course, as you’ve mentioned, the data shows that there are more admissions to accident and emergency departments than have been historically, and there is a clear need to ensure access to rehabilitation services for these patients, and also to refer them and support patients to take part in exercise. So, what more are you doing as a Government to ensure that patients across Wales have access to these treatments, in order to reduce the risk of their condition getting worse, and resulting in unnecessary admissions to A&E departments?
Mae yna lwybr newydd yn cael ei ddatblygu ar hyn o bryd er mwyn helpu pobl gyda COPD i ystyried gweithgareddau ynglŷn ag ymarfer er mwyn iddynt allu rheoli'r cyflwr maen nhw'n ffeindio'u hunain ynddo. Mae hynny'n meddwl ystyried cyrsiau er mwyn helpu pobl i gael yr ymarfer sydd ei eisiau arnyn nhw, pobl i'w dysgu nhw sut i ymarfer hefyd ac, wrth gwrs, eu hybu nhw ynglŷn â sicrhau eu bod nhw'n edrych ar ffyrdd newydd i ddelio gyda'r clwy sydd gyda nhw, yn lle eu bod nhw'n teimlo drwy'r amser bod rhaid iddyn nhw fynd i'r ysbyty. So, dyna lle rwy'n credu mae'n rhaid i'r gwaith ddigwydd.
A new pathway is being developed at the moment to assist people with COPD to consider activities in terms of exercise, so that they can manage their condition. That means courses to help people have the exercise that they require, people to teach them how to exercise, and also to encourage them to exercise and to ensure that they look at new ways of managing the condition that they have, rather than constantly feeling that they have to go to hospital. So, I think that’s where the work needs to happen.
Of course, First Minister, I'm sure you'll agree that it's not just a new pathway we need, but people with the passion and commitment to deliver it in a really proactive way. Just recently, I made it my business to go and meet Louise Walby, who was this year's Royal College of Nursing nurse of the year, because Louise has in Cwm Taf developed an excellent programme for dealing with people with COPD. It's gained a lot of traction within Cwm Taf, and she's very keen to, obviously, spread that best message out across all of Wales, because it is innovative, it is kind to the patient, and it really brings people on board in a non-hectoring, non-lecturing way. What can you do as a Government to ensure that these very small green shoots that pop up in the NHS, full of great ideas, do get that opportunity to grow and to spread that best practice, so that everybody can benefit from the experience of a nurse such as Louise Walby?
Wrth gwrs, Brif Weinidog, rwy'n siŵr y gwnewch chi gytuno nad llwybr newydd yn unig sydd ei angen arnom ni, ond pobl â'r angerdd a'r ymrwymiad i'w ddarparu mewn ffordd wirioneddol ragweithiol. Dim ond yn ddiweddar, cymerais arnaf fy hun i fynd i gyfarfod â Louise Walby, sef nyrs y flwyddyn y Coleg Nyrsio Brenhinol eleni, gan fod Louise wedi datblygu rhaglen ardderchog yng Nghwm Taf ar gyfer ymdrin â phobl â COPD. Mae wedi cael llawer o sylw o fewn Cwm Taf, ac mae'n awyddus iawn, yn amlwg, i ledaenu'r neges honno allan ledled Cymru gyfan, gan ei bod yn arloesol, yn garedig i'r claf, ac mae wir yn cynnwys pobl mewn ffordd nad yw'n rhefru ar bobl, nad yw'n pregethu wrthynt. Beth allwch chi ei wneud fel Llywodraeth i sicrhau bod yr egin bychain iawn hyn sy'n ymddangos yn y GIG, yn llawn syniadau gwych, yn cael y cyfle hwnnw i dyfu ac i ledaenu'r arferion gorau hynny, fel y gall pawb elwa ar brofiad nyrs fel Louise Walby?
What I've found over the years is that quite often the best ideas come from an individual—an individual who might observe what's happening in their local area, shape that observation into a practical example that can help people. It's hugely important that that practice is able to spread. I would expect health boards to look at innovative practices elsewhere in Wales. I will, however, ask the health secretary as well to write to you with his ideas as to how this might be taken forward.
Yr hyn yr wyf i wedi ei ganfod dros y blynyddoedd yw bod y syniadau gorau yn dod gan unigolyn yn aml iawn—unigolyn a allai weld yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn ei ardal leol, gan lunio'r hyn y mae'n ei weld fel enghraifft ymarferol sy'n gallu helpu pobl. Mae'n bwysig dros ben y gellir lledaenu'r arfer hwnnw. Byddwn yn disgwyl i fyrddau iechyd edrych ar arferion arloesol mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru. Byddaf, fodd bynnag, yn gofyn i'r ysgrifennydd iechyd ysgrifennu atoch chi hefyd gyda'i syniadau ynglŷn â sut y gellid bwrw ymlaen â hyn.
7. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am strategaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i fynd i'r afael â gamblo cymhellol? OAQ52418
7. Will the First Minister make a statement on the Welsh Government's strategy to tackle problem gambling? OAQ52418
A cross-Government group has been established to develop a strategic approach to reducing gambling-related harm across Wales. The group is currently considering the recommendations from the chief medical officer’s latest annual report and will co-ordinate existing action and identify new activity that might be required.
Sefydlwyd grŵp traws-lywodraethol wedi'i sefydlu i ddatblygu dull strategol i leihau niwed sy'n gysylltiedig â gamblo ledled Cymru. Mae'r grŵp wrthi'n ystyried yr argymhellion o adroddiad blynyddol diweddaraf y prif swyddog meddygol a bydd yn cydgysylltu camau gweithredu presennol ac yn nodi gweithgarwch newydd y gellid bod ei angen.
Thank you for that answer, First Minister. You will recall the number of debates we've had in this Chamber over the issue of fixed-odds betting terminals and, of course, the UK Government gave a commitment that they would now take measures to reduce betting on these to a maximum of £2 per bet. It now appears that it may be at least two years before any such legislation is forthcoming. We do have some powers within this, although not as extensive, but it does seem to me that this would be an appropriate time now for Wales to take a lead and to introduce legislation at least to use the powers we do have to minimise the amount of fixed-odds betting terminal bets that can be placed, under powers in the Wales Act 2017 now, rather than wait for legislation that will take several years to arrive or may not even arrive at all.
Diolch am yr ateb yna, Brif Weinidog. Byddwch yn cofio'r nifer o ddadleuon yr ydym ni wedi eu cael yn y Siambr hon ynghylch y mater o beiriannau betio ods sefydlog, a rhoddodd Llywodraeth y DU ymrwymiad, wrth gwrs, y bydden nhw'n cymryd mesurau nawr i leihau betio ar y rhain i uchafswm o £2 fesul bet. Mae'n ymddangos erbyn hyn y gallai fod o leiaf dwy flynedd cyn i unrhyw ddeddfwriaeth o'r fath gael ei chyflwyno. Mae gennym ni rai pwerau o fewn hyn, er nid mor helaeth, ond mae'n ymddangos i mi y byddai hon yn adeg briodol nawr i Gymru arwain a chyflwyno deddfwriaeth i ddefnyddio'r pwerau sydd gennym ni o leiaf i gyfyngu ar nifer y betiau ar beiriannau betio ods sefydlog y gellir eu gosod, o dan bwerau yn Neddf Cymru 2017 nawr, yn hytrach nag aros am ddeddfwriaeth a fydd yn cymryd sawl blwyddyn i gyrraedd neu efallai na fydd hyd yn oed yn cyrraedd o gwbl.
The Member's right. The difficulty, of course, is finding time for legislation in what is a packed legislative programme. That's not to mean we do nothing, of course, and it's important that we know that there are other tools available to us in order to reduce problem gambling. I can assure the Member that the Chief Medical Officer for Wales has made several recommendations in his annual report and the cross-Government group is currently considering them, certainly as a first step to dealing with problem gambling and we're keen to work with the CMO in order to address the problem.
Mae'r Aelod yn iawn. Y drafferth, wrth gwrs, yw dod o hyd i amser ar gyfer deddfwriaeth yn yr hyn sy'n rhaglen ddeddfwriaethol lawn iawn. Nid yw hynny'n golygu na ddylem ni wneud dim, wrth gwrs, ac mae'n bwysig ein bod ni'n gwybod bod dulliau eraill ar gael i ni er mwyn lleihau gamblo problemus. Gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod bod Prif Swyddog Meddygol Cymru wedi gwneud nifer o argymhellion yn ei adroddiad blynyddol ac mae'r grŵp traws-lywodraethol wrthi'n eu hystyried ar hyn o bryd, yn sicr fel cam cyntaf o ymdrin â gamblo problemus ac rydym ni'n awyddus i weithio gyda'r Prif Swyddog Meddygol er mwyn datrys y broblem.
First Minister, public health enemies like problem gambling are things that we have the opportunity to tackle here in Wales through the education system. There were some startling statistics at the Beat the Odds conference last week that 80 per cent of children have seen gambling adverts on tv, 70 per cent of children have seen gambling adverts on social media and two thirds have seen gambling adverts on other websites. Now, whilst I appreciate we don't have the opportunity to deal with adverts per se, we do have an opportunity through the education system to educate our young people about problem gambling and the harm that it can cause to them and wider society. So, what action is the Welsh Government taking through the new curriculum and other opportunities that might be presented to tackle this problem as a public health enemy?
Brif Weinidog, mae gelynion iechyd y cyhoedd fel gamblo problemus yn bethau y mae gennym ni'r cyfle i fynd i'r afael â nhw yma yng Nghymru drwy'r system addysg. Roedd rhai ystadegau syfrdanol yng nghynhadledd Curo'r Bwci yr wythnos diwethaf bod 80 y cant o blant wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar y teledu, bod 70 y cant o blant wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar gyfryngau cymdeithasol a bod dwy ran o dair wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar wefannau eraill. Nawr, er fy mod i'n deall nad oes gennym ni'r cyfle i ymdrin â hysbysebion fel y cyfryw, mae gennym ni gyfle drwy'r system addysg i addysgu ein pobl ifanc am gamblo problemus a'r niwed y gall ei achosi iddyn nhw ac i gymdeithas yn ehangach. Felly, pa gamau mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd drwy'r cwricwlwm newydd a chyfleoedd eraill y gellid eu cyflwyno i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem hon fel gelyn iechyd y cyhoedd?
Well, I was explaining to my children last week that there was a time when cigars and tobacco were freely advertised on television, which they couldn't quite understand, but they were. Gambling was more tightly regulated. It's gone the other way, that's the problem. There is scarcely a time when somebody can watch a sporting occasion without there being some offer to make a bet halfway through the game—next scorer, you know. Even something I saw in the papers a few days ago where it would be a free bet if England won against Panama—a lot of losers there, I suspect. But the serious point is this: this has happened since the Gambling Act in 2005, and I regret that happened under the watch of my own party. I think that was the wrong decision to take because what we have seen is the proliferation of gambling adverts that make it appear that a bit of gambling is okay, basically, and then that's where the problems arise.
What can we do in the education system, because we don't control, obviously, the advertising industry? Well, health and emotional well-being is a theme of the personal and social education framework, which forms part of the current curriculum framework, that does give schools the chance to pick up issues such as problem gambling. Financial education will be a key element within the new curriculum—something that the Member Bethan Sayed has championed—and that will offer robust provision to help learners develop their financial skills, including the management of money. I can say that pioneer schools are working with some of the key organisations to develop new areas of learning as well. So, yes, we can address it through the education system and we are doing that. It's going to take more than that in terms of the advertising industry, though.
Wel, roeddwn i'n esbonio wrth fy mhlant yr wythnos diwethaf y bu adeg pan yr oedd sigârs a thybaco yn cael eu hysbysebu'n rhydd ar y teledu, nad oedden nhw'n ei ddeall o gwbl, ond roedd hynny'n digwydd. Roedd gamblo wedi'i reoleiddio'n fwy llym. Mae wedi mynd y ffordd arall, dyna'r broblem. Prin y ceir adeg pan all rhywun wylio achlysur chwaraeon heb fod rhyw gynnig i wneud bet hanner ffordd drwy'r gêm—sgoriwr nesaf, ac ati. Hyd yn oed rhywbeth a welais yn y papurau ychydig ddiwrnodau yn ôl pryd y caed bet am ddim pe byddai Lloegr yn ennill yn erbyn Panama—llawer o gollwyr yn y fan yna, rwy'n amau. Ond y pwynt difrifol yw hwn: mae hyn wedi digwydd ers y Ddeddf Gamblo yn 2005, ac rwy'n gresynu bod hynny wedi digwydd o dan oruchwyliaeth fy mhlaid fy hun. Rwy'n meddwl mai hwnnw oedd y penderfyniad anghywir i'w wneud oherwydd yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei weld yw toreth o hysbysebion gamblo sy'n ei gwneud hi ymddangos bod ychydig o gamblo yn iawn, fwy neu lai, a dyna lle mae'r problemau'n codi.
Beth allwn ni ei wneud yn y system addysg, oherwydd nid ydym ni'n rheoli'r diwydiant hysbysebu, yn amlwg? Wel, mae iechyd a llesiant emosiynol yn un o themâu'r fframwaith addysg bersonol a chymdeithasol, sy'n rhan o fframwaith presennol y cwricwlwm, sy'n rhoi'r cyfle i ysgolion drafod materion fel gamblo problemus. Bydd addysg ariannol yn elfen allweddol yn y cwricwlwm newydd—rhywbeth y mae'r Aelod Bethan Sayed wedi ei hyrwyddo—a bydd hynny'n cynnig darpariaeth gadarn i helpu dysgwyr ddatblygu eu sgiliau ariannol, gan gynnwys rheoli arian. Gallaf ddweud bod ysgolion arloesol yn gweithio gyda rhai o'r sefydliadau allweddol i ddatblygu meysydd newydd o ddysgu hefyd. Felly, gallwn, mi allwn ni fynd i'r afael â hyn drwy'r system addysg ac rydym ni'n gwneud hynny. Mae'n mynd i gymryd mwy na hynny o ran y diwydiant hysbysebu, fodd bynnag.
I'm delighted to hear, First Minister, that you're aware of the huge dangers there are in linking gambling to sport. You can support your team without having to place a bet, but obviously children have been pushed this idea that the one goes with the other.
What is the possibility of introducing legislation to change the planning criteria for betting shops so that they have a specific category, and that means that we can firmly control the number of new betting shops and ensure that other businesses closing down don't then get made into betting shops?
Rwy'n falch iawn o glywed, Brif Weinidog, eich bod chi'n ymwybodol o'r peryglon enfawr sy'n deillio o gysylltu gamblo â chwaraeon. Gallwch gefnogi eich tîm heb orfod gosod bet, ond yn amlwg gwthiwyd y syniad yma i blant bod un yn mynd law yn llaw â'r llall.
Beth yw'r posibilrwydd o gyflwyno deddfwriaeth i newid y meini prawf cynllunio ar gyfer siopau betio fel bod ganddyn nhw gategori penodol, ac mae hynny'n golygu y gallwn ni reoli nifer y siopau betio newydd yn gadarn a sicrhau nad yw busnesau eraill sy'n cau yn cael eu troi'n siopau betio wedyn?
I'll ask the Secretary to write to you on that.FootnoteLink It is right to say that we don't want to see a proliferation of betting shops, but that's part of the problem. Online gambling—it's never been easier to gamble. There was a time when you physically had to walk into a betting shop in order to do it. Most people didn't do that. There were some people for whom it was a lifestyle choice, but it didn't happen to most people. Now, of course, because it's so easy to gamble—. For example, just to give some figures to Members here, there were 152,000 adverts in 2006 relating to gambling; in 2012—and I suspect the figure's gone up since then—there were 1.39 million. Well, that kind of barrage of information is bound to have an effect to encourage people who otherwise wouldn't have gone into a betting shop years ago to gamble, to gamble more, and then, of course, to create problem gambling. If we don't allow advertising for tobacco and alcohol on tv, why do we allow the advertising of gambling? I think that's a question for the UK Government to resolve.
Fe ofynnaf i'r Ysgrifennydd ysgrifennu atoch ynghylch hynny.FootnoteLink Mae'n iawn i ddweud nad ydym ni eisiau gweld toreth o siopau betio, ond mae hynny'n rhan o'r broblem. Gamblo ar-lein—nid fu hi erioed yn haws gamblo. Roedd amser pan yr oedd yn rhaid i chi gerdded i mewn i siop fetio yn gorfforol er mwyn gwneud hynny. Nid oedd y rhan fwyaf o bobl yn gwneud hynny. Roedd rhai pobl yn dewis ei wneud fel ffordd o fyw, ond nid oedd yn digwydd i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl. Nawr, wrth gwrs, gan ei bod hi mor hawdd gamblo—. Er enghraifft, dim ond i roi rhai ffigurau i'r Aelodau yn y fan yma, roedd 152,000 o hysbysebion yn ymwneud â gamblo yn 2006; yn 2012—ac rwy'n amau bod y ffigur wedi codi ers hynny—roedd 1.39 miliwn. Wel, mae'r math yna o lifeiriant o wybodaeth yn sicr o gael effaith i annog pobl efallai na fydden nhw wedi mynd i siop fetio i gamblo flynyddoedd yn ôl, i gamblo mwy, a wedyn, wrth gwrs, i greu gamblo problemus. Os nad ydym ni'n caniatáu hysbysebion ar gyfer tybaco ac alcohol ar y teledu, pam ydym ni'n caniatáu hysbysebion gamblo? Rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n gwestiwn i Lywodraeth y DU ei ateb.
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes. Rydw i'n galw ar arweinydd y tŷ i wneud ei datganiad—Julie James.
The next item, therefore, is the business statement and announcement. I call on the leader of the house to make the statement—Julie James.
Diolch, Llywydd. There are several changes to this week's business. The Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport will make oral statements today on the Swansea bay tidal lagoon and the recent Airbus Group announcement. As a result, the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on initial teacher education will issue as a written statement. And, finally, Llywydd, the Business Committee agreed to schedule an additional debate tomorrow afternoon on a no named day motion tabled by Plaid Cymru. Otherwise, business for the next three weeks is as shown on the business statement and announcement found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.
Diolch, Llywydd. Ceir sawl newid i fusnes yr wythnos hon. Bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth yn gwneud datganiadau llafar heddiw ar forlyn llanw bae Abertawe a'r cyhoeddiad diweddar gan Grŵp Airbus. O ganlyniad, bydd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar addysg gychwynnol i athrawon yn cael ei gyhoeddi fel datganiad ysgrifenedig. Ac, yn olaf, Llywydd, cytunodd y Pwyllgor Busnes i drefnu dadl ychwanegol brynhawn yfory ar gynnig heb ddyddiad trafod a gyflwynwyd gan Blaid Cymru. Fel arall, mae busnes ar gyfer y tair wythnos nesaf fel y'i dangosir ar y datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes sydd i'w gweld ymhlith y papurau cyfarfod sydd ar gael yn electronig i'r Aelodau.
Leader of the house, can I raise two issues with you, if possible, please? I was grateful for the clarity that the First Minister showed in the questions that I put to him in First Minister's questions, but I'd be most grateful if the health Secretary could bring forward a statement about opiate use within the Welsh NHS and the guidance that is out there. Some of the stories that have come out and the report that has come out last week do raise genuine and serious concerns in patients' and clinicians' minds, and it would be most helpful if a statement about opiate use as pain relief, especially in the palliative sector, could be made available by the health Secretary for Members and the wider public to be able to see.
And, secondly, you did say last week, when I raised the question with you about the Permanent Secretary and her engagement with us around issues in the QC-led inquiry, that you would make representations to the Permanent Secretary. As we haven't heard anything, I was wondering whether you are in a position to update us as to any information that might be forthcoming, as I believe, to date, I haven't seen that information come available.
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i godi dau fater gyda chi, os yn bosibl, os gwelwch yn dda? Roeddwn i'n ddiolchgar am yr eglurder a ddangosodd y Prif Weinidog yn y cwestiynau a ofynnais iddo yn y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ond byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallai'r Ysgrifennydd dros iechyd gyflwyno datganiad am y defnydd o opiadau yn y GIG yng Nghymru a'r canllawiau sydd ar gael yn gyffredinol. Mae rhai o'r straeon sydd wedi dod allan a'r adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos diwethaf wedi codi pryderon gwirioneddol a difrifol ym meddyliau cleifion a chlinigwyr, a byddai'n ddefnyddiol iawn pe gallai datganiad ynghylch defnyddio opiadau i leddfu poen, yn enwedig yn y sector gofal lliniarol, fod ar gael gan yr Ysgrifennydd dros iechyd er mwyn i'r Aelodau a'r cyhoedd allu ei weld.
Ac, yn ail, fe wnaethoch chi ddweud yr wythnos diwethaf, pan godais y cwestiwn gyda chi ynghylch yr Ysgrifennydd Parhaol a'i hymgysylltiad â ni ynghylch materion yn yr ymchwiliad dan arweiniad Cwnsler y Frenhines, y byddech yn gwneud sylwadau i'r Ysgrifennydd Parhaol. Gan nad ydym ni wedi clywed unrhyw beth, tybed a ydych chi mewn sefyllfa i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i ni ynghylch unrhyw wybodaeth sydd ar ddod, gan nad wyf yn credu, hyd yma, fy mod wedi gweld yr wybodaeth honno yn dod ar gael.
Yes, on the first one, the Cabinet Secretary's indicating that he's more than happy to update Members by way of a written statement on the situation there. And on the second, unfortunately, my meeting with the Permanent Secretary wasn't able to go ahead last week due to issues with my diary, but as soon as I do see her, which I hope will be this week, I will be bringing that to her attention.
Ie, ar yr un cyntaf, mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi ei fod yn fwy na pharod i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau drwy gyfrwng datganiad ysgrifenedig ar y sefyllfa honno. Ac ar yr ail, yn anffodus, nid oedd yn bosibl i'r cyfarfod â'r Ysgrifennydd Parhaol gael ei gynnal yr wythnos diwethaf oherwydd problemau gyda fy nyddiadur, ond cyn gynted ag y gwelaf i hi, a gobeithio y bydd hynny yr wythnos hon, byddaf yn ei ddwyn i'w sylw.
First of all, can I thank the leader of the house for accommodating the no named debate tomorrow? I think it's very important that the Assembly has an opportunity to debate not only that we have a statement on the tidal lagoon today, but actually to debate the political circumstances that led to this decision. Obviously, Plaid Cymru feels, in our motion, that we no longer have confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales or, indeed, in the post, really, and the way that post is being used, rather than as a bridge between here and Westminster to achieve Welsh ambitions, as an obstacle and a gate between our ambitions and Westminster's. So, I think the vote tomorrow will be very important. I understand it's open to amendment today. I'm sure the Government won't agree with every approach that we've taken in this, but I hope very much you won't defang the motion tomorrow and that we do send a very strong message to the Secretary of State about his relationship to this place as a Parliament, but also the way he acts on our behalf in London. I think it's our duty to send that message following the events that we'll discuss more this afternoon. Thank you again for tabling a statement on the tidal lagoon so we can have a future debate.
Can I ask just a couple of specific things about how the Government might address business over the next few weeks? First of all, I understand the EU withdrawal Bill has become an Act today, and John Bercow, as the Speaker of the House of Commons, has noted the Queen's assent to the Bill. So, now that we have an EU withdrawal Act, and I take it, unless you will tell me differently, that the inter-governmental agreement that you have agreed with the Westminster Government will come into operation, you will therefore be seeking to repeal the Law Derived from the European Union (Wales) Act 2018, which is also an Act, of course. So, we have two Acts now that are not necessarily compatible with each other, or, at least, they're not compatible with the inter-governmental agreement.
Can you set out for us what the process is by which this will happen? How will a Bill be withdrawn? We haven't done this before. So, how do we withdraw a Bill that has become an Act, actually? What consultation will there be? How will that happen? What will the debates—? What do you foresee, as the leader of the house, will be the role that this Parliament will play in that? How will we ensure the widest possible discussion around that? Clearly, you've made that commitment as an inter-governmental agreement, but some of us will have different views on that, and we'll be keen that the proper processes are followed and we have our say on it. So, I'd very much appreciate if you set out how you intend to ensure that, in your view, that Act now is withdrawn.
The second thing that I'd like to briefly raise with you—which has already been discussed but this specific aspect has not—is the gambling issue. We have, and many of us welcomed, the £2 limit on the fixed-odds terminals. We were very disappointed to understand that that was now going to be extended to at least 2020. So, the Westminster Government are doing nothing for at least two years on this. We have very strong recommendations from our chief medical officer. We have a pledge signed by Members of all parties, a cross-party pledge on a cross-party group here to take action on this. It would be interesting to know whether the Government does have any legislative intention—or regulatory intention—to use the limited but still important powers you do now have to deal with the plague of fixed-term terminals. By delaying for just two years, it's estimated the betting shops will rake in £4 billion. That's the size of this business now, and the untold misery of those who get addicted to such heavy gambling is plain to see and has been demonstrated last week in the conference at the Pierhead. So, what is the Government likely to do, and what action are we likely to see on gambling?
Yn gyntaf oll, a gaf i ddiolch i arweinydd y tŷ am drefnu lle ar gyfer y ddadl ddienw yfory? Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn bod gan y Cynulliad gyfle i drafod nid yn unig bod gennym ddatganiad ar y morlyn llanw heddiw, ond i drafod mewn gwirionedd yr amgylchiadau gwleidyddol a arweiniodd at y penderfyniad hwn. Yn amlwg, mae Plaid Cymru yn teimlo, yn ein cynnig, nad oes gennym ffydd bellach yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru nac, yn wir, yn y swydd, mewn gwirionedd, nac yn y ffordd y defnyddir y swydd honno, yn hytrach na fel pont rhwng y lle hwn a San Steffan i gyflawni uchelgeisiau Cymru, fel rhwystr a giât rhwng ein huchelgeisiau ni a rhai San Steffan. Felly, credaf y bydd y bleidlais yfory yn bwysig iawn. Rwyf ar ddeall ei bod yn agored i welliannau heddiw. Rwy'n siŵr na fydd y Llywodraeth yn cytuno â phob agwedd yr ydym ni wedi ei chymryd yn hyn o beth, ond rwy'n gobeithio na fyddwch chi'n dirymu'r cynnig yfory ac y byddwn ni'n anfon neges gref iawn at yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol am ei berthynas â'r lle hwn fel Senedd, ond hefyd o ran y ffordd y mae'n gweithredu ar ein rhan yn Llundain. Rwy'n credu mai ein dyletswydd ni yw anfon y neges honno yn dilyn y digwyddiadau y byddwn yn eu trafod ymhellach y prynhawn yma. Diolch i chi unwaith eto am gyflwyno'r datganiad ar y morlyn llanw fel y gallwn gael dadl yn y dyfodol.
A gaf i ofyn dim ond un neu ddau o bethau penodol ynghylch sut y gallai'r Llywodraeth ymdrin â busnes dros yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf? Yn gyntaf oll, rwyf ar ddeall bod Bil yr UE (Ymadael) wedi dod yn Ddeddf heddiw, a bod John Bercow, Llefarydd Tŷ'r Cyffredin, wedi nodi cydsyniad y Frenhines i'r Bil. Felly, gan fod gennym ni Ddeddf yr UE (Ymadael) rwy'n cymryd, oni bai y byddwch yn dweud wrthyf yn wahanol, y bydd y cytundeb rhynglywodraethol, yr ydych wedi ei gytuno â Llywodraeth San Steffan yn dod i rym, a byddwch felly yn ceisio diddymu y gyfraith sy'n deillio o Ddeddf yr Undeb Ewropeaidd (Cymru) 2018, sydd hefyd yn Ddeddf, wrth gwrs. Felly, mae gennym ni ddwy Ddeddf nawr nad ydyn nhw o angenrheidrwydd yn cydweddu â'i gilydd, neu, o leiaf, nad ydyn nhw'n cydweddu â chytundeb rhynglywodraethol.
A allwch chi egluro i ni beth fydd y broses a ddefnyddir i wneud hyn ddigwydd? Sut y caiff Bil ei dynnu'n ôl? Nid ydym wedi gwneud hyn o'r blaen. Felly, sut yr ydym ni'n tynnu Bil yn ôl, sydd wedi dod yn Ddeddf, mewn gwirionedd? Pa ymgynghoriad a fydd? Sut y bydd hynny'n digwydd? Beth fydd y dadleuon—? Pa ran, yr ydych chi'n ei ragweld, y bydd y Senedd hon yn ei chwarae yn hynny o beth? Sut byddwn ni'n sicrhau'r drafodaeth ehangaf bosibl ynglŷn â hynny? Yn amlwg, rydych chi wedi gwneud yr ymrwymiad hwnnw fel cytundeb rhynglywodraethol, ond bydd gan rai ohonom wahanol safbwyntiau ar hynny, a byddwn ni'n awyddus i sicrhau y dilynir y prosesau priodol a'n bod ni'n cael dweud ein dweud ar hyn. Felly, byddwn i'n gwerthfawrogi yn fawr iawn pe byddech chi'n cyflwyno sut yr ydych chi'n bwriadu sicrhau, yn eich barn chi, y bydd y Ddeddf nawr yn cael ei thynnu'n ôl.
Yr ail beth yr hoffwn i ei godi gyda chi yn fyr—sydd eisoes wedi'i drafod, ond nid yr agwedd benodol hon—yw'r broblem o ran gamblo. Mae gennym ni, ac mae llawer ohonom ni'n ei groesawu, y terfyn £2 ar y peiriannau ods sefydlog. Roeddem ni'n siomedig iawn i ddeall bod hynny bellach yn mynd i gael ei ymestyn i o leiaf 2020. Felly, nid yw Llywodraeth San Steffan am wneud dim am ddwy flynedd o leiaf ar hyn. Mae gennym ni argymhellion cryf iawn gan ein prif swyddog meddygol. Mae gennym ni addewid wedi'i lofnodi gan aelodau o bob plaid, addewid traws-bleidiol ar grŵp trawsbleidiol yma i weithredu ar hyn. Byddai'n ddiddorol gwybod pa un a oes gan y Llywodraeth unrhyw fwriad deddfwriaethol— neu fwriad rheoleiddio—i ddefnyddio'r pwerau cyfyngedig ond pwysig er hynny sydd gennych chi erbyn hyn i ymdrin â'r pla peiriannau ods sefydlog. Drwy ohirio am ddim ond dwy flynedd, amcangyfrifir y bydd siopau betio yn elwa ar £4 biliwn. Dyna faint y busnes hwn erbyn hyn, ac mae dioddefaint difesur y rhai sy'n mynd yn gaeth i hapchwarae trwm o'r fath yn amlwg a chafodd ei arddangos yr wythnos diwethaf yn y gynhadledd yn y Pierhead. Felly, beth y mae'r Llywodraeth yn debygol o'i wneud, a pha gamau yr ydym ni'n debygol o'u gweld ar hapchwarae?
Well, in the time-honoured tradition, Llywydd, of tackling the issues in reverse, on the gambling one, the Cabinet Secretary for health and I also wrote to the Advertising Standards Authority about this. The fixed-odds betting terminals—I can never say that right—are absolutely a scourge, and, of course, attack some of the most vulnerable members of our society. The First Minister just answered some questions around that.
I think there is cross-Government concern about this. There's a massive, massive issue with online advertising, and although the Advertising Standards Authority has set out that it attacks adverts specifically aimed at children, nevertheless, if you are an online gamer, you will see those adverts all the time. I see them constantly. So, we are very concerned about that, and, Llywydd, I will make sure that we bring forward a statement of some description setting out what can be done in the context of the First Minister's answer to the question earlier, as I think it's a matter of some considerable concern and the delay is very concerning.
In terms of the EU Act, I admire Simon Thomas's invitation for me to set out all of the ins and outs of that, but, Llywydd, I won't try your patience by attempting to do so right now. The Counsel General has a statement very shortly that will afford Members the opportunity to question him closely on the exact legislative position. I think that's the appropriate place to take that up.
In terms of the tidal lagoon, we have got a statement this afternoon, and, Llywydd, I don't think I've made any secret of the fact that I don't think the Secretary of State has covered himself in any glory at all in terms of him standing up for Wales in investment decisions in the UK Government. We will amend it because there are some constitutional issues, but I think the sentiment is entirely shared.
Wel, yn y traddodiad hen a pharchus, Llywydd, o fynd i'r afael â materion o chwith, ar yr un gamblo, ysgrifennodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd a minnau hefyd at yr Awdurdod Safonau Hysbysebu am hyn. Mae'r peiriannau betio ods sefydlog—ni allaf i byth ddweud hynny'n iawn—yn bla llwyr, ac, wrth gwrs, yn ymosod ar rai o aelodau mwyaf agored i niwed ein cymdeithas. Mae'r Prif Weinidog newydd ateb rhai cwestiynau ynghylch hynny.
Credaf fod pryder ar draws y Llywodraeth am hyn. Mae problem enfawr gyda hysbysebu ar-lein, ac er bod yr Awdurdod Safonau Hysbysebu wedi nodi ei fod yn ymosod ar hysbysebion sy'n targedu plant yn benodol, er hynny, os ydych chi'n chwarae ar-lein, byddwch chi'n gweld yr hysbysebion hynny drwy'r amser. Rwyf i'n eu gweld drwy'r amser. Felly, rydym ni'n bryderus iawn am hynny, a, Llywydd, byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr y byddwn ni'n cyflwyno datganiad o ryw fath yn nodi beth y gellir ei wneud yng nghyd-destun ymateb y Prif Weinidog i'r cwestiwn yn gynharach, gan fy mod yn credu bod hwn yn fater o bryder sylweddol ac mae'r oedi yn peri cryn bryder.
O ran Deddf yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, rwy'n edmygu gwahoddiad Simon Thomas i mi nodi holl fanylion hynny, ond, Llywydd, ni fyddaf yn trethu eich amynedd drwy geisio gwneud hynny ar hyn o bryd. Mae gan y Cwnsler Cyffredinol ddatganiad cyn bo hir a fydd yn rhoi'r cyfle i'r Aelodau ei holi'n fanwl ar yr union sefyllfa ddeddfwriaethol. Rwy'n credu mai dyna'r lle priodol i drafod hyn.
O ran y morlyn llanw, mae gennym ni ddatganiad y prynhawn yma, a, Llywydd, nid wyf yn credu fy mod i wedi cuddio'r ffaith nad wyf yn ystyried bod yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol wedi ennill unrhyw fri o gwbl o ran sefyll dros Gymru mewn penderfyniadau buddsoddi yn Llywodraeth y DU. Byddwn ni'n ei ddiwygio gan fod rhai materion cyfansoddiadol yn bodoli, ond credaf fod pawb yn gyfan gwbl o'r un farn.
I know the leader of the house knows what an incredible occasion it was here in the Senedd last Friday, when we celebrated the Windrush generation, and how deeply moving it was to hear about the contribution of all those people who came to the Senedd. And, obviously, it's 70 years since the Windrush came to the UK, and it was particularly moving, I think, to hear from the elders and to hear about their contribution. I think the point was actually made at the meeting: why didn't we celebrate 50 years? Why didn't we celebrate 60 years? I think we all know why we're celebrating 70 years. So, I wondered if we could have a statement about anything that the Welsh Government could do to recognise the achievements of the elder Windrush generation.
Rwy'n gwybod bod arweinydd y tŷ yn gwybod pa mor anhygoel oedd yr achlysur yma yn y Senedd ddydd Gwener diwethaf, pryd y gwnaethom ni ddathlu'r genhedlaeth Windrush, a pha mor wefreiddiol oedd clywed am gyfraniad yr holl bobl hynny a ddaeth i'r Senedd. Ac, yn amlwg, mae 70 mlynedd ers y daeth y Windrush i'r DU, ac roedd yn arbennig o emosiynol, yn fy marn, cael clywed gan yr henaduriaid, a chlywed am eu cyfraniad. Rwy'n credu mewn gwirionedd bod y pwynt wedi ei wneud yn y cyfarfod: pam na wnaethom ni ddathlu 50 mlynedd? Pam na wnaethom ni ddathlu 60 mlynedd? Rwy'n credu ein bod i gyd yn gwybod pam yr ydym ni'n dathlu 70 mlynedd. Felly, tybed a allem ni gael datganiad am unrhyw beth y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud i gydnabod cyflawniadau cenhedlaeth hŷn Windrush.
Yes, it was a truly moving experience, and actually, when I came to speak, Llywydd, I was actually a little bit choked because I followed on from the speech of one of the elders outlining their contribution. It was highly emotional, and I think we were all very touched by some of the personal stories. I'm very grateful to Joyce Watson—I think she's not in the Chamber at the moment—she came down to the Saturday event in Swansea where some of the elders had a little more time to elaborate on some of their stories, which was also very moving.
I will discuss with Cabinet colleagues who have an interest in this about some of the things we're doing. We are being a platinum sponsor for Black History Month this year to make sure that we get some of the oral histories put, and I'm exploring ways of making sure that the elders can visit Tilbury docks, because there was an issue about whether some of them would be able to. I think one of the elders was very forceful in saying that it was the least we could do to recognise their contribution to Welsh society to ensure that they had their chance to contribute in a way that they saw fit. So, I am exploring and actively ensuring that that trip can happen.
My colleague Vaughan Gething said something very memorable on the occasion, actually, as well, which is to remember that we have a long way to go. You only have to look around this Chamber, Llywydd, to see what a long way we have to go in achieving diversity. One of the things he said, which I'm very keen on taking up with him and others, is to ensure that we have the right ladders—the mentoring schemes and the pathway schemes—to make sure that young people from every part of Welsh society come forward and take their rightful place, building on the incredible work that the Windrush generation and other elders took forward in circumstances that were both uplifting but also shameful in some regard.
Oedd, roedd e'n brofiad gwirioneddol emosiynol, ac mewn gwirionedd, pan es i ati i siarad, Llywydd, roeddwn i, mewn gwirionedd, yn atal ychydig ddagrau oherwydd fy mod i'n dilyn araith un o'r henaduriaid yn amlinellu ei gyfraniad. Roedd e'n emosiynol iawn, a chredaf ein bod ni i gyd yn teimlo'n emosiynol am rai o'r straeon personol. Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i Joyce Watson—nid wyf yn credu ei bod hi yn y Siambr ar hyn o bryd—a ddaeth i lawr i'r digwyddiad yn Abertawe ddydd Sadwrn pan oedd gan rai o'r henaduriaid ychydig mwy o amser i ymhelaethu ar rai o'u straeon, a oedd hefyd yn emosiynol iawn.
Byddaf yn trafod gyda chydweithwyr yn y Cabinet sydd â diddordeb yn hyn rhai o'r pethau yr ydym ni'n eu gwneud. Rydym ni'n noddwr platinwm ar gyfer Mis Hanes Pobl Dduon eleni i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn cael rhannu rhai o'r hanesion llafar, ac rwy'n edrych ar ffyrdd o wneud yn siŵr bod yr henaduriaid yn ymweld â dociau Tilbury, oherwydd bod problem ynghylch pa un a fyddai rhai ohonyn nhw yn cael gwneud hynny. Rwy'n credu bod un o'r henaduriaid yn dweud yn gadarn iawn mai dyma'r lleiaf y gallem ni ei wneud i gydnabod eu cyfraniad i gymdeithas Cymru er mwyn sicrhau eu bod yn cael y cyfle i gyfrannu yn y modd y maen nhw'n ei weld yn addas. Felly, rwy'n ymchwilio ac yn mynd ati i sicrhau y gall y daith honno ddigwydd.
Dywedodd fy nghyd-Aelod Vaughan Gething rywbeth cofiadwy iawn ar yr achlysur hefyd, mewn gwirionedd, sef bod yn rhaid cofio bod gennym ni ffordd bell i fynd. Nid oes rhaid i chi mond edrych o amgylch y Siambr hon, Lywydd, i weld faint o ffordd sydd gennym ni i fynd i gyflawni amrywiaeth. Un o'r pethau a ddywedodd, ac rwy'n awyddus iawn i gydweithredu gydag ef ac eraill ar hynny, yw sicrhau bod gennym ni'r ysgolion iawn—y cynlluniau mentora a'r cynlluniau llwybr—i wneud yn siŵr bod pobl ifanc o bob rhan o gymdeithas Cymru yn dod ymlaen ac yn cymryd eu lle haeddiannol, gan adeiladu ar waith anhygoel y genhedlaeth Windrush a henaduriaid eraill a wnaed mewn amgylchiadau a oedd yn galonogol ond hefyd yn gywilyddus mewn rhyw ffordd.
Leader of the house, may I ask for a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for health on the availability of multiparametric magnetic resonance imaging scans to detect prostate cancer in Wales? According to a report by Prostate Cancer Wales, detection in Wales is lagging behind England, where 92 per cent were provided with a scan before biopsy. In Wales, only three out of seven health boards provide the scan, which can put prostate cancer diagnosis time from weeks to a matter of days. I know the Welsh Government has said that the use of mpMRI scans is under review, but could we have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary indicating the timescale for this review, which could have a dramatic effect on prostate cancer survival rates in Wales?
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd ar faint o sganiau delweddu atseiniol magnetig amlbarametrig i ganfod canser y brostad yng Nghymru? Yn ôl adroddiad gan Prostate Cancer Wales, mae canfod y canser yng Nghymru yn arafach nag yn Lloegr, lle'r oedd 92 y cant yn cael sgan cyn biopsi. Yng Nghymru, dim ond tri allan o'r saith Bwrdd Iechyd sy'n darparu'r sgan, a all leihau amser diagnosis canser y brostad o wythnosau i ychydig ddyddiau. Rwy'n gwybod bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dweud bod y defnydd o sganiau mpMRI yn cael ei adolygu, ond a gawn ni ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi amserlen ar gyfer yr adolygiad hwn, a allai gael effaith sylweddol ar gyfraddau goroesi canser y brostad yng Nghymru?
The Cabinet Secretary has indicated to me that he is very happy to write to Members and update them on the timescales.
Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi nodi wrthyf ei fod yn fodlon iawn i ysgrifennu at yr Aelodau ac i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf iddyn nhw am yr amserlenni.
Leader of the house, notwithstanding the unbridled fury that people in Swansea feel about the tidal lagoon decision yesterday—but more of that later, plainly—a different issue: you'll be fully aware that transport solutions are desperately needed in the Swansea bay area. The level of congestion and accident rates on the M4 around Swansea and Port Talbot are not helping us to attract companies to south-west Wales—I've raised this before with you—and are a clear source of frustration locally. Indeed, only this morning we had yet another multivehicle M4 accident, which caused traffic chaos on roads around Swansea.
Clearly, the Swansea bay and western Valleys metro has the potential to transform travel locally and help to develop alternatives to road travel in the region. However, I do not hear much in terms of progress on this front. In my attempts to engage with Swansea council, which is the lead authority in the region in developing the strategic outline business case for this metro, I understand that the project structures, work streams and engagement strategy have yet to be agreed by the different authorities within the region. People locally are crying out for a proper public transport system, so we need to up the pace.
Given the strategic importance of south-west Wales in transport terms, would the Cabinet Secretary for transport therefore be prepared to bring forward a statement on this issue, outlining clearly the key outcomes that he expects, the extent of the joint working between the local authorities and Welsh Government, and key timescales? Diolch yn fawr.
Arweinydd y tŷ, er gwaethaf y ffyrnigrwydd diatal y mae pobl Abertawe yn ei deimlo am y penderfyniad ar y morlyn llanw ddoe—ond mwy am hynny yn nes ymlaen, yn amlwg—mater gwahanol: byddwch yn gwbl ymwybodol bod angen taer am atebion i drafnidiaeth yn ardal Bae Abertawe. Nid yw lefel tagfeydd na chyfraddau damweiniau ar yr M4 o amgylch Abertawe a Port Talbot yn ein helpu i ddenu cwmnïau i'r de-orllewin—rwyf wedi codi hyn gyda chi o'r blaen— ac maen nhw'n ffynhonnell glir o rwystredigaeth yn lleol. Yn wir, dim ond y bore yma, cawsom ddamwain amlgerbyd arall ar yr M4, a achosodd anhrefn traffig ar y ffyrdd o gwmpas Abertawe.
Yn amlwg, mae gan Metro Bae Abertawe a'r Cymoedd gorllewinol y potensial i weddnewid teithio lleol a helpu i ddatblygu dulliau amgen i deithio ar ffyrdd yn y rhanbarth. Fodd bynnag, nid wyf yn clywed llawer am gynnydd yn y maes hwn. Yn fy ymdrechion i ymgysylltu â Chyngor Abertawe, sef yr awdurdod arweiniol yn y rhanbarth sy'n ymwneud â datblygu strategaeth amlinellol ar gyfer achos busnes ar gyfer y metro hwn, rwyf ar ddeall bod y strwythurau prosiect, ffrydiau gwaith a strategaeth ymgysylltu yn dal i fod heb eu cytuno gan y gwahanol awdurdodau o fewn y rhanbarth. Mae pobl yn lleol yn crefu am system drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus briodol, felly mae angen i ni weithredu'n gyflymach.
O gofio pwysigrwydd strategol y de-orllewin o ran trafnidiaeth, a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros drafnidiaeth felly yn fodlon cyflwyno datganiad ar y mater hwn, gan amlinellu'n glir y canlyniadau allweddol y mae'n disgwyl eu gweld, faint o weithio ar y cyd fydd yn digwydd rhwng yr awdurdodau lleol a Llywodraeth Cymru, a'r terfynau amser allweddol? Diolch yn fawr.
Llywydd, I would just like to extend my heartfelt sympathies to the families of the people who were killed, unfortunately, in the fatal crash on the M4 very recently. Heartbreaking stories—we all know how awful such a thing can be. The Cabinet Secretary is indicating to me that there's good progress, and he's happy to update Members by way of a letter.
Llywydd, hoffwn i estyn fy nghydymdeimlad llwyraf i deuluoedd y bobl a gafodd eu lladd, yn anffodus, yn y ddamwain angheuol ar yr M4 yn ddiweddar iawn. Straeon torcalonnus—rydym i gyd yn gwybod pa mor ofnadwy gall y fath beth fod. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi wrthyf bod cynnydd da yn cael ei wneud, ac mae'n hapus i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau drwy lythyr.
Leader of the house, I'm sure you're well aware by now that MPs last night voted in favour of plans to build a third runway at London's Heathrow Airport. I remain in favour of this project and I'm very pleased with yesterday's outcome, especially because of the regional benefits, the benefits to Alyn and Deeside as a border constituency, and the wider benefits to Wales as well, to lead better connections from Wales to the rest of the globe, to improve tourism and to give more opportunities for Welsh businesses to reach new exports markets.
Analysis shows that an expanded Heathrow will add up to 8,400 more jobs, and a significant increase in economic growth to Wales. I was delighted to recently attend a meeting where we discussed Tata Shotton's bid to be named as one of Heathrow's final four logistic hubs. And these hubs will ensure that communities across the UK share in the opportunities of the overall expansion.
With all that in mind, leader of the house, I would like to know if we could get a Welsh Government update on what's being done to secure these benefits that we know expansion will bring across Wales, including the location of the expansion hub in my constituency.
Arweinydd y tŷ, rwy'n siŵr eich bod yn gwbl ymwybodol erbyn hyn fod ASau wedi pleidleisio neithiwr o blaid cynlluniau i adeiladu trydedd rhedfa ym Maes Awyr Heathrow Llundain. Rwy'n dal o blaid y prosiect hwn ac rwy'n falch iawn â chanlyniad ddoe, yn enwedig oherwydd y buddion rhanbarthol, y manteision i Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy fel etholaeth ar y ffin a'r manteision ehangach i Gymru hefyd, i arwain cysylltiadau gwell o Gymru i weddill y byd, i wella twristiaeth ac i roi mwy o gyfleoedd ar gyfer busnesau yng Nghymru i gyrraedd marchnadoedd allforio newydd.
Mae'r dadansoddiad yn dangos y bydd Heathrow estynedig yn ychwanegu hyd at 8,400 mwy o swyddi, a chynnydd sylweddol mewn twf economaidd i Gymru. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o fod mewn cyfarfod yn ddiweddar pryd y gwnaethom ni drafod cais Tata Shotton i gael ei enwi fel un o'r pedair canolfan logistaidd terfynol ar gyfer Heathrow. A bydd y canolfannau hyn yn sicrhau bod cymunedau ar draws y DU yn rhannu cyfleoedd yn sgil yr ehangu yn gyffredinol.
Gan gadw hynny i gyd mewn cof, arweinydd y tŷ, hoffwn wybod pe gallem ni gael diweddariad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynghylch yr hyn sy'n cael ei wneud i sicrhau'r buddion hyn y gwyddom y bydd ehangu yn eu sbarduno ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys lleoliad y ganolfan ehangu yn fy etholaeth i.
Jack Sargeant highlights a very important point. There is an ongoing piece of work to champion shortlisted Welsh sites for the Heathrow logistics hub, which will, of course, as he highlights, provide hundreds of jobs in Wales and inject millions of pounds into our economy—much needed in the light of the various decisions not to invest in Wales made by the current UK Government.
Of course, we also have a long-awaited scheme to provide western rail access into Heathrow Airport, which is crucial to ensure Wales gets the maximum benefit. And this is an issue we also continue to lobby the UK Government on. We're continuing to press for the new runway to have sufficient landing slots for flights to and from Wales, in order to increase our connectivity, and the Member makes a very good point about us lobbying on behalf of Welsh sites for the logistics hub, which I'm sure the Cabinet Secretary has taken on board.
Mae Jack Sargeant yn tynnu sylw at bwynt pwysig iawn. Mae darn o waith yn cael ei wneud ar hyn o bryd i hyrwyddo safleoedd o Gymru sydd ar y rhestr fer o safleoedd ar gyfer y ganolfan logisteg Heathrow, a fydd, wrth gwrs, fel y mae ef yn ei amlygu, yn darparu cannoedd o swyddi yng Nghymru a chwistrellu miliynau o bunnoedd i mewn i'n heconomi—sydd yn fawr ei angen yng ngoleuni'r gwahanol benderfyniadau i beidio â buddsoddi yng Nghymru a wnaed gan Lywodraeth bresennol y DU.
Wrth gwrs, mae gennym ni hefyd gynllun hir-ddisgwyliedig i ddarparu mynediad rheilffordd gorllewinol i Faes Awyr Heathrow, sy'n hollbwysig i sicrhau bod Cymru'n cael y budd mwyaf posibl. Ac mae hwn yn fater yr ydym ni hefyd yn parhau i lobïo Llywodraeth y DU ynglŷn ag ef. Rydym ni'n parhau i bwyso am i'r rhedfa newydd fod â digon o gyfleoedd glanio ar gyfer teithiau hedfan i Gymru ac o Gymru, er mwyn gwella ein cysylltedd, ac mae'r Aelod yn gwneud pwynt da iawn am i ni lobïo ar ran safleoedd yng Nghymru ar gyfer y ganolfan logisteg, ac rwyf yn siŵr bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi clywed hynny.
I last week met with Docs Not Cops, and I know that you've met with them, as has Mike Hedges. This issue was raised in Plenary a few weeks ago with regard to seeking a statement on the Welsh Government's position in relation to the Immigration Act 2014. You did respond, but you responded in relation to the current policy in relation to asylum seekers. So, I want to try and understand: anyone from outside Europe who is lawfully applying to work or study here will be forced to pay an extra NHS surcharge of up to £200 per year before they're given a visa or charging rules that used to apply only to secondary care will now be extended into primary care, GPs and other accident and emergency departments. Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University Health Board have said that patients not ordinarily resident in the UK are potentially liable to pay. So, I don't think that this issue has entirely been rectified yet. I know that this is a UK piece of legislation, but we could choose, here in Wales, not to implement elements of the Immigration Act that will penalise people. You will have to start racially profiling, I'm afraid, if they do enter the health service. So, I'm wondering if you can give us an update as to telling us distinctly what you're going to do on this particular policy.
Yr wythnos diwethaf, cwrddais i â Docs Not Cops, a gwn eich bod chithau wedi cwrdd â nhw, fel y mae Mike Hedges. Codwyd y mater hwn yn y cyfarfod llawn rai wythnosau yn ôl ynglŷn â gofyn am ddatganiad ar safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar Ddeddf Mewnfudo 2014. Fe wnaethoch chi ymateb, ond fe wnaethoch chi ymateb yng nghyswllt y polisi presennol yn ymwneud â cheiswyr lloches. Felly, rwyf eisiau ceisio deall: bydd unrhyw un o'r tu allan i Ewrop sy'n gwneud cais yn gyfreithlon i weithio neu astudio yma yn cael ei orfodi i dalu'r gordal NHS ychwanegol o hyd at £200 y flwyddyn cyn cael fisa neu bydd rheolau codi tâl a ddefnyddiwyd o'r blaen dim ond ar gyfer gofal eilaidd bellach yn cael eu hymestyn i ofal sylfaenol, meddygon teulu ac adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys eraill. Mae Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Abertawe Bro Morgannwg wedi dweud bod cleifion nad ydyn nhw'n preswylio yn y DU fel arfer yn agored o bosibl i dalu. Felly, nid wyf i'n credu bod y mater hwn wedi'i unioni yn gyfan gwbl hyd yn hyn. Gwn mai darn o ddeddfwriaeth y DU yw hwn, ond gallem ni ddewis, yma yng Nghymru, i beidio â gweithredu yr elfennau o'r Ddeddf Mewnfudo a fydd yn cosbi pobl. Bydd yn rhaid i chi ddechrau creu proffiliau hiliol, mae arnaf ofn, os byddan nhw'n mynd at y gwasanaeth iechyd. Felly, roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed a allech chi roi diweddariad i ni gan ddweud wrthym yn union beth yr ydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud o ran y polisi penodol hwn.
Yes. The Cabinet Secretary is indicating that there are some serious complexities and he's indicating his willingness to write to Members and set out exactly what the position is as to powers to implement or not, and what effect that will have in Wales.FootnoteLink
Gallaf. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi bod cymhlethdodau difrifol yn bodoli ac mae'n nodi ei barodrwydd i ysgrifennu at Aelodau i fynegi'r hyn yn union yw'r sefyllfa ynglŷn â phwerau i'w gweithredu neu beidio, a pha effaith a gaiff hynny yng Nghymru.FootnoteLink
Diolch i arweinydd y tŷ.
Thank you, leader of the house.
Yr eitem nesaf oedd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar addysg gychwynnol i athrawon, ac mae hwn, bellach, wedi ei gyflwyno fel datganiad ysgrifenedig.
The next item was to be the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on initial teacher education, which has now been tabled as a written statement.
Felly, yr eitem nesaf fydd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth ar forlyn llanw bae Abertawe. Rwy'n galw ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet i wneud ei ddatganiad. Ken Skates.
Therefore, the next item will be the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport on the Swansea bay tidal lagoon. I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make the statement. Ken Skates.
Diolch, Llywydd. Yesterday, a statement was made in the House of Commons by the UK Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, Greg Clark, on the proposed Swansea bay tidal lagoon project.
The UK Government made it clear that,
'it would be irresponsible to enter into a contract with the provider'
as the
'proposal has not demonstrated that it could be value for money'.
The UK Government has concluded that the project should not be provided with public funding. This decision by the UK Government not to support the Swansea bay tidal lagoon is deeply disappointing and a further blow to Swansea following on from the UK Government’s decision not to electrify the Great Western main line to Swansea. Despite our serious offer to help the UK Government make this proposal work, they are letting an important opportunity slip through their fingers. In doing so, they have badly let down the people of Wales.
This announcement demonstrates that the UK Government has, once again, made energy policy decisions for Wales based upon English energy priorities rather than reflecting the opportunities here in Wales. We have significant sustainable energy resources in Wales, not available in England, that we must harness if we are to meet our decarbonisation targets as part of our wider UK obligations. The UK Government has failed to recognise that the Welsh energy mix will be different to that in England.
We have called for the UK Government to respond to the Hendry review of tidal lagoons on many occasions. Even now they have failed to give an adequate response to the important recommendations that he has made. The Welsh Government is clear: the decision whether or not to back tidal lagoons is a UK policy decision. They have the ability and the financial backing to shoulder risk in areas of new and emerging technology that other smaller Governments across the UK simply do not.
From day one, the Welsh Government recognised the transformational potential of the Swansea bay tidal lagoon project and we made an offer of significant funding support to the UK Government to help make the project a reality. Sadly, the UK Government’s short-sightedness and complete lack of ambition has thwarted this project—a project that could have positioned Wales and the UK as a world leader in a new global industry. We have consistently stated that the Welsh Government stands ready to work closely with the UK Government and other administrations across the UK to develop a vibrant UK marine energy industry.
We are in no doubt as to the potential that marine energy represents to Wales, not only from a decarbonisation and energy policy perspective, but also from a social and economic benefit perspective, too. Indeed, marine energy offers huge potential to the UK as a whole in terms of developing know-how, technology and supply chain developments, which would be of value to future international trade.
We have held this view for many years and this is why we have prioritised the growth of a vibrant energy industry as a key tool for economic development. Wales has an excellent track record in supporting marine energy. Over €100 million of EU funding, along with domestic support, has been and continues to be invested through the Welsh Government to support wave and tidal stream projects. EU funding is supporting the Morlais west Anglesey tidal stream demonstration zone, the south Pembrokeshire wave demonstration zone, as well as wave and tidal stream developers. We also supported Marine Energy Wales who are developing a marine energy test area in the Milford Haven waterway. Pembrokeshire and Anglesey are becoming hubs for wave and tidal stream development, but further development will be dependent on revenue support from the UK Government.
Marine developers, who have ambitious plans to deploy their devices in Welsh waters, will view this announcement as the UK Government, sadly, closing the door on the industry. Some are already considering scaling back their plans in Wales. I therefore call on the UK Government to rethink their long-term support for the marine industry.
My colleague the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs will be writing to business and energy Secretary, Greg Clark, to stress the importance of supporting the renewable energy sector in Wales. We've already stressed the importance of funding the most affordable technologies, such as onshore wind, to keep the overall costs of support low.
The Welsh Government has a long-standing commitment to the renewable sector and we'll be seeking the views of the industry and respective bodies through an energy summit to better understand how momentum, particularly in the area of marine energy, is maintained over the coming months and years.
In light of this disappointing decision, we are working closely with leaders in the region to better assess the wider economic implications and to consider what action can reasonably be taken. I've already held discussions with the leader of Swansea council about other projects that can support economic development in the area, and I'll be having further such discussions with leaders in the area over the coming months.
My colleagues and I will keep Members appraised of progress on this and will also be pressing UK Ministers on the outcomes.
Diolch, Llywydd. Ddoe, gwnaethpwyd datganiad yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin gan Ysgrifennydd Gwladol y DU dros Fusnes, Ynni a Strategaeth Ddiwydiannol, Greg Clark, ar brosiect arfaethedig morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe.
Gwnaeth Llywodraeth y DU hi yn glir y,
byddai'n anghyfrifol i ymrwymo mewn contract gyda'r darparwr
gan nad
oedd y cynnig wedi dangos y gallai fod yn cynrychioli gwerth am arian.
Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod i'r casgliad na ddylid rhoi cyllid cyhoeddus i'r prosiect. Mae'r penderfyniad hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU i beidio â chefnogi morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe yn hynod o siomedig ac yn ergyd arall i Abertawe yn dilyn penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU i beidio â thrydaneiddio prif reilffordd y Great Western i Abertawe. Er gwaethaf ein cynnig diffuant i helpu Llywodraeth y DU i sicrhau bod y cynnig hwn yn gweithio, y maen nhw'n gadael i'r cyfle pwysig hwn fynd drwy eu dwylo. Wrth wneud hynny, maen nhw wedi siomi pobl Cymru yn fawr.
Mae'r cyhoeddiad hwn yn dangos, unwaith eto, bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gwneud penderfyniadau polisi ynni ar gyfer Cymru yn seiliedig ar flaenoriaethau ynni Lloegr yn hytrach nag adlewyrchu'r cyfleoedd yma yng Nghymru. Mae gennym ni adnoddau sylweddol ar gyfer ynni cynaliadwy yng Nghymru, nad ydyn nhw ar gael yn Lloegr, y bydd yn rhaid inni eu harneisio os ydym am gyrraedd ein targedau datgarboneiddio yn rhan o'n rhwymedigaethau DU ehangach. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi methu â chydnabod y bydd cymysgedd ynni Cymru yn wahanol i'r un yn Lloegr.
Rydym wedi galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i ymateb i adolygiad Hendry o forlynnoedd llanw ar sawl achlysur. Hyd yn oed nawr maen nhw wedi methu â rhoi ateb digonol i'r argymhellion pwysig a wnaed ganddo. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn glir: penderfyniad polisi y DU yw'r penderfyniad i gefnogi morlynnoedd llanw ai peidio. Mae ganddyn nhw'r gallu a'r gefnogaeth ariannol i ysgwyddo'r risg ym meysydd technoleg newydd a datblygol nad oes gan Lywodraethau llai eraill ledled y DU o gwbl.
O'r diwrnod cyntaf un, roedd Llywodraeth Cymru yn cydnabod posibiliadau gweddnewidiol prosiect morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe ac fe wnaethom ni gynnig cyllid sylweddol i Lywodraeth y DU i helpu i wireddu'r prosiect. Yn anffodus, mae diffyg gweledigaeth a diffyg llwyr o ran uchelgais Llywodraeth y DU wedi lladd y prosiect hwn—prosiect a allai fod wedi rhoi Cymru a'r DU mewn sefyllfa o fod yn arwain y byd mewn diwydiant newydd byd-eang. Rydym ni wedi dweud yn gyson bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn fwy na pharod i weithio yn agos â Llywodraeth y DU a'r gweinyddiaethau eraill ledled y DU i ddatblygu diwydiant ynni'r môr llewyrchus yn y DU.
Nid oes gennym ni unrhyw amheuaeth ynglŷn â'r posibiliadau y mae ynni morol yn eu cyflwyno i Gymru, nid yn unig o safbwynt polisi ynni a datgarboneiddio, ond hefyd o safbwynt budd cymdeithasol ac economaidd hefyd. Yn wir, mae ynni morol yn cynnig posibiliadau enfawr i'r DU gyfan o ran datblygu gwybodaeth, technoleg a datblygiadau cyflenwad gadwyn, a fyddai o werth i fasnach ryngwladol yn y dyfodol.
Rydym wedi bod o'r farn honno am flynyddoedd lawer, a dyna pam yr ydym ni wedi blaenoriaethu twf diwydiant ynni llewyrchus fel arf allweddol ar gyfer datblygiad economaidd. Mae gan Gymru hanes rhagorol o gefnogi ynni morol. Buddsoddwyd dros €100 miliwn o gyllid gan yr UE, ynghyd â chefnogaeth ddomestig, a pharheir i fuddsoddi drwy Lywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer cefnogi prosiectau tonnau a ffrwd llanw. Mae cyllid gan yr UE yn cefnogi parth arddangos ffrwd llanw Morlais gorllewin Ynys Môn, parth arddangos tonnau de sir Benfro, yn ogystal â datblygwyr tonnau a ffrwd llanw. Rydym hefyd wedi cefnogi Ynni Morol Cymru sy'n datblygu ardal brofi ynni morol yn nyfrffordd Aberdaugleddau. Mae sir Benfro ac Ynys Môn yn dod yn ganolfannau ar gyfer datblygiadau tonnau a ffrwd llanw, ond bydd datblygiad pellach yn dibynnu ar gymorth refeniw gan Lywodraeth y DU.
Bydd datblygwyr morol, sydd â chynlluniau uchelgeisiol i ddefnyddio eu dyfeisiau yn nyfroedd Cymru, yn ystyried y cyhoeddiad hwn fel Llywodraeth y DU, yn anffodus, yn cau'r drws ar y diwydiant. Mae rhai eisoes yn ystyried torri ar eu cynlluniau yng Nghymru. Rwy'n galw felly ar Lywodraeth y DU i ailystyried ei chymorth hirdymor i'r diwydiant morol.
Bydd fy nghyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig yn ysgrifennu at yr Ysgrifennydd busnes ac ynni, Greg Clark, i bwysleisio pwysigrwydd cefnogi sector ynni adnewyddadwy yng Nghymru. Rydym eisoes wedi pwysleisio pwysigrwydd ariannu'r technolegau mwyaf fforddiadwy, fel gwynt ar y tir, i gadw costau cyffredinol cymorth yn isel.
Mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru ymrwymiad hirsefydlog i'r sector ynni adnewyddadwy a byddwn yn gofyn barn y diwydiant a'r cyrff priodol drwy uwchgynhadledd ynni i ddeall yn well sut y mae momentwm, yn enwedig ym maes ynni morol, am gael ei gynnal dros y misoedd a'r blynyddoedd nesaf.
Yng ngoleuni'r penderfyniad siomedig hwn, rydym yn gweithio'n agos gydag arweinyddion yn y rhanbarth i asesu'r goblygiadau economaidd ehangach yn well ac i ystyried pa gamau y gellir eu cymryd yn rhesymol. Rwyf eisoes wedi cynnal trafodaethau gydag arweinydd Cyngor Abertawe am brosiectau eraill a allai gefnogi datblygiad economaidd yn yr ardal, a byddwn yn cael rhagor o drafodaethau o'r fath gydag arweinyddion yn yr ardal yn ystod y misoedd nesaf.
Bydd fy nghydweithwyr a minnau yn hysbysu Aelodau am gynnydd yn hyn o beth a byddwn yn pwyso hefyd ar Weinidogion y DU o ran y canlyniadau.
I welcome the opportunity to respond to this statement. I wish it was a different type of statement, a statement welcoming the good news that we should have got from Westminster yesterday. I make no bones about it: I believe a positive decision was what was required yesterday, and I lobbied right up until the last minute to try and achieve that positive decision. Regrettably, it did not come through, and I commend everyone, from the Welsh Government right the way across the political divide in this Chamber, and those in civic society and in the business world, who championed the cause of the Swansea tidal lagoon. I bitterly regret that a more positive decision was not made yesterday, albeit, it is fair to say, that the numbers were always challenging if you looked at it on the economics of just the raw power that was generated.
And that, Cabinet Secretary, would be my first question to you. The UK Government have arrived at this decision based on their analysis of the information before them. The Secretary of State, in his statement yesterday, highlighted how Welsh Government have had at least 10 meetings with his department in this calendar year. Can you confirm that your officials have arrived at the same decision that officials within Greg Clark's department arrived at, or if there is evidence to prove that that decision was incorrect, based on the same paperwork that the officials from the two Governments were looking at, will you make that information available so that, obviously, we can have the fullest account of how the decision-making process arrived at the conclusion that it arrived at?
I'd also like to understand how the Welsh Government will be taking forward new opportunities. Obviously, the Secretary of State, in his statement yesterday, highlighted how the UK Government are in possession of alternative offers, alternative bids—I hope I've categorised it correctly, but certainly alternative proposals were definitely something that was put before the House of Commons yesterday in the statement. It would be beneficial to understand what role the Welsh Government will be playing to engage with those potential alternative offers that the Secretary of State identified in his statement yesterday.
What, for me, is really important here now is that, obviously, we assess where we can go from the position we find ourselves in today, which I say, quite openly, is not a position I would want us to be in, full stop. I wanted us to be in a position today of welcoming the Swansea tidal lagoon. I pay tribute, as I said, to all Members who have worked tirelessly on this. But it is a fact that we are in an era now where we need to assess how we can promote some of the most positive energy opportunities that exist around the whole coast of Wales. Since I've been in this Chamber, there have been two proposals—one of the Severn barrage and now the Swansea tidal lagoon—and neither one has come through. But what we do know is that raw asset does exist on our coastline and it does need to be tapped into and developed.
I would also ask the Cabinet Secretary, given that, listening to his statement today, I could have closed my eyes and heard the same argument coming from the opposition benches when he announced the Circuit of Wales proposals that were put before the Welsh Government, about supporting that particular project, where, in his opinion, obviously, that project was unaffordable and didn't stack up to the test that the Welsh Government had laid down. Now, being in the position to make these decisions, obviously the Cabinet Secretary would understand the process that is involved, and the process that was outlined by the UK Government yesterday seemed very familiar to the process that the Welsh Government was outlining in its decision when it came to the Circuit of Wales. So, I'd be grateful to understand how the Welsh Government will in future work to deliver major infrastructure projects, not just in energy but other major infrastructure projects, the length and breadth of Wales that can give developers confidence to look at Wales as an attractive destination.
In closing my remarks, I would just point out that, sadly, the statement only came into my possession two minutes before I stood up. So, I'm not quite sure what happened this afternoon. Some Members might not have even had that statement. It is normally a courtesy that Members do get sight of the statement. I appreciate it's a courtesy that doesn't have to be extended, but it is a courtesy that normally does happen, and I'd hope that he would look at what the communication problem was with the statement. Thank you.
Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i ymateb i'r datganiad hwn. Byddai'n dda gennyf i pe byddai hwn yn wahanol fath o ddatganiad, yn ddatganiad yn croesawu'r newyddion da y dylem ni fod wedi ei gael o San Steffan ddoe. Rwyf i am fod yn ddi-flewyn ar dafod: rwyf i o'r farn mai penderfyniad cadarnhaol oedd yr hyn oedd ei angen ddoe, ac mi wnes i lobïo tan y funud olaf i geisio sicrhau'r penderfyniad cadarnhaol hwnnw. Yn anffodus, ni ddigwyddodd hynny, ac rwy'n canmol pawb, o Lywodraeth Cymru a phawb ym mhob cwr o'r rhaniad gwleidyddol yn y Siambr hon, a'r rhai hynny yn y gymdeithas ddinesig ac yn y byd busnes, a fu'n hyrwyddo achos morlyn llanw Abertawe. Rwy'n gresynu'n fawr iawn na chafodd penderfyniad mwy cadarnhaol ei wneud ddoe, er, mae'n deg dweud bod y rhifolion bob amser yn heriol pe byddech yn edrych ar y mater dim ond ar sail yr economeg o ran y pŵer crai a gynhyrchid.
A dyna, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, fyddai fy nghwestiwn cyntaf i chi. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod i'r penderfyniad hwn yn seiliedig ar eu dadansoddiad o'r wybodaeth ger eu bron. Tynnodd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol sylw, yn ei ddatganiad ddoe, at sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael o leiaf 10 cyfarfod â'i adran ef yn y flwyddyn galendr hon. A wnewch chi gadarnhau bod eich swyddogion chi wedi dod i'r un penderfyniad ag y gwnaeth swyddogion yn adran Greg Clark, neu os oes tystiolaeth i brofi bod y penderfyniad hwnnw'n anghywir, yn seiliedig ar yr un gwaith papur y bydd swyddogion o'r ddwy Lywodraeth yn edrych arno, a wnewch chi roi'r wybodaeth honno ar gael fel y bydd gennym, yn amlwg, yr adroddiad llawnaf o sut y gwnaeth y broses gwneud penderfyniadau ddod i'r casgliad y daeth iddo?
Hoffwn ddeall hefyd sut bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn datblygu cyfleoedd newydd. Yn amlwg, roedd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol, yn ei ddatganiad ddoe, yn tynnu sylw at sut y mae gan Lywodraeth y DU gynigion eraill yn ei meddiant, ceisiadau eraill—gobeithio fy mod i wedi categoreiddio hyn yn gywir, ond yn sicr roedd cynigiadau eraill yn bendant yn rhywbeth a roddwyd gerbron Tŷ'r Cyffredin ddoe yn y datganiad. Byddai'n fuddiol deall pa swyddogaeth fydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ymgysylltu'r cynigion eraill posibl hynny a nododd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn ei ddatganiad ddoe.
Yr hyn, i mi, sy'n bwysig iawn yn y fan yma yn awr, yn amlwg, yw ein bod yn asesu ein llwybr o'r sefyllfa y canfyddwn ein hunain ynddi heddiw, ac rwy'n dweud, yn gwbl agored, nad yw hi'n sefyllfa y byddwn yn dymuno i ni fod ynddi, a dyna'i diwedd hi. Roeddwn yn dymuno i ni i gyd fod yn y sefyllfa heddiw o groesawu morlyn llanw Abertawe. Rwy'n talu teyrnged, fel y dywedais, i bob Aelod sydd wedi gweithio yn ddiflino ar y mater hwn. Ond mae'n ffaith ein bod mewn oes bellach pan fo angen i ni asesu sut y gallwn hyrwyddo rhai o'r cyfleoedd ynni mwyaf cadarnhaol sydd yn bodoli o amgylch arfordir cyfan Cymru. Ers i mi fod yn y Siambr hon, bu dau gynnig—un o forglawdd yr Hafren a morlyn llanw Abertawe ar hyn o bryd—ac ni ddaeth y naill na'r llall i gyflawniad. Ond yr hyn a wyddom yw bod asedau crai yn bodoli ar ein harfordir ac mae angen manteisio arnyn nhw a'u datblygu.
Rwyf am ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet hefyd, o ystyried, o wrando ar ei ddatganiad heddiw, y gallwn fod wedi cau fy llygaid a chlywed yr un ddadl yn dod o feinciau'r gwrthbleidiau pan gyhoeddodd ef gynigion Cylchdaith Cymru a roddwyd gerbron Llywodraeth Cymru, i gefnogi'r prosiect arbennig hwnnw, pan, yn ei farn ef, yn amlwg, nad oedd y prosiect hwnnw'n fforddiadwy ac nid yn gallu sefyll y prawf yr oedd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei osod. Bellach, o fod yn y sefyllfa i wneud penderfyniadau fel hyn, byddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn amlwg yn deall y broses sy'n gysylltiedig, ac roedd y broses a amlinellwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU ddoe yn ymddangos yn debyg iawn i'r broses a amlinellodd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei phenderfyniad o ran Cylchdaith Cymru. Felly, byddwn yn falch o gael deall sut bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio yn y dyfodol i gyflawni prosiectau seilwaith mawr, nid yn unig gydag ynni ond gyda phrosiectau seilwaith mawr eraill, ledled Cymru a allai roi hyder i ddatblygwyr i edrych ar Gymru fel cyrchfan atyniadol.
Wrth gloi fy sylwadau, hoffwn nodi mai dim ond dwy funud cyn i mi godi ar fy nhraed y cefais y datganiad hwn, yn anffodus. Felly, nid wyf yn hollol siŵr beth ddigwyddodd y prynhawn yma. Gall fod rhai Aelodau heb gael y datganiad hwnnw hyd yn oed. Fel arfer y mae'n gwrtais i'r Aelodau gael golwg ar y datganiad. Rwy'n deall mai cwrteisi yw hynny nad oes rhaid ei ymarfer, ond y mae'n digwydd fel arfer o ran cwrteisi, a byddwn yn gobeithio y byddai ef yn ystyried beth oedd y broblem cyfathrebu o ran y datganiad. Diolch.
Can I thank the Member for his questions? I apologise for the lateness of his receipt of the statement. I, too, received the statement, due to it being redrafted at very late stages, just a few minutes ago. But I have to say, I've been there when tough decisions have had to be made, and the Member identifies the Circuit of Wales decision as one primary example of how, in the face of intense public pressure and campaigns for a project to be given the go-ahead, you have to make sure that you assess it on the grounds of value for money and the wider benefits that a project can bring. But this project is distinctly different to the Circuit of Wales. The Circuit of Wales would have been on balance sheet. It would have required a potential £300 million of Welsh Government spend be put on hold as a consequence of that adjudication being that it had to be on balance sheet. The Circuit of Wales was not backed by an independent review by a former energy Minister. And, let's just remember, the main point of this project was that it was a pathfinder project and, as a pathfinder project, you would always expect additional costs to be incurred. The value-for-money test of a pathfinder project should be very different because of the opportunity costs that could be incurred in not pressing ahead with a particular project.
In terms of the Member wishing that it could have been a positive decision, I reflect on possibly what would have happened had David Cameron not called for a referendum on our membership of the EU. He would likely still be there as Prime Minister, we would not be facing the catastrophe of failed Brexit negotiations and, in all probability, given his personal support for this scheme and its inclusion in the 2015 Conservative Party manifesto, we would have seen a very different decision being reached yesterday. We may well have also seen a different decision over electrification. And for those reasons, I put responsibility for the decisions that have been made firmly at the door of Theresa May as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party in Government in the UK.
Now, in terms of engagement, the developers contest the figures that have been produced. I received the detailed appraisal today. I've asked my officials to carry out a thorough assessment of it, but, again, as a pathfinder project, costs are always going to be higher. If we look at the development of onshore and offshore wind, costs were higher 10 years ago than they are today, and it's the opportunity costs that we now face having been lost. The opportunity costs could be substantial indeed if Wales does not become a world leader.
Now, the Member rightly identifies the point that was made in Parliament yesterday—the assurance that the UK Government is in receipt of proposals from what they say are other promoters of tidal energy schemes. I think we need to know who, and where those schemes are being promoted and where they would be installed, because we don't know, as of yet, whether any of those schemes—I understand that there are perhaps as many as half a dozen—are based on Swansea bay. We don't know who the promoters of those schemes are. We don't know what the costs will be of seeing those schemes through to completion. So, we await with very, very great interest the detail of those particular proposals.
I think we also need to make sure that discussions are maintained with city deal partners. I met yesterday with leaders of the Swansea bay city deal, and it's absolutely essential that we look not only at the future of marine energy in Swansea bay, but also at the wider economic development and regeneration of the region. I'm acutely conscious of the impact that this decision and the u-turning on electrification has had on the communities of Swansea bay, and in particular Swansea city itself. Granted, the UK Government will not be to blame for this, but, in addition, Swansea faced relegation this year from the Premier League. All of these factors contribute to a negative impact in terms of confidence and self-belief. That has to be addressed. The Welsh Government will work relentlessly and tirelessly with the local authority and partners across the Swansea bay city region to find investment projects that can rebuild the confidence of the people of Swansea and ensure that the marine energy industry in Swansea bay, and across Wales, has a very strong and positive future indeed.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiynau? Rwy'n ymddiheuro am ei fod mor hwyr yn cael y datganiad. Dim ond rai munudau yn ôl y cefais innau'r datganiad hefyd gan iddo gael ei ailddrafftio ar gam diweddar iawn. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, rwyf wedi bod yno pan oedd yn rhaid gwneud penderfyniadau anodd, ac mae'r Aelod yn nodi penderfyniad Cylchdaith Cymru fel un enghraifft sylfaenol o sut, yn wyneb pwysau gan y cyhoedd a'r ymgyrchoedd dros roi sêl bendith i brosiect, mae'n rhaid i chi wneud yn siŵr eich bod yn ei asesu ar sail gwerth am arian a manteision ehangach a allai ddod yn sgil prosiect. Ond mae'r prosiect hwn yn wahanol iawn i Gylchdaith Cymru. Byddai Cylchdaith Cymru wedi bod ar y fantolen. Byddai wedi bod angen gohirio £300 miliwn o wariant Llywodraeth Cymru o bosib o ganlyniad i'r dyfarniad hwnnw ei bod yn rhaid iddo fod ar y fantolen. Ni chafodd Cylchdaith Cymru ei gefnogi mewn adolygiad annibynnol gan gyn-Weinidog ynni. A, gadewch i ni ddwyn i gof, prif bwynt y prosiect hwn oedd ei fod yn brosiect braenaru a chan ei fod yn brosiect braenaru, byddech yn disgwyl costau ychwanegol bob amser. Dylai'r prawf gwerth am arian gan brosiect braenaru fod yn wahanol iawn oherwydd y costau cyfle a allai godi wrth beidio â bwrw ymlaen â phrosiect arbennig.
O ran dymuniad yr Aelod y gallai hwn fod wedi bod yn benderfyniad cadarnhaol, rwy'n myfyrio ar yr hyn a fyddai wedi digwydd o bosib pe na byddai David Cameron wedi galw am refferendwm ar ein haelodaeth o'r UE. Mae'n debygol y byddai ef yn dal i fod yno o hyd yn Brif Weinidog, ni fyddem yn wynebu trychineb methiant o ran negodiadau Brexit ac, yn ôl pob tebyg, o ystyried ei gefnogaeth bersonol i'r cynllun hwn a'r ffaith ei fod wedi ei gynnwys ym maniffesto 2015 y Blaid Geidwadol, byddem wedi gweld penderfyniad gwahanol iawn yn cael ei wneud ddoe. Efallai wir y byddem ni wedi gweld penderfyniad gwahanol hefyd o ran trydaneiddio. Ac am y rhesymau hynny, mae'r bai am y penderfyniadau a wnaethpwyd, yn bendant yn fy marn i, yn disgyn ar Theresa May fel Prif Weinidog ac Arweinydd y Blaid Geidwadol sydd yn llywodraethu yn y DU.
Nawr, o ran ymgysylltu, mae datblygwyr yn herio'r ffigurau a gynhyrchwyd. Cefais yr arfarniad manwl heddiw. Rwyf wedi gofyn i'm swyddogion gynnal asesiad trylwyr o hwnnw, ond, unwaith eto, fel prosiect braenaru, mae'r costau yn mynd i fod yn uwch bob amser. Os edrychwn ni ar ddatblygu gwynt ar y tir a'r môr, roedd costau yn uwch 10 mlynedd yn ôl nag y maen nhw heddiw, a'r costau cyfle yr ydym yn wynebu ar hyn o bryd wedi eu colli. Gallai'r costau cyfle fod yn sylweddol yn wir os na ddaw Cymru yn arweinydd byd-eang.
Nawr, mae'r Aelod yn nodi yn gywir bod y pwynt a wnaethpwyd yn y Senedd ddoe—y sicrwydd fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi derbyn cynigion gan rai y maen nhw'n ei ddweud sy'n hyrwyddwyr eraill o gynlluniau ynni llanw. Rwy'n credu bod angen i ni wybod pwy, ac ymhle y mae'r cynlluniau hynny yn cael eu hyrwyddo ac ymhle y bydden nhw'n cael eu sefydlu, oherwydd nid ydym yn gwybod, hyd yma, a yw unrhyw un o'r cynlluniau hynny—rwy'n deall efallai fod cynifer â hanner dwsin—yn seiliedig ar Fae Abertawe. Nid ydym yn gwybod pwy yw hyrwyddwyr y cynlluniau hynny. Nid ydym yn gwybod beth fydd y costau o weld y cynlluniau hynny'n cael eu cwblhau. Felly, rydym yn disgwyl am fanylion y cynigion arbennig hynny gyda diddordeb mawr iawn.
Credaf fod angen i ni hefyd wneud yn siŵr bod trafodaethau yn cael eu cynnal â phartneriaid bargen ddinesig. Cyfarfûm ag arweinwyr bargen ddinesig Bae Abertawe ddoe, ac mae'n gwbl hanfodol ein bod ni'n edrych nid yn unig ar ddyfodol ynni morol ym Mae Abertawe, ond ar ddatblygu ac adfywio economaidd y rhanbarth yn ehangach. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r effaith y mae'r penderfyniad hwn a'r tro pedol ar drydaneiddio wedi ei gael ar gymunedau Bae Abertawe, ac yn arbennig ar Ddinas Abertawe ei hun. Rwy'n cyfaddef nad ar Lywodraeth y DU mae'r bai am hyn, ond, yn ogystal â hynny, wynebodd Abertawe ddiraddiad eleni o'r uwch gynghrair. Mae'r holl ffactorau hyn yn cyfrannu at effaith negyddol o ran hyder a hunan-gred. Mae'n rhaid mynd i'r afael â hynny. Bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio'n ddygn ac yn ddiflino gyda'r awdurdod lleol a phartneriaid ledled dinas ranbarth Bae Abertawe i ddod o hyd i brosiectau buddsoddi a all adfer hyder pobl Abertawe a sicrhau bod gan y diwydiant ynni morol ym Mae Abertawe, a ledled Cymru, ddyfodol cadarnhaol a chryf iawn yn wir.
Can I thank the Cabinet Secretary for his statement, and thank him also for being able to fit it in this afternoon? But I have to say, as a representative who lives in Swansea, this has been an absolutely devastating decision. I don't know if I can do justice to the unbridled fury that people were communicating with me last night about this decision. Basically, words cannot convey my depth of devastation. This is a wonderful project. There's tremendous potential for tidal energy in Swansea bay and the Bristol channel—the second largest tidal range in the world. People are always saying, 'You haven't got any resources in Wales'. We have, you know; it's just we don't tap them. This decision is incredible in its foolhardiness, I have to say, denying us releasing the tremendous potential for tidal energy. As you've said, this first pathfinder project—a pilot scheme, obviously—was not the biggest, and quite a small one, but five far bigger ones would follow, and Wales would then eventually become completely self-sustaining in energy terms. That is the renewable future, surely.
This comes on the same day as we've had a third runway expansion in Heathrow and obviously, a previous announcement about nuclear energy receiving more public subsidy. In other words, the idea is already there—public subsidy for large energy projects—and as the tidal lagoon companies say themselves, yes, there would be an increase in energy prices on bills for consumers, as Lee Waters pointed out earlier: 30p per year for households, compared to an extra £15 per year for nuclear. That's the comparison. Obviously, the tidal lagoon company—lots of us have been meeting with them over the years. Plaid Cymru first passed a policy of having a tidal lagoon in Swansea bay in our Swansea conference in 2006. Some of us have been working on this for nearly 15 years with the company, and it is immensely devastating what's happening. The company have heard nothing from the Westminster Government for two years. You've got to ask—and I would ask you now to confirm—what lines of communication have there been? The company says they've heard next to nothing from Government for two years:
'The lack of engagement with us during this process has been highly disturbing'.
That's the chair of Tidal Lagoon Power saying that. We've got to understand how we arrived at this decision 18 months after Charles Hendry and his superb report said it would be a no-regrets decision and a no-brainer. So, all of a sudden now, 18 months of waiting for a big enough decision to try and bury this bad news, and then it seeps out after lots of delays, and we're devastatingly disappointed that innovative, world-leading technology now looks to have been denied to Wales. I know there's a feeling in Westminster sometimes that little Wales couldn't be a world leader in anything, but we could have been here, and I want to know from the Cabinet Secretary how he intends to take this whole agenda forward, because the tides are still there, ebbing and flowing as we speak, only not being utilised for the benefit of the people of this nation.
It's the same strike price as Hinkley Point—like I said, a negligible addition to annual electricity bills for consumers. We've lost electrification to Swansea. Despite electrification being a live process in railways north of Manchester, it's somehow obsolete when it comes to Wales, and the Secretary of State for Wales says we're better off with diesel, and people say diesel is adversely affecting our health. Yes, it is adversely affecting our health.
More about the Secretary of State tomorrow no doubt, but two questions to finish. There was all-party support here which, to be fair, has been reflected. Westminster crushes that despite all-party agreement here. We really need to take control over our future generally, but particularly now in energy terms. So, how is the Cabinet Secretary going to move this agenda forward? Because I have an abiding feeling, after this huge decision, with any marine energy project in Wales now—how is that going to be viewed outside? How is that going to be viewed? Dead in the water?
My other question is: there is a very important debate tomorrow on a motion of no confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales. Westminster's man in Wales, certainly. This decision has crushed us. Will you be supporting that no-confidence vote?
A gaf i ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei ddatganiad, a diolch iddo hefyd am allu rhoi amser iddo y prynhawn yma? Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, fel cynrychiolydd sy'n byw yn Abertawe, bod hwn wedi bod yn benderfyniad cwbl ddistrywiol. Nid wyf i'n gwybod a allaf i wneud cyfiawnder â'r gwylltineb rhemp yr oedd pobl yn ei gyfathrebu i mi neithiwr am y penderfyniad hwn. Yn y bôn, ni all geiriau gyfleu maint fy siomiant. Mae hwn yn brosiect i'w ryfeddu. Mae potensial aruthrol i ynni llanw ym Mae Abertawe a sianel Bryste—yr ail amrediad llanw mwyaf yn y byd. Mae pobl yn dweud bob amser, 'Nid oes gennych chi unrhyw adnoddau yng Nghymru'. Mae gennym ni, wyddoch chi; ond nid ydym yn manteisio arnyn nhw. Mae ffolineb y penderfyniad hwn yn anhygoel, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, yn gwrthod i ni ryddhau potensial aruthrol ynni llanw. Fel yr ydych chi wedi'i ddweud, nid y prosiect braenaru cyntaf hwn—cynllun arbrofol, mae'n amlwg—oedd y mwyaf, ac roedd yn un eithaf bychan, ond byddai pump o rai llawer mwy wedi dilyn, a byddai Cymru wedyn yn y pen draw yn dod yn gwbl hunangynhaliol o ran ynni. Dyna'r dyfodol adnewyddadwy, 'does bosib.
Daw hyn ar yr un diwrnod ag y gwelsom ni ehangu'r drydedd redfa yn Heathrow ac yn amlwg, cyhoeddiad blaenorol am ynni niwclear yn cael mwy o gymhorthdal cyhoeddus. Mewn geiriau eraill, mae'r syniad yno eisoes—cymhorthdal cyhoeddus i brosiectau ynni mawr—ac fel y dywed y cwmnïau morlyn llanw eu hunain, byddai, fe fyddai cynnydd mewn prisiau ynni ar filiau'r defnyddwyr, fel y nododd Lee Waters yn gynharach: 30c y flwyddyn i aelwydydd, o'i gymharu â £15 ychwanegol y flwyddyn ar gyfer ynni niwclear. Dyna'r gymhariaeth. Yn amlwg, y cwmni morlyn llanw—mae llawer ohonom ni wedi bod yn cyfarfod â nhw dros y blynyddoedd. Pasiodd Plaid Cymru'r polisi o gael morlyn llanw ym Mae Abertawe gyntaf yn ein cynhadledd yn Abertawe yn 2006. Mae rhai ohonom ni wedi bod yn gweithio ar hyn gyda'r cwmni ers bron i 15 mlynedd, ac mae'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn hynod siomedig. Nid yw'r cwmni wedi clywed dim gan Lywodraeth San Steffan am ddwy flynedd. Mae'n rhaid i chi ofyn—a byddwn yn gofyn ichi gadarnhau nawr—pa linellau cyfathrebu a fu? Mae'r cwmni yn dweud ei fod wedi clywed y nesaf peth i ddim gan y Llywodraeth am ddwy flynedd:
Mae'r diffyg ymgysylltu â ni yn ystod y broses hon wedi bod yn hynod annymunol.
Cadeirydd Tidal Lagoon Power sy'n dweud hynny. Mae'n rhaid i ni ddeall sut y daethom i'r penderfyniad hwn 18 mis ar ôl i Charles Hendry a'i adroddiad gwych ddweud y byddai hwn yn benderfyniad amlwg na fyddem yn difaru ei wneud. Felly, yn sydyn nawr, 18 mis o aros am benderfyniad ddigon mawr i geisio claddu'r newyddion drwg hyn, ac yna mae'n diferu allan ar ôl llawer o oedi, ac rydym yn hynod o siomedig ei bod yn ymddangos bod technoleg arloesol, sy'n arwain y byd wedi ei gwadu i Gymru. Rwy'n gwybod bod teimlad yn San Steffan weithiau na all Cymru fach arwain y byd mewn dim, ond gallasem fod wedi gwneud hynny yn hyn o beth, a hoffwn gael gwybod gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet sut y mae ef yn bwriadu datblygu'r holl agenda hon, gan fod y llanw yn dal yno, yn treio a llenwi wrth inni siarad, ond nid yn cael ei ddefnyddio er budd pobl y wlad hon.
Yr un pris taro sydd yn Hinkley Point—fel y dywedais, ychwanegiad bychan iawn at filiau trydan blynyddol i ddefnyddwyr. Rydym wedi colli trydaneiddio i Abertawe. Er bod trydaneiddio yn broses fyw ar reilffyrdd i'r gogledd o Fanceinion, nid yw'n ymddangos yn gymwys rywsut yn achos Cymru, a dywed Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru ein bod yn well ein byd gyda diesel, ac mae pobl yn dweud bod diesel yn effeithio'n andwyol ar ein hiechyd. Ydy, mae'n effeithio'n andwyol ar ein hiechyd.
Bydd mwy am yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yfory yn ddiamau, ond dau gwestiwn i orffen. Roedd cefnogaeth gan yr holl bleidiau yn y fan hon sydd, a bod yn deg, wedi ei adlewyrchu. Mae San Steffan yn anwybyddu hynny er gwaethaf cytundeb yr holl bleidiau yn y fan hon. Mae gwir angen inni gymryd rheolaeth ar ein dyfodol yn gyffredinol, ond yn arbennig nawr o ran ynni. Felly, sut mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn mynd i symud yr agenda hon yn ei blaen? Oherwydd mae gennyf deimlad diysgog, ar ôl y penderfyniad enfawr hwn, gydag unrhyw brosiect ynni'r môr yng Nghymru erbyn hyn—sut y caiff hynny ei weld o'r tu allan? Sut bydd hynny'n cael ei weld? Wedi darfod amdano?
Fy nghwestiwn arall yw: bydd dadl bwysig iawn yfory ar y cynnig o ddiffyg hyder yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru. Dyn San Steffan yng Nghymru, yn sicr. Mae'r penderfyniad hwn yn wir wedi ein digalonni. A fyddwch chi'n cefnogi'r bleidlais diffyg hyder honno?
Can I thank the Member for his contribution, the points that he's raised, and the obvious fury that he's relayed from Swansea bay? I think it was Shakespeare who said something along the lines of 'could not wield the words to matter', and right now I think people are lost for words in expressing their anger, their frustration, their disappointment with the UK Government for taking a short-sighted view of marine energy.
As I said earlier, what we wanted to see happen through this pathfinder project was the creation of an entirely new industry that Wales could lead the world in—an entirely new industry with enormous intellectual property owned by Welsh-based companies. That would have created jobs and opportunities not just in Swansea bay, but in the other locations where tidal lagoons were proposed. It could have led to a huge increase in opportunities in terms of the visitor economy as well. But all is not lost. We made an offer of £200 million to get this project over the line. What we intend to do is to host a marine energy summit in Swansea as soon as possible, with key stakeholders, with leaders in industry, to discuss how we can maintain the momentum that we've built in terms of marine energy in recent years, how we could potentially utilise the £200 million that we've made available for this particular project, how we can look at other proposals—hopefully by then we'll have some detail on the alternatives—how we could potentially use those alternative proposals to benefit Swansea bay and, indeed, the rest of Wales, and how collectively we can build on the Welsh Government investments to date to ensure that Wales maintains its position as a global leader in terms of marine energy. Because I fear, Llywydd, that if Welsh Government doesn't take this action for the people, with the people, and on behalf of the people of Swansea bay, then we'll end up with the French taking ownership of this project and taking a lead globally. It's a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that could be granted to the French as a consequence of the UK Government making this decision.
So, we will not abandon the sector. Far from it; we'll look at how we can build on those projects in south Pembrokeshire, in Milford Haven and also in Anglesey, and we'll look at how we can go on building the strength and the capabilities, the research capabilities, within the sector as well.
I have to say, the Member touched on the crucial point of energy independence and energy security, which is so important to a vibrant economy. The United States of America managed to secure energy independence through its course of action on fracking. We in the Welsh Labour Government have been absolutely committed to securing as great a degree of energy independence from renewable sources. We remain absolutely committed to that cause and we will explore every avenue to deliver greater, greener growth in terms of energy production. We're determined to ensure that fairer opportunities for economic development are passed right across the regions. I'm acutely aware of the frustrations that exist in Swansea bay and elsewhere in Wales in terms of regional inequality. That is the whole point of the new economic action plan—to iron out inequalities across Wales and to make sure that those regions that currently feel marginalised feel emboldened and empowered to be as strong as they can possibly be, based on their existing capabilities. And, within the Swansea bay region, we know that one of the finest strengths that they possess right now concerns marine energy and we will support that region all the way.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gyfraniad, y pwyntiau a gododd, a'r cynddaredd amlwg y mae wedi ei drosglwyddo o Fae Abertawe? Credaf mai Shakespeare a ddywedodd rhywbeth tebyg i "could not wield the words to matter" ac ar y foment hon rwyf i o'r farn nad oes gan bobl eiriau i fynegi eu dicter, eu rhwystredigaeth, eu siomiant gyda Llywodraeth y DU am fod mor gibddall o ran ynni morol.
Fel y dywedais yn gynharach, yr hyn yr oeddem yn dymuno ei weld yn digwydd drwy'r prosiect braenaru hwn oedd creu diwydiant cwbl newydd y gallai Cymru arwain y byd ynddo— diwydiant cwbl newydd gydag eiddo deallusol anferth yn eiddo i gwmnïau o Gymru. Byddai hynny wedi creu swyddi a chyfleoedd nid yn unig ym Mae Abertawe, ond yn y lleoliadau eraill lle y cynigiwyd cael morlynnoedd llanw. Gallai fod wedi arwain at gynnydd enfawr yn y cyfleoedd o ran yr economi ymwelwyr hefyd. Ond nid dyma ei diwedd hi eto. Gwnaethom gynnig o £200 miliwn i wireddu'r prosiect hwn. Yr hyn y bwriadwn ei wneud yw cynnal uwchgynhadledd ynni morol yn Abertawe cyn gynted â phosibl, gyda rhanddeiliaid allweddol, ac arweinyddion diwydiannol, i drafod sut y gallwn gynnal y momentwm yr ydym wedi'i adeiladu o ran ynni morol yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf, sut y gallem ni o bosib ddefnyddio'r £200 miliwn yr ydym wedi'i roi ar gael ar gyfer y prosiect penodol hwn, sut y gallwn edrych ar gynigion eraill—gobeithio erbyn hynny y bydd gennym ni rai manylion am y dewisiadau eraill—sut y gallem ni o bosib ddefnyddio'r cynigion eraill hynny er budd Bae Abertawe ac, yn wir, gweddill Cymru, a sut y gallwn ni adeiladu gyda'n gilydd ar fuddsoddiadau Llywodraeth Cymru hyd yn hyn i sicrhau bod Cymru yn cadw ei safle fel arweinydd byd-eang o ran ynni morol. Oherwydd mae arnaf ofn, Llywydd, os nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn cymryd y camau hyn er mwyn y bobl, gyda'r bobl, ac ar ran pobl Bae Abertawe, y byddwn yn y pen draw yn gweld Ffrainc yn cymryd perchnogaeth o'r prosiect hwn ac yn arwain y ffordd yn fyd-eang. Mae'n gyfle unigryw y gellid ei roi i Ffrainc o ganlyniad i Lywodraeth y DU yn gwneud y penderfyniad hwn.
Felly, ni fyddwn yn troi cefn ar y sector. I'r gwrthwyneb; byddwn ni'n edrych ar sut y gallwn adeiladu ar y prosiectau hynny yn ne Sir Benfro, yn Aberdaugleddau a hefyd ar Ynys Môn, a byddwn ni'n edrych ar sut y gallwn ni ddal ati i adeiladu'r cryfder a'r galluoedd, galluoedd ymchwil, o fewn y sector hefyd.
Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, cyffyrddodd yr Aelod â phwynt hollbwysig annibyniaeth ynni a diogelwch ynni, sydd mor bwysig i economi ffyniannus. Llwyddodd yr Unol Daleithiau i sicrhau annibyniaeth ynni drwy eu camau gweithredu ar ffracio. Rydym ni yn Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi ymrwymo'n llwyr i sicrhau cymaint o annibyniaeth ynni â phosibl o ffynonellau adnewyddadwy. Rydym yn parhau yn gwbl ymrwymedig i'r achos hwnnw a byddwn yn archwilio pob llwybr i sicrhau twf gwyrddach, gwell o ran cynhyrchu ynni. Rydym yn benderfynol i sicrhau bod cyfleoedd tecach i ddatblygiad economaidd yn cael eu trosglwyddo ledled y rhanbarthau. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r rhwystredigaeth sy'n bodoli ym Mae Abertawe ac mewn mannau eraill yng Nghymru o ran anghydraddoldeb rhanbarthol. Dyna holl bwynt y cynllun gweithredu economaidd newydd—datrys anghydraddoldebau ledled Cymru a gwneud yn siŵr bod y rhanbarthau hynny sy'n teimlo ar y cyrion ar hyn o bryd yn teimlo eu bod wedi'u calonogi a'u grymuso i fod mor gryf ag y gallan nhw fod, ar sail eu galluoedd presennol. Ac, o fewn rhanbarth Bae Abertawe, gwyddom fod un o'r cryfderau mwyaf sydd ganddyn nhw yn eu meddiant ar hyn o bryd yn ymwneud ag ynni morol a byddwn yn cefnogi'r rhanbarth hwnnw ar bob cam o'r daith.
Thank you for your statement, Cabinet Secretary. I, like all of us in this Chamber, am deeply, deeply disappointed by the UK Government's announcement yesterday. Yet again, the UK Government has shown utter contempt for my region by reneging as well on the promise to deliver electrification to Swansea and now have scuppered Swansea's chance to lead the world in innovative renewable energy.
I shouldn't be surprised by yesterday's announcement, because the press seems to have known for months that the tidal lagoon was going to be rejected. I had hoped that furious negotiations were going on behind the scenes. Cabinet Secretary, in your discussions with the UK Government and Tidal Lagoon Power, was it at all clear that the two sides were even talking to each other, or do you believe, as I do, that the UK Government were merely seeking time to build a case to support their decision to reject the proposals?
Cabinet Secretary, the UK Government shouldn't be surprised by the depth of feeling from this Chamber—and not only in this Chamber, from my constituents as well, and I've just been reading e-mails regarding how they feel. All sides in this Chamber have made it abundantly clear that we have supported this project—even the Government’s own advisers supported this project, and it’s shameful that Theresa May has ignored all of that support.
The UK Government cite costs as the sole reason for rejecting this bid, claiming offshore wind is much more cost effective. Cabinet Secretary, in your interactions with the UK Government Ministers, has the significant investment in offshore wind been discussed? Offshore wind is only cheaper now because of heavy subsidies in its earlier development.
And, finally, Cabinet Secretary, are you aware of whether or not the UK Government considered energy security when reaching their decision on the tidal lagoon? The UK is currently at the mercy of geopolitically unstable nations for much of their energy needs, and the tidal lagoon would help the UK become more self-sufficient. So, I thank you for your support on this, Cabinet Secretary. You have my party's support in fighting this decision by the UK Government. Diolch yn fawr.
Diolch ichi am eich datganiad, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rwyf i, fel pob un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon, wedi fy siomi'n fawr iawn, iawn gan gyhoeddiad Llywodraeth y DU ddoe. Unwaith eto, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn dangos dirmyg llwyr tuag at fy rhanbarth i gan fynd yn ôl hefyd ar yr addewid i ddarparu trydaneiddio i Abertawe a bellach rydym wedi difetha cyfle Abertawe i arwain y byd ym maes ynni adnewyddadwy arloesol.
Ni ddylwn gael fy synnu gan gyhoeddiad ddoe, oherwydd mae'n ymddangos bod y wasg yn gwybod ers misoedd y byddai'r morlyn llanw yn cael ei wrthod. Roeddwn wedi gobeithio bod negodiadau ffyrnig yn digwydd tu ôl i'r llenni. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn eich trafodaethau â Llywodraeth y DU a Tidal Lagoon Power, a oedd hi'n glir o gwbl fod y ddwy ochr hyd yn oed yn siarad â'i gilydd, neu a ydych chi'n credu, fel minnau, bod Llywodraeth y DU ddim ond yn aros eu hamser i lunio achos i gefnogi eu penderfyniad i wrthod y cynigion?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ni ddylai Llywodraeth y DU gael ei synnu gan ddyfnder y teimlad o'r Siambr hon—ac nid yn unig o'r Siambr hon, o'm hetholwyr i hefyd, ac rwyf newydd fod yn darllen negeseuon e-bost ynglŷn â sut y maen nhw'n teimlo. Mae pob ochr yn y Siambr hon yn ei gwneud yn gwbl glir ein bod wedi cefnogi'r prosiect hwn—roedd hyd yn oed cynghorwyr y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi'r prosiect hwn, ac mae'n gywilyddus fod Theresa May wedi anwybyddu'r holl gefnogaeth honno.
Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn cyfeirio at gostau fel yr unig reswm dros wrthod y cais hwn, gan hawlio bod gwynt ar y môr yn llawer mwy cost-effeithiol. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn eich rhyngweithio â Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU, a gafodd y buddsoddiad sylweddol mewn gwynt ar y môr ei drafod? Yr unig reswm y mae gwynt ar y môr yn rhatach ar hyn o bryd yw'r cymorthdaliadau mawr yn ei ddatblygiad cynharach.
Ac, yn olaf, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a ydych chi'n ymwybodol neu beidio o ba un a yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi ystyried diogelwch ynni wrth ddod i benderfyniad ar y morlyn llanw? Ar hyn o bryd yn y DU rydym ar drugaredd gwledydd geowleidyddol ansefydlog am lawer o'n hanghenion ynni, a byddai'r morlyn llanw yn helpu'r DU i fod yn fwy hunangynhaliol. Felly, diolchaf ichi am eich cefnogaeth yn hyn o beth, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Mae gennych chi gefnogaeth fy mhlaid i wrth ymladd yn erbyn y penderfyniad hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU. Diolch yn fawr.
Can I thank Caroline Jones for the contribution she's made today, her comments and her questions? First of all, with regard to the speculation that has appeared over many weeks now in the press, it would appear to me—perhaps I'm just becoming more cynical, but it would appear to me that a decision perhaps was reached some time ago and that an opportunity was being looked for in order to conceal this decision behind it. And yesterday, with the vote on Heathrow, does appear to have been a great opportunity for the UK Government to have buried the Swansea bay tidal lagoon beneath a third runway at Heathrow.
It's also ironic and tragic that, yesterday, Welsh Government was able to announce a hugely ambitious world-first proposal for test facilities for the rail industry here in Wales and, at that same time, the UK Government was turning down an opportunity to develop a new world-class industry for Wales—incredibly ironic that these two decisions came on the same day, but tragic also.
As I've said, we will not give up on the sector in Wales and the Member is absolutely right that offshore wind power generation, in its inception, was very expensive, and costs have been reduced over time as it's been mainstreamed. In terms of energy security and whether this was a factor in their decision, as far as I'm aware, it was not. However, as I say, the detailed appraisal was received just today. I'm going through it currently—I've asked officials to analyse it as well.
I think what's important, as we move forward, is that we continue to engage with the sector, even if the UK Government turns its back on the sector. It would appear, based on what Tidal Lagoon Power have said, that discussions broke down some time ago between them and the UK Government, in which case I must come to the conclusion—it's the same conclusion that Charles Hendry has reached—that, actually, the UK Government could have said that they weren't going to support it many, many months ago and saved the company and saved an entire region the heartache of the decision being delayed and delayed, and hopes being raised in the intervening time.
A gaf i ddiolch i Caroline Jones am y cyfraniad a wnaeth hi heddiw, ei sylwadau a'i chwestiynau? Yn gyntaf oll, o ran y dyfalu sydd wedi ymddangos dros nifer o wythnosau bellach yn y wasg, mae'n ymddangos i mi—efallai fy mod i'n mynd ychydig yn fwy sinigaidd, ond mae'n ymddangos i mi fod penderfyniad wedi ei wneud beth amser yn ôl efallai gan aros wedyn am gyfle i gael rhywbeth i guddio'r penderfyniad hwn y tu ôl iddo. Ac roedd ddoe, gyda'r bleidlais ar Heathrow, yn ymddangos yn gyfle gwych i Lywodraeth y DU gladdu morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe o dan drydedd redfa yn Heathrow.
Hefyd mae'n eironig ac yn drasig, ddoe, bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gallu cyhoeddi cynnig cyntaf trwy'r byd hynod uchelgeisiol ar gyfer cyfleusterau profi ar gyfer y diwydiant rheilffyrdd yma yng Nghymru ac, ar yr un pryd, roedd Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrthod y cyfle i ddatblygu diwydiant newydd o'r radd flaenaf i Gymru—mae'n hynod eironig bod y ddau benderfyniad hyn yn dod ar yr un diwrnod, ond trist hefyd.
Fel y dywedais, ni fyddwn yn troi cefn ar y sector yng Nghymru ac mae'r Aelod yn llygad ei le fod cynhyrchu ynni gwynt ar y môr, ar y cychwyn, yn ddrud iawn, ac mae costau wedi gostwng dros amser wrth iddo gael ei brif-ffrydio. O ran diogelwch ynni a pha un a oedd hynny'n elfen yn eu penderfyniad, cyn belled ag y gwn i, nid oedd hynny'n wir. Fodd bynnag, fel y dywedaf, dim ond heddiw y derbyniwyd yr arfarniad manwl. Rwy'n mynd drwyddo ar hyn o bryd—rwyf wedi gofyn i swyddogion ei ddadansoddi hefyd.
Rwyf i o'r farn mai'r hyn sy'n bwysig, wrth inni symud ymlaen, yw ein bod yn parhau i weithio gyda'r sector, hyd yn oed os bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn troi ei chefn ar y sector. Mae'n ymddangos, yn seiliedig ar yr hyn y mae Tidal Lagoon Power wedi'i ddweud, bod y trafodaethau wedi mynd i'r wal gryn amser yn ôl rhyngddyn nhw a Llywodraeth y DU, ac os felly mae'n rhaid dod i'r casgliad—yr un casgliad ag y daeth Charles Hendry iddo—sef, mewn gwirionedd, y gallai Llywodraeth y DU fod wedi dweud nad oedden nhw yn mynd i'w gefnogi fisoedd lawer iawn yn ôl ac arbed y cwmni ac arbed y rhanbarth cyfan rhag y gofid wrth ohirio'r penderfyniad dro ar ôl tro, a chodi gobeithion yn y cyfamser.
The proposal straddles the boundary of my constituency and that of my friend and colleague David Rees. I think that Dai Lloyd did mention the anger and the betrayal, and there's been a tremendous feeling amongst people of anger and betrayal. I went out last night and people wanted to come and tell me how angry and betrayed they were. But that wasn't what hurt—the bit that hurt was those who said, 'Well, we were never going to get it. We never get anything in Swansea. We're always left behind', and this feeling, really, of a lack of hope. I think that that is the bit that I found most hurtful—that people saw the lack of hope, that we were on the periphery of the Westminster Government's radar and we were very much left behind.
I think that you've got to remember that prototypes cost more—they always cost more. Can I take people back to wind and solar, when they first came out and they were incredibly expensive? Do you remember those people were saying, 'Gas is cheaper. Why are you doing this? We could be using gas. There's plenty of gas around. We can be using gas turbines; it would save lots of money'? Do you remember that?
Also, can I mention nuclear? Calder Hall, created in 1956—they've had 62 years to bring down the cost of nuclear and still they have failed, with what we're paying now for the electricity that's going to be generated in Hinkley Point. That is an example of something that hasn't come down in price to the level we expected, but we would never have built Calder Hall if it had been done on a price comparison against coal—coal was a lot cheaper. In fact, every power station in Britain would be coal, because coal was cheaper than any other method at the time the new methods came in.
Can I just use two historical examples? Because I know that Suzy Davies did that in her IWA article, which I pay credit to, but also two that she didn't use: Stephenson's Rocket—I can just imagine now these people saying, 'Rail? I can get faster from Stockton to Darlington on horseback than I can by rail. What a stupid idea to bring in rail. It's much cheaper and quicker on horseback'. And the other one is, of course—let's talk about steamboats, because steamboats were small, weren't very successful. Sail was so much better. But they developed the technology and it created steamships, which made the world a much smaller place in terms of the time it took to move around.
I have no doubt that Swansea will have a tidal lagoon. My concern, and I ask the Cabinet Secretary if he shares it, is that we'll be the ninth or tenth in the world to have it, we won't have the design capacity, we won't have developed all the skills in the area; we'll be buying in the technology like we do now for solar and like we do now for wind. Wind was mainly developed in Denmark and Germany, and that's where the design is, that's where things are made. Those people who live in Swansea will know that we've had a lot of transport activity taking devices, because they've come in by boat and they've been taken because they aren't ours, built by us. Does the Cabinet Secretary agree with me again that we've lost the chance to be the first in the world to start creating tidal energy? We will have it, but we'll be buying in the technology from abroad, rather than developing it.
Mae'r cynnig yn rhychwantu ffiniau fy etholaeth i ac etholaeth fy nghyfaill a'm cyd-Aelod David Rees. Credaf fod Dai Lloyd wedi sôn am y dicter a'r brad, a bu ymdeimlad aruthrol ymhlith pobl o ddicter a brad. Euthum allan neithiwr ac roedd pobl yn awyddus i ddweud wrthyf pa mor ddig oedden nhw a'u hymdeimlad o frad. Ond nid dyna'r hyn oedd yn brifo—yr hyn a oedd yn brifo oedd y rhai a ddywedodd, 'Wel, 'nid oeddem ni byth yn mynd i gael hyn. Fyddwn ni byth yn cael dim yn Abertawe. Rydym yn cael ein gadael heb ddim bob amser', a'r teimlad hwn, mewn gwirionedd, o ddiffyg gobaith. Credaf mai dyna oedd achos y niwed mwyaf—bod pobl yn gweld y diffyg gobaith, ein bod ar gyrion radar Llywodraeth San Steffan a chawsom ein gadael ar ôl i raddau helaeth iawn.
Credaf ei bod yn rhaid ichi gofio bod prototeipiau yn costio mwy—mae'n nhw'n costio mwy bob amser. A gaf i ddwyn ynni'r gwynt a'r haul i gof pobl, pan ddaeth y rheini allan gyntaf ac roedden nhw'n anhygoel o ddrud? A ydych chi'n cofio'r bobl hynny'n dweud, 'Mae nwy yn rhatach. Pam ydych chi'n gwneud hyn? Gallem ni fod yn defnyddio nwy. Mae digon o nwy ar gael. Gallem fod yn defnyddio tyrbinau nwy; byddai'n arbed llawer o arian'? Ydych chi'n cofio hynny?
Hefyd, a gaf i grybwyll niwclear? Calder Hall, a grëwyd ym 1956—maen nhw wedi cael 62 o flynyddoedd i ddod â chost ynni niwclear i lawr ac eto methu yw eu hanes o hyd, o ran yr hyn yr ydym yn ei dalu nawr am y trydan a gaiff ei gynhyrchu yn Hinkley Point. Dyna enghraifft o rywbeth sydd heb ddod i lawr yn ei bris i lefel yr oeddem yn ei ddisgwyl, ond ni fyddem fyth wedi adeiladu Calder Hall pe byddai hynny wedi'i wneud ar gymhariaeth â phris glo—roedd glo yn llawer rhatach. Mewn gwirionedd, byddai pob gorsaf bŵer ym Mhrydain yn defnyddio glo, gan fod glo yn rhatach nag unrhyw ddull arall ar y pryd y daeth y dulliau newydd i mewn.
A gaf i ddefnyddio dwy enghraifft hanesyddol? Oherwydd gwn fod Suzy Davies wedi gwneud hynny yn ei herthygl i Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, a rhoddaf glod iddi am hynny, ond hefyd ddwy na wnaeth hi eu defnyddio: Rocket Stephenson—gallaf ddychmygu yn hollol nawr y bobl hyn yn dweud, 'Rheilffordd? Gallaf fynd yn gyflymach o Stockton i Darlington ar gefn ceffyl nag y gallaf fi ar y rheilffordd. Am syniad dwl i gael rheilffyrdd. Mae'n llawer rhatach a chyflymach ar gefn ceffyl'. A'r un arall, wrth gwrs—gadewch inni sôn am agerfadau, oherwydd roedd agerfadau yn fychan, nid oedden nhw'n llwyddiannus iawn. Roedd llongau hwylio yn well o lawer. Ond datblygwyd y dechnoleg a chrëwyd agerfadau, gan wneud y byd yn lle llawer llai o ran yr amser oedd hi'n ei gymryd i symud o gwmpas.
Nid oes amheuaeth gennyf i y bydd Abertawe yn cael morlyn llanw. Fy mhryder i yw, ac rwy'n gofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a yw'n ei rannu, y byddwn yn nawfed neu'n ddegfed yn y byd i gael rhywbeth fel hyn, ni fydd gennym y gallu dylunio, ni fyddwn wedi datblygu'r holl sgiliau yn yr ardal; byddwn yn prynu'r dechnoleg fel yr ydym yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd gydag ynni'r haul ac, fel yr ydym yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd gydag ynni'r gwynt. Datblygwyd ynni'r gwynt yn bennaf yn yr Almaen a Denmarc, a dyna lle y mae'r dylunio, dyna lle y gwneir pethau. Bydd y bobl hynny sy'n byw yn Abertawe yn gwybod ein bod wedi cael llawer o weithgaredd trafnidiaeth yn cymryd dyfeisiau, oherwydd eu bod nhw wedi dod i mewn ar gwch ac maen nhw wedi'u cymryd oherwydd nad ni sydd piau nhw, wedi'u hadeiladu gennym ni. A wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet gytuno â mi unwaith eto ein bod wedi colli cyfle i fod yn gyntaf yn y byd i ddechrau creu ynni'r llanw? Byddwn yn ei gael, ond byddwn yn prynu'r dechnoleg o dramor, yn hytrach na'i datblygu.
Yes, I agree entirely. I talked about the advances that the French have made, and I am in no doubt that some of the competitors that we faced in this field are cheering the decision by UK Government. I think Mike Hedges makes a very, very important point that, if you're not open to new ideas and new technology, you're not going to make progress; you're not going to maintain your competitiveness. And, recently, the editor-in-chief of The Economist globally said that the greatest threat the global economy faces right now is protectionism, and it was part of the presentation that he gave on the new divide—the new political divide, the new technological and economic divide—and it can largely be characterised as the open versus the closed: those who are open to new ideas versus those who are closed to new ideas, those who are open to technology versus those who are suspicious and closed to the emergence of new technology, those who are open to outsiders, open to challenge, versus those who are closed off from challenge and closed to the potential that outsiders bring as well. And I think this demonstrates most clearly that the UK Government under the current leadership of Theresa May is most certainly closed, and it's probably time that they were closed right down.
I do fear that there is a sentiment in Swansea—a very, very deep sentiment—of having been left behind. For that reason, the city deal becomes even more important and must deliver for the people of Swansea bay and must draw down the resources not just from Welsh Government, but also from UK Government. I'm able to say to the Member that I'd already agreed to commence a piece of work with the leader of Swansea council concerning a number of investment projects and regeneration prospects within Swansea. Of course, we will also be taking forward the work on the metro vision but that, in all likelihood, given its reliance on rail, will also require a commitment from the current or future, potentially future Governments for considerable investment in infrastructure, and we know that there is a very poor record of UK Government spend in terms of rail infrastructure in Wales, perhaps highlighted best by the cancellation of the electrification of the main line.
In the future, we must see a fair share not just come to Wales, but a fair share of resource that's spent in Wales spent fairly in Swansea bay and other parts of Wales.
Gwnaf, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr. Soniais am y cynnydd y mae Ffrainc wedi'i wneud, ac nid oes gennyf amheuaeth o gwbl y bydd rhai o'r cystadleuwyr y buom yn eu hwynebu yn y maes hwn yn cymeradwyo penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU. Credaf fod Mike Hedges yn gwneud pwynt pwysig iawn, iawn, sef os nad ydych chi'n agored i syniadau newydd a thechnoleg newydd, 'dydych chi ddim yn mynd i wneud cynnydd; nid ydych chi'n mynd i gynnal eich cystadleurwydd. Ac, yn ddiweddar, dywedodd Prif Olygydd The Economist yn fyd-eang mai'r bygythiad mwyaf sy'n wynebu'r economi fyd-eang ar hyn o bryd yw diffyndollaeth, ac roedd hynny'n rhan o'r cyflwyniad a roddodd ar y rhaniad newydd—y rhaniad gwleidyddol newydd, y rhaniad technolegol ac economaidd newydd—a gellir ei ddisgrifio i raddau helaeth fel yr agored yn erbyn y caeëdig: y rhai sy'n agored i syniadau newydd o'u cymharu â rhai sydd yn gaeëdig i syniadau newydd, rhai sy'n agored i dechnoleg o'u cymharu â'r rhai sydd yn amheus ac yn gaeëdig i ymddangosiad technoleg newydd, y rhai sy'n agored i bobl o'r tu allan, yn agored i her, yn erbyn y rhai sy'n cilio oddi wrth her ac yn cau'r potensial a ddaw drwy bobl o'r tu allan hefyd. A chredaf fod hyn yn dangos yn amlwg iawn bod Llywodraeth y DU o dan arweiniad cyfredol Theresa May yn sicr yn gaeëdig, ac mae'n hen bryd mae'n debyg i gael gwared ar honno.
Mae arnaf i ofn fod yna deimlad yn Abertawe—teimlad dwys iawn—o fod wedi'u gadael ar ôl. Am y rheswm hwnnw, daw'r fargen ddinesig hyd yn oed yn fwy pwysig a bydd yn rhaid iddi gyflawni ar gyfer pobl Bae Abertawe a bydd yn rhaid iddi dynnu adnoddau nid yn unig oddi wrth Lywodraeth Cymru, ond oddi wrth Lywodraeth y DU hefyd. Rwy'n gallu dweud wrth yr Aelod fy mod eisoes wedi cytuno i gychwyn darn o waith gydag arweinydd Cyngor Abertawe ynglŷn â nifer o brosiectau buddsoddi a rhagolygon adfywio yn Abertawe. Wrth gwrs, byddwn hefyd yn dwyn y gwaith ymlaen ar weledigaeth y metro, ond bydd hynny, yn ôl pob tebyg, o ystyried ei fod yn dibynnu ar y rheilffyrdd, yn gofyn am ymrwymiad hefyd gan Lywodraethau'r presennol neu'r dyfodol, y dyfodol o bosibl, i fuddsoddi'n sylweddol yn y seilwaith, ac rydym yn gwybod bod hanes gwariant gwael iawn gan Lywodraeth y DU o ran seilwaith y rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru, sydd efallai wedi'i amlygu orau gan y weithred o ganslo trydaneiddio'r brif reilffordd.
Yn y dyfodol, bydd yn rhaid i ni weld cyfran deg nid yn unig yn dod i Gymru, ond cyfran deg o adnoddau i'w gwario'n deg yng Nghymru ym Mae Abertawe a rhannau eraill o Gymru.
Rwy'n cytuno yn llwyr â beth ddywedodd Mike Hedges yn fanna, ond rwyf eisiau estyn y drafodaeth ychydig. Rydw i'n meddwl bod y penderfyniad yma gan Lywodraeth San Steffan, a dweud y gwir, yn ein pardduo ni i gyd fel gwleidyddion. Pan ŷch chi'n cael datganiad polisi mewn maniffesto y byddwch chi'n cefnogi morlyn llanw yn Abertawe dim ond tair blynedd yn ôl, ac ŷch chi'n torri—yr un blaid yn torri'r addewid maniffesto yna—pan ŷch chi mewn sefyllfa i wrthod £1.3 biliwn ar gyfer datblygiad o bwys yn Abertawe, ond yn derbyn ac yn rhoi £1 biliwn i 12 Aelod Seneddol yng Ngogledd Iwerddon jest i gadw eich Llywodraeth mewn grym, dyma beth sydd yn pardduo gwleidyddiaeth.
Nid ydw i'n synnu bod pobl felly yn ymateb drwy ddweud, 'Wel, nid ydym byth yn cael dim byd o'r system yma', ac mae yna berig inni i gyd yn y ffordd mae Llywodraeth San Steffan wedi gwneud y penderfyniad yma, y ffordd maen nhw wedi estyn y penderfyniad, y ffordd y gwnaethon nhw gomisiynu adroddiad annibynnol ac wedyn gwrthod yr adroddiad gan eu bod nhw ddim yn hoffi'r canfyddiadau.
Mae'n ein gadael ni mewn picil, rydw i'n meddwl. Rydw i'n gwybod bod yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am weithredu yn gadarnhaol yng Nghymru, ond pa neges mae hwn wedi ei gyrru i'r holl gwmnïau sydd yn ymwneud ag ynni o'r môr? Rŷch chi wedi sôn am rai ohonyn nhw. Rydw i'n ymweld ag Ynys Môn fy hun diwedd yr wythnos—fe fydda i'n ymweld â Morlais a SEACAMS. Mae yna dros £100 miliwn o arian Ewropeaidd ac arian Llywodraeth Cymru wedi mynd tu fewn i'r sector yma, ac yn awr maen nhw'n gweld fod y Llywodraeth ddim am gefnogi'r sector. Achos nid yn unig y cynlluniau a'r arbrofion sy'n bwysig—mae'n rhaid dod â'r cynlluniau yna i'r lan, ac mae dod â nhw i'r lan yn golygu bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw gael grid connections a bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw gael contract for difference. Er mwyn troi'r cynlluniau yma yn ffordd o gynhyrchu ynni go iawn, mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth San Steffan wneud yr un penderfyniad yng nghyd-destun y cynlluniau yna ag y maen nhw wedi gwrthod ei wneud yng nghyd-destun y morlyn llanw.
Felly, er fy mod i'n croesawu’r ffaith eich bod chi am gynnal uwchgynhadledd yn Abertawe, roedd uwchgynhadledd ynni'r môr yn Abertawe ond flwyddyn yn ôl, lle roedd yr holl sector tu ôl i'r morlyn llanw ac am ei weld e fel rhywbeth a oedd yn arwydd o gred yn y sector yma. Sut ydych chi'n mynd i adfer cred yn y sector yma gan fod Llywodraeth San Steffan wedi dweud wrth bob buddsoddwr, bach a mawr, 'Cerwch i ffwrdd, nid oes diddordeb gyda ni yn y sector yma bellach; rŷm ni ond â diddordeb yn y sector niwclear a'r sector gwynt bant o'r tir mawr'? Mae honno'n neges anodd iawn.
A gaf i ofyn ichi hefyd beth wnewch chi nawr fel Llywodraeth gyda'r £200 miliwn rŷch chi wedi'i gynnig i'r cynllun yma? A ydy'r £200 miliwn yna nawr ar gael ar gyfer gwireddu prosiectau carbon isel o'r math yma yn y môr neu efallai ar y tir mawr? Nid oes gen i ddim gwybodaeth am hyn, ond gan y bydd, mae'n siŵr gen i, y cwmni sydd y tu ôl i'r cynllun yma yn gorfod rhywsut ddirwyn i ben mewn rhyw ffordd, ac er mwyn osgoi beth roedd Mike Hedges yn ei danlinellu, sef ein bod ni bellach yn derbyn mewnfuddsoddiad yn hytrach na chreu a pherchen ar y dechnoleg ei hunan, a oes modd i Lywodraeth Cymru ystyried sut y gallan nhw fynd mewn i bartneriaethau gyda naill ai'r cwmni presennol, Tidal Lagoon Power, neu darpar gwmnïau eraill, i gadw'r wybodaeth yma yng Nghymru, i gadw'r dechnoleg, i gadw'r arweiniad yma yng Nghymru? A ydy'r £200 miliwn ar gael ar gyfer yr addewid yna? Achos mae'n ymddangos i mi, er eich bod chi wedi gwrthod syniadau Leanne Wood ynglŷn â chwmni ynni i Gymru, mae gyda chi adnoddau fan hyn i wneud gwahaniaeth ac i ddangos i fuddsoddwyr bod Cymru ar agor i fusnesau ynni o'r môr.
I agree entirely with Mike Hedges's comments, but I would like to extend the debate slightly. I think this decision by the Westminster Government actually besmirches us all as politicians. When you have a policy statement made in a manifesto that you will support a tidal lagoon in Swansea just three years ago, and you break that manifesto promise, when you're in a position to reject £1.3 billion for an important development in Swansea, but are willing to give £1 billion to 12 MPs in Northern Ireland just to keep your Government in power, then this is what gives politics a bad name.
And I am not surprised that people are saying, ‘Well, we get nothing from this system’, and there is a risk for us all in the way in which the Westminster Government has made this decision, the way that they have extended the process, and the way that they commissioned an independent report and then rejected that report’s findings because they didn’t like those findings.
And it leaves us in something of a quandary, I think. I know that the Cabinet Secretary wants to work positively in Wales, but what message has this sent to all of those companies involved with marine energy? You’ve mentioned some of them, and I will be visiting Anglesey myself at the end of the week—I will see Morlais and SEACAMS. There is over £100 million of European funding and Welsh Government funding that has been invested in this sector, and now they see that the Government doesn’t want to support that sector. Because it’s not just the proposals that are important—you must bring those proposals to fruition, and that means they need grid connections, they need a contract for difference. In order to turn those proposals into real energy-producing methods, the Westminster Government has to make the same decision in the context of these proposals as they have refused to do in the context of the tidal lagoon.
So, although I welcome the fact that you are going to hold a summit in Swansea, a marine energy summit was held in Swansea just a year ago, where the whole sector was behind the tidal lagoon, and wanted to see it as something that was a signal of belief in this sector. So, how are you going to restore confidence in this sector now that the Westminster Government has told every investor, large and small, ‘Go away, we’re not interested in this sector anymore; we’re only interested in nuclear and the offshore wind sectors’? That is a very difficult message.
Can I also ask you what you as a Government will now do with the £200 million that you put on the table for this proposal? Is that £200 million now available for delivering low-carbon projects of this kind, be it marine or on land? I have no information about this, but because, I’m sure, the company behind this plan will have to wind up in some way or another, and we want to avoid what Mike Hedges referred to, namely that we accept inward investment rather than owning the technology ourselves, is it possible for the Welsh Government to consider how they could go into partnership with either the current company, Tidal Lagoon Power, or other prospective companies, so that we can retain this technology in Wales and retain leadership here in Wales? Is that £200 million available for that purpose? Because it appears to me that although you rejected Leanne Wood’s ideas on an energy company for Wales, you do have resources here to make a difference and to show investors that Wales is open for marine energy businesses.
If I can just conclude with a more political point, except it wasn't spoken by me, it was spoken by the chief executive of Tidal Lagoon Power, Mark Shorrock. When this decision was made yesterday, he said it was a
'vote of no interest in Wales, no confidence in British manufacturing and no care for the planet'.
We will have the opportunity tomorrow to show that we have no confidence in this decision as well.
Os caf i gloi gyda phwynt mwy gwleidyddol, er nad myfi a'i mynegodd, cafodd ei fynegi gan Brif Weithredwr Tidal Lagoon Power, Mark Shorrock. Pan wnaethpwyd y penderfyniad hwn ddoe, dywedodd ei fod yn
bleidlais o ddim diddordeb yng Nghymru, dim hyder yng ngweithgynhyrchu Prydain a dim gofal am y blaned.
Bydd gennym gyfle yfory i ddangos nad oes gennym ninnau hyder yn y penderfyniad hwn ychwaith.
Can I thank Simon Thomas for his contribution? I think given the points that he made right at the outset of his contribution, it's quite clear that the UK Government has become a master of both pork barrel politics and broken dreams, having invested so much in so few votes within the House of Commons but letting down so many people in Wales by taking the decision that it has. I think what it says to industry is not helpful one bit and it also contrasts with what we're saying to the sector, which is that we will support you in every and any way that we possibly can help you. I think we've demonstrated that with the investment that has been made and that I've already spoken about.
Clearly, it's not for Welsh Government to plug UK Government funding gaps. The Welsh Government has neither the power nor the resources to compensate the UK Government, and Welsh Government isn't in a position to take the project forward alone. But, as I highlighted just before, there is the £200 million that we'd put on offer for this project to get it over the line. I think we're going to be pretty open to investment opportunities provided that that funding can be used in a way that enables it to be drawn down through the particular funding stream that it sits in. I think some of the discussions that need to take place will happen at that summit that I've already announced, however I've asked officials—and I know this has happened right across Government today—we've all asked officials to engage with key partners in the sector to ascertain as soon as possible what the likely implications of the decision are, and means and ways of us supporting those businesses within the sector to continue to grow.
I'm in no doubt that businesses, business leaders and loyal, decent, skilled workers within this sector are feeling pretty bruised today. That's why we've asked for immediate engagement between officials and those people to take place. But, in the months to come, we will look at every opportunity to take what is a strong sector in Wales to a position of greatness. That may well be without the assistance of Welsh Government, it may well be without Tidal Lagoon Power taking forward this particular project, but we are absolutely determined to grow the industry here in Wales, and in particular in Swansea bay.
A gaf i ddiolch i Simon Thomas am ei gyfraniad? Rwy'n credu o ystyried y pwyntiau a wnaeth ar ddechrau cyntaf ei gyfraniad, ei bod yn eithaf clir fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod yn feistr ar wleidyddiaeth pwrs y wlad a chwalu breuddwydion, wedi buddsoddi cymaint mewn cyn lleied o bleidleisiau yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin ond siomi cymaint o bobl yng Nghymru wrth gymryd y penderfyniad hwn a gymerwyd ganddi. Nid wyf yn credu bod yr hyn y mae'n ei ddweud wrth y diwydiant yn ddefnyddiol o gwbl ac y mae'n cyferbynnu hefyd â'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei ddweud wrth y sector, sef y byddwn yn eich cefnogi ym mhob ac unrhyw ffordd y gallwn eich helpu drwyddi. Credaf ein bod wedi dangos hynny gyda'r buddsoddiad a wnaed ac rwyf wedi siarad am hynny eisoes.
Yn amlwg, nid lle Llywodraeth Cymru yw llenwi bylchau ariannu Llywodraeth y DU. Nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru mo'r grym na'r adnoddau i wneud iawn am fethiant Llywodraeth y DU, ac nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru mewn sefyllfa i symud y prosiect ymlaen ar ei phen ei hun. Ond, fel y tynnais sylw ato ychydig yn gynharach, ceir y £200 miliwn hwn y byddem ni wedi ei gynnig ar gyfer y prosiect hwn i'w wireddu. Credaf y byddwn yn agored iawn i gyfleoedd i fuddsoddi ar yr amod y gellir defnyddio'r arian hwnnw mewn ffordd sy'n ei alluogi i lifo i lawr drwy'r ffrwd ariannu arbennig y mae'n sefyll ynddi. Rwyf i o'r farn y bydd rhai o'r trafodaethau y mae angen iddyn nhw ddigwydd yn digwydd yn yr uwchgynhadledd honno yr wyf wedi ei chyhoeddi eisoes, ond serch hynny, rwyf wedi gofyn i swyddogion—a gwn fod hyn wedi digwydd ledled y Llywodraeth heddiw—rydym i gyd wedi gofyn i swyddogion ymgysylltu â phartneriaid allweddol yn y sector i ganfod cyn gynted â phosibl beth yw goblygiadau tebygol y penderfyniad, a dulliau a ffyrdd inni gefnogi'r busnesau hynny o fewn y sector ar gyfer parhau i dyfu.
Nid oes gennyf unrhyw amheuaeth fod busnesau, arweinyddion busnes a gweithwyr ffyddlon, gweddus a medrus yn y sector hwn yn teimlo'n eithaf digalon heddiw. Dyna pam yr ydym ni wedi gofyn am gael ymgysylltiad uniongyrchol rhwng swyddogion a'r bobl hynny. Ond, yn y misoedd i ddod, byddwn yn edrych ar bob cyfle i ddwyn yr hyn sydd yn sector cryf yng Nghymru i sefyllfa o fawredd. Efallai wir y bydd hynny heb gymorth gan Lywodraeth Cymru, efallai wir y bydd heb Tidal Lagoon Power yn datblygu'r prosiect arbennig hwn, ond rydym ni'n gwbl benderfynol i ddatblygu'r diwydiant yma yng Nghymru, ac yn enwedig ym Mae Abertawe.
It is very difficult to understand, really, how we got from that meeting here with Charles Hendry some time ago now, where there was such positive cross-party support for the tidal lagoon in Swansea bay and tidal lagoons further afield in Wales. In fact, I can remember Charles Hendry saying how struck he was by the strength and depth of that cross-party support, and yet here we are today with this decision after much delay. It really does, I think, leave a bitter taste in all of our mouths, considering that process and the ultimate decision.
I know that in Newport, and I know in Cardiff, there's a great deal of interest and support for the tidal lagoons that are proposed for either side of the mouth of the River Usk. From my constituency office, I can see the amazing rise and fall of the River Usk, which is such a natural phenomenon that strikes so many people who visit Newport, and, obviously, that applies to the estuary as well. And I know that very many people are simply amazed, really, that at a time when we're looking for renewable energy, and we're all so clear about the positives of renewable energy, that wonderful natural phenomenon remains unharnessed and, as yet, there are no projects in the immediate offing that offer the opportunity to harness that incredible energy on a daily basis.
I know that there will be a great deal of anger at this decision further afield than Swansea and Swansea bay, and that will extend to Newport as well. There are people who want to look at the possibilities of going ahead with those lagoons around the mouth of the River Usk regardless of what happens with Swansea bay, because some of the economies of scale are different, but obviously Swansea bay was the pathfinder, as the Cabinet Secretary has mentioned, and it would have looked at some of the environmental effects and environmental issues. It's quite difficult, actually, to perhaps come to a considered judgement on some of those aspects without the actual experience of having that lagoon in Swansea bay and those aspects monitored and detailed. But I just wonder, really, Cabinet Secretary, what you can say about the wider picture in Wales, including those proposals for either side of the mouth of the River Usk in the light of this decision that has now been taken, because, as you rightly said, it was a wider, bigger picture. It really should have been considered, the Swansea bay proposal, in terms of its pathfinder nature and the other lagoons that could have followed off the Welsh coast and much further afield. Is it your understanding that there was adequate consideration of that wider picture? If not, is there any mileage in returning to that bigger picture, and even at this late stage looking at the overall vision and how that should be assessed?
And just finally, Llywydd, a further aspect: people pointed to the tourism opportunities and benefits that would have followed from the establishment of a tidal lagoon, but another aspect, of course, was community benefit, and there was a great deal of interest, excitement and, indeed, forward planning in Newport as to what could have been done with the income that would have been generated in community benefit from those local lagoons were they to proceed, and I think that's another very unfortunate aspect of this decision that has been handed down from on high.
Mae'n anodd iawn deall, mewn gwirionedd, sut y daethom o'r cyfarfod hwnnw yn y fan yma gyda Charles Hendry beth amser yn ôl erbyn hyn, pryd y cafwyd cymaint o gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol gadarnhaol i'r morlyn llanw ym Mae Abertawe a morlynnoedd llanw mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru. Yn wir, rwy'n cofio Charles Hendry yn dweud y gwnaed argraff fawr arno gan gryfder a dyfnder y gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol honno, ac eto dyma ni heddiw gyda'r penderfyniad hwn ar ôl llawer o oedi. Y mae wir, yn fy marn i, yn chwerw ei flas i bob un ohonom ni, o ystyried y broses honno a'r penderfyniad terfynol.
Gwn fod yng Nghasnewydd, ac yng Nghaerdydd, lawer o ddiddordeb a chefnogaeth i forlynnoedd llanw sydd wedi eu cynnig ar gyfer y ddwy lan i aber Afon Wysg. O'm swyddfa yn fy etholaeth, gallaf weld ymchwydd a chilio anhygoel Afon Wysg, sydd y fath ffenomenon naturiol a wnaiff argraff ar gymaint o bobl sy'n ymweld â Chasnewydd, ac, yn amlwg, mae hynny'n berthnasol i'r aber hefyd. Ac rwy'n gwybod bod llawer iawn o bobl wedi gwir ryfeddu, ar adeg pan ein bod yn chwilio am ynni adnewyddadwy, a ninnau i gyd mor sicr o effaith gadarnhaol ynni adnewyddadwy, fod y ffenomen naturiol wych yn dal i fod heb ei harneisio, a hyd yma, nid oes unrhyw brosiectau ar y gweill ar hyn o bryd sy'n cynnig cyfle i harneisio'r egni anhygoel hwnnw yn feunyddiol.
Gwn y bydd llawer iawn o ddicter yn sgil y penderfyniad hwn y tu hwnt i Abertawe a Bae Abertawe, a bydd hynny'n ymestyn i Gasnewydd hefyd. Ceir pobl sydd yn awyddus i edrych ar y posibiliadau o fwrw ymlaen â'r morlynnoedd hynny o gwmpas ceg Afon Wysg waeth beth sy'n digwydd gyda Bae Abertawe, oherwydd mae rhai o'r arbedion maint yn wahanol, ond mae'n amlwg mai Bae Abertawe oedd y cynllun braenaru, fel y crybwyllodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a byddai wedi edrych ar rai o'r effeithiau amgylcheddol a'r materion amgylcheddol. Mae'n anodd iawn, mewn gwirionedd, i gael barn ystyriol efallai ar rai o'r agweddau hynny heb brofiad gwirioneddol o gael y morlyn ym Mae Abertawe a chael monitro a manylu ar yr agweddau hynny. Ond roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed, mewn gwirionedd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, beth allwch chi ei ddweud am y darlun ehangach yng Nghymru, yn cynnwys y cynigion hynny o ddwy lan ceg afon Wysg yng ngoleuni'r penderfyniad hwn sydd bellach wedi ei gymryd, oherwydd, fel yr oeddech chi'n dweud, roedd yn ddarlun mwy ac ehangach. Fe ddylid mewn gwirionedd fod wedi ei ystyried, cynnig Bae Abertawe, o ran ei natur braenaru a'r morlynnoedd eraill a allai fod wedi dilyn ar arfordir Cymru ac ymhell y tu hwnt i hynny. Ai eich dealltwriaeth chi yw y bu ystyriaeth ddigonol o'r darlun ehangach hwnnw? Os na fu, a oes unrhyw werth mewn dychwelyd at y darlun ehangach hwnnw ac edrych, hyd yn oed ar y cam diweddar hwn, ar y weledigaeth ehangach a sut y dylid ei hasesu?
Ac yn olaf, Llywydd, agwedd arall eto: cyfeiriodd pobl at gyfleoedd o ran twristiaeth a manteision a fyddai wedi dilyn sefydlu morlyn llanw, ond agwedd arall, wrth gwrs, oedd y budd cymunedol, a bu llawer iawn o ddiddordeb, cyffro ac, yn wir, cynllunio yng Nghasnewydd ynglŷn â'r hyn y gellid fod wedi ei wneud gyda'r incwm a fyddai wedi cael ei gynhyrchu mewn budd cymunedol gan y morlynnoedd lleol pe bydden nhw wedi mynd yn eu blaenau, ac rwy'n credu bod honno'n agwedd anffodus iawn arall ar y penderfyniad hwn sydd wedi dod inni oddi uchod.
Can I thank John Griffiths for his contribution? I'm conscious of time, but I would like to put on record my thanks to Charles Hendry for the work that he did. He produced a report that was compelling in terms of the evidence provided to support taking forward this project as a pathfinder, and I'm sure that Members across this Chamber would wish to thank him for the commitment that he showed throughout the process of compiling that report and seeking evidence.
John Griffiths is absolutely right: the pathfinder project had cross-party support in this Chamber and, indeed, it had support from across Wales, because it was a pathfinder project that could have paved the way for lagoons from the north to the south. Now, we need to understand what the alternative proposals are and whether they could form an alternative pathfinder for lagoons to be built here in Wales and, indeed, whether any of the proposals concern Swansea bay at this very moment in time. We need to understand what the details are and we need to have information shared with us given our determination as a Welsh Government to proceed with tidal power. But I have to wonder whether doing this with UK Government leadership is a realistic prospect, whether delivery through UK Government leadership can be achieved given yesterday's decision and strong, negative message that it sends out to the industry. I can only conclude that, perhaps, lagoons will come only when Theresa May goes. I have to say as well that the benefits of tidal power and, particularly of this pathfinder project, the economic benefits, I think, are well known. The social benefits, though, would have been enormous too. The benefits in terms of the confidence and the identity of Swansea and Swansea Bay would have been enormous; to have become a global leader in a new green industry. I'm not sure that this is really fully understood at Westminster in the current UK Government.
A gaf i ddiolch i John Griffiths am ei gyfraniad? Rwy'n ymwybodol o'r amser, ond hoffwn fynegi fy niolch ar goedd i Charles Hendry am y gwaith a wnaeth. Cynhyrchodd adroddiad a oedd yn argyhoeddiadol iawn o ran y dystiolaeth a roddwyd i gefnogi datblygu'r prosiect hwn fel cynllun braenaru, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai Aelodau ar draws y Siambr hon yn dymuno diolch iddo am yr ymrwymiad a ddangosodd drwy gydol y broses o lunio'r adroddiad hwnnw a chwilio am dystiolaeth.
Mae John Griffiths yn hollol gywir: roedd gan y prosiect braenaru gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol yn y Siambr hon ac, yn wir, roedd ganddo gefnogaeth ledled Cymru, oherwydd ei fod yn brosiect braenaru a allai fod wedi paratoi'r ffordd ar gyfer morlynnoedd o'r gogledd i'r de. Bellach, mae angen inni ddeall beth yw'r cynigion eraill ac a allen nhw fod yn rhan o fraenaru amgen ar gyfer adeiladu morlynnoedd yma yng Nghymru ac, yn wir, a oes unrhyw un o'r cynigion yn ymwneud ar hyn o bryd â Bae Abertawe. Mae angen inni ddeall beth yw'r manylion ac mae angen rhannu'r wybodaeth gyda ni o ystyried ein bod yn benderfynol fel Llywodraeth Cymru i fwrw ymlaen ag ynni'r llanw. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ofyn tybed a yw gwneud hyn gydag arweiniad Llywodraeth y DU yn obaith realistig, pa un a ellir cyflawni hyn drwy arweiniad Llywodraeth y DU o ystyried penderfyniad ddoe a'r neges gref, negyddol y mae'n ei chyhoeddi i'r diwydiant. Yr unig gasgliad y gallaf ddod iddo, efallai, yw na ddaw morlynnoedd tan fydd Theresa May wedi mynd. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud hefyd bod manteision ynni'r llanw ac, yn enwedig y prosiect braenaru hwn, y manteision economaidd, rwy'n credu, yn hysbys iawn. Er hynny, byddai'r manteision cymdeithasol wedi bod yn aruthrol fawr hefyd. Byddai'r manteision o ran hyder a hunaniaeth Abertawe a Bae Abertawe wedi bod yn aruthrol; i fod wedi dod yn arweinydd byd-eang mewn diwydiant gwyrdd newydd. Nid wyf yn siŵr fod hyn wedi ei ddeall yn llawn mewn gwirionedd yn San Steffan yn Llywodraeth bresennol y DU.
Diolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw’r datganiad gan yr un Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth ar gyhoeddiad diweddar Grŵp Airbus. Rwy’n galw ar yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet i wneud ei ddatganiad ar Airbus—Ken Skates.
The next item, therefore, is a statement by the same Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport on the recent Airbus Group announcement, and I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make that statement on Airbus—Ken Skates.
Diolch, Llywydd. I am grateful for the opportunity to make this statement today. Last week, Airbus Group published its own risk assessment outlining the urgent threats to its business arising from the UK exiting the European Union without a withdrawal agreement. The risk assessment is deeply concerning; it identifies that should the UK leave the EU next year without a deal, and without any transition period, it would lead to severe disruption and interruption of UK production and would force Airbus to reconsider its investments in the UK and its long-term footprint in the country. Even with a transition period, a hard Brexit that takes the UK out of the single market and customs union would make the company reassess its future plans.
As the First Minister said last week, this warning is of very serious concern to the Welsh economy. Companies such as Airbus are now actively making plans based on the worst-case scenario. What businesses have been saying in private for some time is now being said publicly, and it is clear that they are losing faith in the UK Government’s ability to negotiate a sensible outcome that works for our economy and that protects jobs. My message to the UK Government is a very simple and very clear one: the situation is now critical and it is time for them to recognise the fundamental threat their approach to Brexit poses for Wales, for our economy and for our communities. It is time to rule out a 'no deal' scenario and relaunch the negotiations on a basis that puts jobs and the economy first.
We share the significant concerns expressed by the chief operating officer of Airbus commercial aircraft, Tom Williams, last week. Airbus Group is the largest employer in Wales in the aerospace and defence sector with around 6,500 individuals employed at its site in Broughton and a further 500 or so in Newport. Across the UK, over 100,000 jobs rely on the Airbus presence on these shores. Since the referendum in 2016, the Welsh Government has been very clear that in leaving the European Union, the UK cannot take the huge risk of cutting our economy adrift from the single market and customs union arrangements. We have made the case, clearly and consistently, that any deal to leave the EU must see us stay in the single market and negotiate a new customs union with the EU.
This warning by Airbus, alongside others given by manufacturers such as BMW, make real the threat we face. Indeed, the concerns expressed by Airbus are certainly not confined to the aerospace industry. Just today, the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders, which is the voice of the automotive industry in the UK, has given the UK Government the starkest warning yet from a business sector, saying that it needs, as a minimum, to remain in the customs union and a deal that delivers single-market benefits. Their chief executive, Michael Hawes, has sent the simple but clear warning to the UK Government:
'There is no Brexit dividend for our industry'.
The stakes could not be higher. It is clear that the time for warm words and for meaningless platitudes is over. Clarity is now urgently required from the UK Government. The detail the UK Government needs to come forward with needs to address the three key issues raised in the Airbus risk assessment: the movement of parts within an integrated supply chain, the movement of people, and future regulatory environment. The possible disruption to the flow of materials caused by changes to the customs union and single market could have a negative impact running into many billions of pounds, leading to irrecoverable delays and many of our businesses in Wales losing their competitive edge. Restriction of the movement of people would cause major disruption to Airbus operations, with 1,300 Airbus-employed UK nationals working in EU members states—the majority being in France and Germany—and 600 Airbus-employed EU nationals working at Airbus operations in the UK. The third key issue relates to regulations and the European Aviation Safety Agency in particular. Without EASA approval, UK aerospace suppliers will no longer be part of the aircraft manufacturing supply chain. And supply chains cannot simply be switched on and off again like a light switch. They take years to build, and businesses have a right to expect more certainty from the UK Government two years on from the referendum.
The First Minister has pressed again for the UK Government’s White Paper to signal a change of direction to commit to staying inside the single market and a customs union with the EU. We all recognise the importance of the aerospace and defence sector to the Welsh economy. The sector in Wales adds £5 billion to our gross value added and employs over 20,000 people. We will continue to support Airbus at Broughton and Newport to mitigate the impact of the approach being taken by the UK Government. We've already shown our support for the sector through our financing of the Advanced Manufacturing Research Institute at Deeside, worth £20 million, in order to secure the prototypes of Airbus’s wing of tomorrow.
We urge the UK Government to respond and to provide clarity as soon as possible, and before this situation escalates even further. Prolonged uncertainty would do irrevocable damage to our manufacturing base in Wales and its extensive supply chain—employment that in Broughton, and across Wales, is the lifeblood of many communities. This is the most serious economic threat facing Wales in a generation. Airbus is a jewel in the crown of the Welsh economy, but it is also strategically vital to the United Kingdom. It's time for the Brexit parlour games to end. It's time for the UK Government to give business and our economy the certainty that it needs.
Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy’n ddiolchgar am y cyfle i wneud y datganiad hwn heddiw. Yr wythnos diwethaf, cyhoeddodd Grŵp Airbus eu hasesiad risg eu hunain i amlinellu'r bygythiadau difrifol i'w busnes pe bai’r DU yn gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd heb gytundeb ymadael. Mae'r asesiad risg yn peri pryder mawr; mae'n nodi, pe bai’r DU yn gadael yr UE y flwyddyn nesaf heb fargen, a heb gyfnod pontio, y byddai hynny'n arwain at aflonyddwch a tharfu difrifol ar gynhyrchiant yn y DU ac yn gorfodi Airbus i ailystyried eu buddsoddiadau yn y DU a’u dyfodol hirdymor yn y wlad. Hyd yn oed gyda chyfnod pontio, byddai Brexit caled sy'n mynd â’r DU allan o'r farchnad sengl a’r undeb tollau’n gwneud i’r cwmni ailasesu eu cynlluniau ar gyfer y dyfodol.
Fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog yr wythnos diwethaf, mae’r rhybudd hwn yn peri pryder difrifol iawn i economi Cymru. Mae cwmnïau fel Airbus nawr wrthi o ddifrif yn gwneud cynlluniau yn seiliedig ar y sefyllfa waethaf. Mae’r hyn y mae busnesau wedi bod yn ei ddweud yn breifat ers cryn amser nawr yn cael ei ddweud yn gyhoeddus, ac mae'n amlwg eu bod yn colli ffydd yng ngallu Llywodraeth y DU i negodi canlyniad synhwyrol sy'n gweithio dros ein heconomi ac yn diogelu swyddi. Mae fy neges i Lywodraeth y DU yn un syml iawn a chlir iawn: mae’r sefyllfa’n argyfyngus erbyn hyn ac mae'n bryd iddyn nhw gydnabod y bygythiad sylfaenol y mae eu ffordd o fynd i'r afael â Brexit yn ei beri i Gymru, i'n heconomi ac i'n cymunedau. Mae'n bryd inni ddiystyru sefyllfa 'dim bargen' ac ail-ddechrau'r trafodaethau ar sail sy'n rhoi swyddi a'r economi yn gyntaf.
Rydym ni'n rhannu’r pryderon sylweddol a fynegodd prif swyddog gweithredol awyrennau masnachol Airbus, Tom Williams, yr wythnos diwethaf. Grŵp Airbus yw'r cyflogwr mwyaf yng Nghymru yn y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn; maen nhw’n cyflogi tua 6,500 o unigolion ar eu safle ym Mrychdyn a thua 500 arall yng Nghasnewydd. Ledled y DU, mae dros 100,000 o swyddi’n dibynnu ar bresenoldeb Airbus ar y glannau hyn. Ers y refferendwm yn 2016, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn glir iawn na all y DU, wrth adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, gymryd y risg enfawr o dorri ein heconomi’n rhydd o drefniadau’r undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl. Rydym ni wedi cyflwyno'r achos, yn glir ac yn gyson, bod yn rhaid i unrhyw gytundeb i adael yr UE ein cadw yn y farchnad sengl a negodi undeb tollau newydd gyda'r UE.
Mae’r rhybudd hwn gan Airbus, ochr yn ochr ag eraill gan wneuthurwyr fel BMW, yn dangos yn glir y bygythiad sy’n ein hwynebu. Yn wir, dydy’r pryderon a fynegwyd gan Airbus yn sicr ddim yn gyfyngedig i'r diwydiant awyrofod. Dim ond heddiw, mae Cymdeithas y Gwneuthurwyr a Masnachwyr Moduron, sef llais y diwydiant modurol yn y DU, wedi rhoi’r rhybudd cliriaf eto i Lywodraeth y DU gan sector busnes, gan ddweud bod arnynt angen, o leiaf, aros yn yr undeb tollau a bargen sy’n rhoi manteision marchnad sengl. Mae eu prif weithredwr, Michael Hawes, wedi anfon rhybudd syml ond clir i Lywodraeth y DU, gan ddweud:
Nid oes difidend Brexit i'n diwydiant ni.
Mae popeth yn y fantol. Mae'n amlwg bod yr amser wedi dod i ben ar gyfer geiriau teg ac ystrydebau diystyr. Nawr, mae angen eglurder ar frys gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae angen i Lywodraeth y DU roi manylion ynglŷn â’r tri mater allweddol a godwyd yn asesiad risg Airbus: symud rhannau mewn cadwyn gyflenwi integredig, symudiad pobl, ac amgylchedd rheoleiddio’r dyfodol. Gallai tarfu ar lif defnyddiau o ganlyniad i newidiadau i’r farchnad sengl a’r undeb tollau gostio biliynau o bunnoedd, ac arwain at oedi anadferadwy ac at lawer o'n busnesau yng Nghymru yn colli eu mantais gystadleuol. Byddai cyfyngu ar symudiad pobl yn tarfu'n sylweddol ar weithrediadau Airbus, gan fod 1,300 o ddinasyddion y DU a gyflogir gan Airbus yn gweithio mewn aelod-wladwriaethau o'r UE—y rhan fwyaf o’r rhain yn Ffrainc a'r Almaen—a 600 o ddinasyddion yr UE a gyflogir gan Airbus yn gweithio yng ngweithfeydd Airbus yn y DU. Mae’r trydydd mater allweddol yn ymwneud â rheoliadau ac Asiantaeth Diogelwch Hedfan Ewrop yn benodol. Heb gymeradwyaeth yr Asiantaeth hon, fydd cyflenwyr awyrofod y DU ddim yn rhan o gadwyn gyflenwi gweithgynhyrchu awyrennau mwyach. A does dim modd cynnau a diffodd cadwyni cyflenwi yn sydyn, fel switsh golau. Maen nhw'n cymryd blynyddoedd i’w hadeiladu, ac mae gan fusnesau hawl i ddisgwyl mwy o sicrwydd gan Lywodraeth y DU ddwy flynedd ar ôl y refferendwm.
Mae’r Prif Weinidog wedi pwyso eto am i Bapur Gwyn Llywodraeth y DU ddynodi newid cyfeiriad i ymrwymo i aros o fewn y farchnad sengl ac undeb tollau gyda'r UE. Rydym ni i gyd yn cydnabod pwysigrwydd y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn i economi Cymru. Mae'r sector yng Nghymru yn ychwanegu £5 biliwn at ein gwerth crynswth ychwanegol ac yn cyflogi dros 20,000 o bobl. Byddwn yn parhau i gefnogi Airbus ym Mrychdyn a Chasnewydd i liniaru effaith y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd ati. Rydym ni eisoes wedi dangos ein cefnogaeth i’r sector drwy ariannu’r Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch yng Nglannau Dyfrdwy, sy’n werth £20 miliwn, er mwyn sicrhau prototeipiau Airbus ar gyfer adenydd y dyfodol.
Rydym yn annog Llywodraeth y DU i ymateb ac i roi eglurder cyn gynted â phosibl, a chyn i’r sefyllfa hon waethygu hyd yn oed ymhellach. Byddai cyfnod hir o ansicrwydd yn gwneud difrod parhaol i’n sylfaen gweithgynhyrchu yng Nghymru ac i’w gadwyn gyflenwi helaeth—cyflogaeth sydd ym Mrychdyn, a ledled Cymru, yn hanfodol i lawer o gymunedau. Hwn yw’r bygythiad economaidd mwyaf difrifol i wynebu Cymru ers cenhedlaeth. Mae Airbus yn un o brif drysorau economi Cymru, ond hefyd mae'n strategol hanfodol i'r Deyrnas Unedig. Mae'n bryd i gemau parlwr Brexit ddod i ben. Mae'n bryd i Lywodraeth y DU roi'r sicrwydd sydd ei angen i fusnesau ac i'n heconomi.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.
I think it is clearly concerning when any major employer issues a warning that they may withdraw from Wales. It's also important that we all aim to ensure that this, of course, doesn't occur. The Cabinet Secretary has made various comments in his statement, and I would say that I think the UK Government on countless occasions has restated its commitment to getting the best possible deal for the UK and the Welsh economy. And I firmly believe that we will remain plugged into the wider European economy, but also be able to seize on those opportunities for trade with the rest of the world.
In order to provide reassurance, Cabinet Secretary, to Airbus workers, and the wider supply chain, would you, Cabinet Secretary, be able to provide an update on the outcome from the First Minister's talks with UK Ministers in a recent meeting of the British-Irish Council? I think that would be helpful. Clarity over Brexit is clearly important for businesses in planning for the future—I for one completely understand that—but there are clearly devolved levers here at the Welsh Government's disposal to encourage inward investment and retain major employers here in Wales. So, can I turn to this? What specific measures are you implementing to create the right economic conditions to ensure that companies such as Airbus remain in Wales? For example, regardless of Brexit, I do have concerns that Wales has failed to capture the opportunities of world growth over the past 20 years, and has failed to diversify into the export market. What intention do you have, Cabinet Secretary, to ensure that Wales seizes on those opportunities to access non-EU markets, and what are you doing to raise the commercial presence of both advanced and developing economies in particular?
I've looked again at the Welsh Government's 'Prosperity for All' action plan and I can't see any mention of the Welsh Government's plans to attract and retain foreign direct investment into Wales. So, I would be grateful if you could outline the Welsh Government's approach to this. You've also previously mentioned, Cabinet Secretary, that the Welsh Government will focus on the high-value manufacturing sector as one of its new priority sectors. So, can I ask: why does the Welsh Government's budget fail to allocate additional funding to this sector, and doesn't this undermine, of course, the Welsh Government's commitment to ensuring that the Welsh economy develops an advanced manufacturing capacity to deter companies like Airbus from investing in Wales? My point here, Deputy Presiding Officer, is that, beyond Brexit, which I acknowledge we need to get absolutely right, of course, there are devolved levers here at the Welsh Government's disposal, which can and should be used to ensure that companies such as Airbus are encouraged to remain and indeed expand their operations here in Wales.
Rwy’n credu ei bod hi'n amlwg ei bod hi'n destun pryder pan fydd unrhyw gyflogwr mawr yn rhybuddio y gallent gefnu ar Gymru. Mae hefyd yn bwysig ein bod i gyd yn ceisio sicrhau, wrth gwrs, nad yw hyn yn digwydd. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi gwneud sylwadau amrywiol yn ei ddatganiad, a byddwn yn dweud fy mod yn credu bod Llywodraeth y DU ar achlysuron di-rif wedi ailddatgan eu hymrwymiad i sicrhau’r fargen orau bosibl i economi'r DU a Chymru. Ac rwy'n credu'n gryf y byddwn yn dal i fod yn gysylltiedig ag economi ehangach Ewrop, ond hefyd yn gallu manteisio ar y cyfleoedd hynny i fasnachu â gweddill y byd.
Er mwyn rhoi sicrwydd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, i weithwyr Airbus, ac i’r gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach, a allech chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, roi diweddariad am ganlyniad trafodaethau’r Prif Weinidog Cymru â Gweinidogion y DU yng nghyfarfod diweddar y Cyngor Prydeinig-Gwyddelig? Rwy’n credu y byddai hynny o gymorth. Mae eglurder ynglŷn â Brexit yn amlwg yn bwysig i fusnesau wrth gynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol—rwyf fi’n deall hynny’n iawn—ond mae dulliau datganoledig yn amlwg ar gael yma i Lywodraeth Cymru i annog mewnfuddsoddi a chadw cyflogwyr mawr yma yng Nghymru. Felly, a gaf i droi at hyn? Pa fesurau penodol ydych chi’n eu rhoi ar waith i greu’r amodau economaidd cywir i sicrhau bod cwmnïau fel Airbus yn aros yng Nghymru? Er enghraifft, beth bynnag am Brexit, rwyf fi’n pryderu bod Cymru wedi methu â manteisio ar gyfleoedd twf y byd dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf, ac wedi methu ag arallgyfeirio i'r farchnad allforio. Pa fwriad sydd gennych chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, i sicrhau bod Cymru yn achub ar y cyfleoedd hynny i gael mynediad at farchnadoedd y tu allan i'r UE, a beth ydych chi’n ei wneud i gynyddu presenoldeb masnachol economïau datblygedig ac economïau datblygol yn arbennig?
Rwyf wedi edrych unwaith eto ar gynllun gweithredu 'Ffyniant i Bawb' Llywodraeth Cymru, ac ni allaf weld dim sôn am gynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru i ddenu buddsoddiad uniongyrchol o dramor yng Nghymru, a chadw hynny yma wedyn. Felly, byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech chi amlinellu sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn mynd i'r afael â hyn. Rydych chi hefyd wedi dweud o’r blaen, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn canolbwyntio ar y sector gweithgynhyrchu gwerth uchel fel un o'u sectorau blaenoriaeth newydd. Felly, a gaf i ofyn: pam nad yw cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru yn dyrannu arian ychwanegol i'r sector hwn, ac onid yw hyn yn tanseilio, wrth gwrs, ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i sicrhau bod economi Cymru yn datblygu capasiti gweithgynhyrchu uwch, gan atal cwmnïau fel Airbus rhag buddsoddi yng Nghymru? Fy mhwynt i yma, Dirprwy Lywydd, yw, y tu hwnt i Brexit, sy’n rhywbeth yr wyf yn cydnabod bod angen inni ei gael yn hollol gywir, wrth gwrs, bod dulliau datganoledig ar gael yma i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac y gellir ac y dylid eu defnyddio i sicrhau bod cwmnïau fel Airbus yn cael eu hannog i aros ac yn wir i ehangu eu gweithgarwch yma yng Nghymru.
Can I thank Russell George for his contribution and his questions? I'll say at the outset that I know that there are also good Conservatives in Westminster as well, who, like the Member, share concerns for the future of Airbus. I think, based on the comments that both Stephen Crabb and Guto Bebb have made recently, we do have Conservative parliamentarians who are there to champion Airbus. And although it wasn't featured on Radio 4 when I gave the interview, I did press the case for Stephen Crabb to be brought back into Government and Boris Johnson to be evacuated from the building.
In order to get the best possible deal for Britain, what Theresa May first of all has to do is drop her red lines and free herself from the handcuffs that people like Boris Johnson and Jacob Rees-Mogg have applied to her. The First Minister, I believe, has issued a statement following discussions that were had during the British-Irish Council, but I will happily ensure that that statement is shared with Members again. The discussions that took place, I believe, in Guernsey covered the announcement by Airbus and the response from the First Minister, and also the joint statement from the First Ministers of Wales and Scotland.
Parking Brexit for one moment, the Member is absolutely right that the Welsh Government can and must have a role in ensuring that the right conditions are created for sustainable economic growth, not just within the aerospace sector, but in other sectors right across the economy as well. For our part, I was determined some time ago—and it was for this reason we built it into the Welsh Labour manifesto some years ago—to ensure that we captured the wing of the tomorrow. This is the future of Airbus composite manufacturing processes. If we don't get the wing of tomorrow, it's going to be far more difficult to ensure that the Broughton site has a long-term, viable future.
In order to capture the prototype of wing of the future, we decided to invest in the Advanced Manufacturing Research Institute. This is based on the well-proven model of the Advanced Manufacturing Research Centre just near Sheffield. It was a proposal that was also promoted by Plaid Cymru Members, including Steffan Lewis. Just a few months ago, I cut the ground on the AMRI. This is a crucial facility that will enable the prototypes of the wing of tomorrow to be developed in Wales. Okay, it may only have been £20 million, which, compared to investments that Airbus makes very regularly, may be a small sum, however, our contribution of £20 million will lead to an increase in GVA for the area of something in the region of £4 billion over the next 20 years. And if we get the right deal from Brexit negotiations, it will also secure employment for 6,500 people for many years to come.
Now, in addition to developing the AMRI, what we are also doing is making sure that the supply chain remains strong. It's quite a striking fact that the aerospace and defence sector in Wales employs 20,000 people across over 150 companies. We are incredibly strong in this sector, and that's part of the reason why we are so vulnerable and exposed in terms of Brexit. Six of the top 10 aerospace and defence companies worldwide have located significant operations in Wales. Airbus have two sites, General Dynamics have two sites, GE Aviation, Raytheon, BAE Systems—[Interruption.] No, the Member, from a sedentary position, says 'in spite of Brexit'. No, these are companies that have been based here for a good length of time and who share the concerns that Airbus have expressed recently, but which Airbus has been telling Members such as himself. If he would only get up to Broughton to talk with managers there. If he would only get over to Newport to talk with managers there. If he would only get over to General Dynamics, to GE Aviation, to Raytheon, to BAE Systems, to Safran who’ve acquired Zodiac. If he’d only get to companies like Qioptiq, like British Airways, the Defence Electronics and Components Agency, Babcock, Triumph. All of these companies have been consistent in the message that they have given to us in Welsh Government and to UK Government—that a 'no deal' scenario will hammer the defence and aerospace sector. In order to keep jobs in Wales, in Britain, we need a decent deal. To get a decent deal, Theresa May has to drop her red lines.
In terms of the wider economic conditions that can be created to support growth, the economic action plan clearly articulates a need to invest more in export and trade. As we exit the EU, we need to make sure that we rebalance the export profile of the Welsh economy. But we also need to make sure that we are exporting in the aggregate far more, that we are trading far more, and that's why we are opening more offices and we're having a greater degree of a presence in key territories around the world. We've opened offices recently in places like Montreal, and we'll be opening in other territories that are crucial to the future of the Welsh economy.
The economic action plan as well is clear in creating a lens through which we will support businesses that is designed to reduce the productivity gap between the Welsh economy and the economy of the rest of Europe. So, we will only invest in projects that can demonstrate that they are contributing to decarbonisation or improving trade and exporting figures, or ensuring that we embrace the fourth industrial revolution, that we are at the forefront of new technological change, or that ensure that we are creating high-quality employment. For that reason, because we are developing a consolidated fund, we expect to be able to allocate more resource in the future to those businesses that create jobs that are sustainable, that require higher skills, that are more productive, that contribute more to the Welsh economy and that offer opportunities for fair work and progression, to ensure that anybody that gets into the workplace can have an escalator of opportunity to get as high as they can possibly get.
Gaf i ddiolch i Russell George am ei gyfraniad ac am ei gwestiynau? Dywedaf ar y dechrau fy mod yn gwybod bod Ceidwadwyr da yn San Steffan hefyd, sydd, fel yr Aelod, hefyd yn bryderus am ddyfodol Airbus. Rwy’n credu, yn seiliedig ar y sylwadau y mae Stephen Crabb a Guto Bebb wedi eu gwneud yn ddiweddar, bod gennym ni seneddwyr Ceidwadol sydd yno i eiriol dros Airbus. Ac er na chafodd hyn sylw ar Radio 4 pan roddais y cyfweliad, fe wnes i bwysleisio'r achos dros ddod â Stephen Crabb yn ôl i'r Llywodraeth a throi Boris Johnson o’r adeilad.
Er mwyn taro’r fargen orau bosibl i Brydain, y peth cyntaf y mae’n rhaid i Theresa May ei wneud yw lliniaru ei safbwyntiau a’i rhyddhau ei hun o'r gefynnau y mae pobl fel Boris Johnson a Jacob Rees-Mogg wedi eu rhoi arni. Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru, rwy'n credu, wedi cyhoeddi datganiad ar ôl trafodaethau a fu yn ystod y Cyngor Prydeinig-Gwyddelig, ond byddwn yn hapus i sicrhau bod y datganiad hwnnw’n cael ei rannu gyda'r Aelodau unwaith eto. Roedd y trafodaethau a gynhaliwyd, rwy'n credu, yn Guernsey yn cynnwys y cyhoeddiad gan Airbus a’r ymateb gan Brif Weinidog Cymru, a hefyd y datganiad ar y cyd gan Brif Weinidogion Cymru a'r Alban.
I roi Brexit o'r neilltu am eiliad, mae'r Aelod yn hollol iawn y gall, a bod rhaid i, Lywodraeth Cymru chwarae rhan i sicrhau bod yr amodau cywir yn cael eu creu ar gyfer twf economaidd cynaliadwy, nid yn unig o fewn y sector awyrofod, ond mewn sectorau eraill ledled yr economi hefyd. O'n rhan ni, roeddwn yn benderfynol gryn amser yn ôl—a dyma pam y gwnaethom ei gynnwys ym maniffesto Llafur Cymru rai blynyddoedd yn ôl—i sicrhau ein bod ni’n creu adenydd y dyfodol. Dyma yw dyfodol prosesau gweithgynhyrchu cyfansoddion Airbus. Os na chawn ni adenydd y dyfodol, bydd hi’n llawer anoddach sicrhau bod gan safle Brychdyn ddyfodol hyfyw, hirdymor.
Er mwyn sicrhau prototeip adenydd y dyfodol, fe wnaethom ni benderfynu buddsoddi yn y Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch. Mae hyn yn seiliedig ar fodel llwyddiannus y Ganolfan Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch ger Sheffield. Roedd yn gynnig a gafodd ei hybu hefyd gan Aelodau Plaid Cymru, gan gynnwys Steffan Lewis. Ychydig fisoedd yn ôl, torrais y dywarchen yn y Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch. Mae hwn yn gyfleuster hollbwysig a fydd yn caniatáu datblygu prototeipiau adenydd y dyfodol yng Nghymru. Iawn, efallai mai dim ond £20 miliwn ydoedd, sydd, o'i gymharu â buddsoddiadau y mae Airbus yn eu gwneud yn rheolaidd iawn, yn swm bach, ond bydd ein cyfraniad o £20 miliwn yn arwain at gynnydd yng ngwerth ychwanegol crynswth yr ardal o tua £4 biliwn dros yr 20 mlynedd nesaf. Ac os cawn ni’r fargen iawn o drafodaethau Brexit, bydd hefyd yn sicrhau cyflogaeth i 6,500 o bobl am flynyddoedd lawer.
Nawr, yn ogystal â datblygu’r Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch, yr hyn yr ydym ni hefyd yn ei wneud yn gwneud yn siŵr bod y gadwyn gyflenwi’n aros yn gryf. Mae'n ffaith eithaf trawiadol bod y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn yng Nghymru yn cyflogi 20,000 o bobl mewn mwy na 150 o gwmnïau. Rydym ni’n hynod o gryf yn y sector hwn, ac mae hynny'n rhan o'r rheswm pam rydym ni mor agored i niwed o ran Brexit. Mae chwech o 10 prif gwmni awyrofod ac amddiffyn y byd wedi lleoli gweithrediadau sylweddol yng Nghymru. Mae gan Airbus ddau safle, mae gan General Dynamics ddau safle, GE Aviation, Raytheon, BAE Systems—[Torri ar draws.] Na, mae’r Aelod yn dweud, ar ei eistedd, 'er gwaethaf Brexit'. Na, mae'r rhain yn gwmnïau sydd wedi’u sefydlu yma ers amser maith ac sy’n rhannu’r pryderon y mae Airbus wedi eu mynegi’n ddiweddar, ond y mae Airbus wedi bod yn eu dweud wrth Aelodau fel yntau. Petai o ond yn mynd i Frychdyn i siarad â rheolwyr yno. Petai o ond yn mynd i Gasnewydd i siarad â rheolwyr yno. Petai o ond yn mynd i General Dynamics, i GE Aviation, i Raytheon, i BAE Systems, i Safran sydd wedi caffael Zodiac. Petai o ond yn mynd i gwmnïau fel Qioptiq, fel British Airways, yr Asiantaeth Cydrannau ac Electroneg Amddiffyn, Babcock, Triumph. Mae pob un o'r cwmnïau hyn wedi bod yn gyson yn y neges y maent wedi'i rhoi inni yn Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU—bydd senario 'dim bargen' yn ddinistriol i’r sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn. Er mwyn cadw swyddi yng Nghymru, ym Mhrydain, mae angen bargen ddigonol arnom ni. I gael bargen ddigonol, mae’n rhaid i Theresa May liniaru ei safbwyntiau.
O ran yr amodau economaidd ehangach y gellir eu creu i gefnogi twf, mae'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd yn mynegi’n glir bod angen buddsoddi mwy mewn allforio a masnachu. Wrth inni adael yr UE, mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn ailgydbwyso proffil allforio economi Cymru. Ond mae angen inni hefyd wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn allforio llawer mwy mewn crynswth, ein bod yn masnachu llawer mwy, a dyna pam rydyn ni’n agor mwy o swyddfeydd ac yn cynyddu ein presenoldeb mewn tiriogaethau allweddol ledled y byd. Rydym ni wedi agor swyddfeydd yn ddiweddar mewn lleoedd fel Montreal, a byddwn yn agor mewn tiriogaethau eraill sy’n hollbwysig i ddyfodol economi Cymru.
Mae'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd hefyd yn glir—mae’n creu cyfrwng y byddwn yn ei defnyddio i gefnogi busnesau, ac sydd wedi'i chynllunio i leihau'r bwlch rhwng economi Cymru ac economi gweddill Ewrop. Felly, byddwn ond yn buddsoddi mewn prosiectau sy'n gallu dangos eu bod yn cyfrannu at ddatgarboneiddio neu at wella ffigurau masnach ac allforio, neu’n sicrhau ein bod yn cofleidio’r pedwerydd chwyldro diwydiannol, ein bod ar flaen y gad o ran newid technolegol newydd, neu sy'n sicrhau ein bod yn creu swyddi o safon uchel. Am y rheswm hwnnw, gan ein bod yn datblygu cronfa gyfunol, rydym yn disgwyl gallu dyrannu mwy o adnoddau yn y dyfodol i'r busnesau hynny sy'n creu swyddi cynaliadwy, sydd ag angen mwy o sgiliau, sy’n fwy cynhyrchiol, sy’n cyfrannu mwy at economi Cymru ac sy’n cynnig cyfleoedd ar gyfer gwaith a dilyniant teg, i sicrhau bod gan unrhyw un sy'n ymuno â'r gweithle y cyfle i ddringo mor uchel ag y gallant.
We all remember, I'm sure, back in 1980, when Deeside saw the worst mass redundancy of modern times when Shotton steelworks axed more than 6,500 workers in a single day. Of course, it took the area a generation to overcome that. In fact, I'm sure the effects are still being felt. But it has re-established itself—the area—as an industrial powerhouse in the north-east of Wales, but, of course, last week's intervention has cast another shadow that is causing huge concern in terms of the jobs, in terms of the impact on the wider economy and in terms of the wider supply chain, certainly. And were Airbus to abandon its operations in Broughton, then I fear that the effects wouldn't be as bad, they would probably be worse than those experienced back in 1980.
So, this is a real Brexit wake-up call for people in all parts of the UK. This is the reality check that many of us have been warning about for a long, long time, and it leaves highly skilled and well-paid workers facing huge uncertainty. It won't happen overnight. Whatever the circumstances, it'll take years, if this is to happen, for investment to disappear, but it certainly casts a shadow over those hard-working, dedicated and loyal workers at Airbus, the youngsters who are currently there, studying their apprenticeships, and the thousands of workers, as I said earlier, in the wider supply chain who fear the impact Brexit will have on their jobs.
I'd just like to refer to a press article that I saw in The Leader where Shaun Hingston, a 15-year-old youth council representative from Saltney—you've seen it; I'm glad. He raises some real, pertinent points about how Airbus leaving the UK would be devastating for young people in Wales, and he really reflects the angst felt by the younger generation, who, of course, will be the generation that will live longest with the legacy or the consequences of Brexit, and he says that
'The moving or closure of Airbus in the UK would result in huge job losses, that would start a negative multiplier effect, businesses in the local area would relocate or close.'
By moving, of course, that would mean that people don't have the opportunity to go on work experience at Airbus or to complete apprentice programmes—the programmes that hundreds of young people across the area are doing and want to do, and are aspiring to do because they see Airbus as one of their dream jobs.
Now, Shaun clearly understands the effects of the chaotic Brexit policies currently being pursued by this UK Government, even more so, I venture to say, than some UK Government Ministers. And that's the underlying issue here, I think, isn't it, that the current Brexit policy being pursued by the UK Government to leave the EU single market and the customs union—? I recognise, as you referred to, I think, earlier, that the Welsh Government's position on Brexit is to maintain membership of both. It was certainly detailed in the White Paper, 'Securing Wales's Future', that was co-authored with my party, but I have to say that the actions by the UK Labour Party have contradicted that. I'm just wondering whether the Cabinet Secretary shares some of my frustration at how ineffective Labour MPs have been in stopping this prospect of a hard Brexit.
We've seen the banners at Labour Live, we heard the chants and the singing at the rally at the weekend. Does he not feel a smidgen of regret that Labour opposition at Westminster is failing to change this trajectory that is leading us down this horrible path? And does he not wish that things were being done differently by his own party, whilst not letting the Conservatives off the hook? Because if that trajectory isn't successfully changed, then I fear, as many other people have said before me, that this Airbus example is just the tip of the iceberg.
Usually, when I respond to a statement, my first questions is, 'What's the Government going to do about this?' But, of course, the scale of this prospect is so huge, it's so unprecedented in the devolved era, that it's quite a difficult question to ask, let alone answer. But I would like to know, and following on from the questions asked previously, what scenario planning the Government has done. Have you plotted out what the impact of a hard Brexit would be and what action you would consider to try, as much as you can, to mitigate those impacts?
You mentioned your economic action plan, 'Prosperity for All', are you revisiting that in any way in the light of this? Because the thrust of it, and it's one that many of us support, is that we need to grow more well-paid and highly skilled jobs here in Wales. But, of course, this will require a rearguard action, because we're moving in the wrong direction. It will be about consolidation, as best we can, let alone growth in that particular respect.
Airbus, of course, has its risk assessment, as we've all read. Where is the Government's risk assessment? Have you done some of that work? Maybe you could let us know.
And, of course, the impact that this will have on further education and higher education is significant. Both the Cabinet Secretary and myself were at a meeting of the cross-party group from north Wales, last week, where we were left in no uncertain terms about the impact on important institutions in north-east Wales, such as Coleg Cambria. It would be significant, and I'm wondering what discussions the Cabinet Secretary has had with his Cabinet colleagues about maybe how some of those impacts could be mitigated and managed if they were to be realised.
Rydym ni i gyd yn cofio, rwy'n siŵr, yn ôl yn 1980, pan welodd Glannau Dyfrdwy ddiswyddo ar y raddfa fwyaf yn yr oes fodern pan ddiswyddodd gwaith dur Shotton dros 6,500 o weithwyr mewn un diwrnod. Wrth gwrs, cymerodd genhedlaeth i’r ardal oresgyn hynny. Yn wir, rwy’n siŵr eu bod nhw’n dal i deimlo’r effeithiau. Ond mae wedi ei ailsefydlu ei hun—yr ardal—yn bwerdy diwydiannol yng ngogledd-ddwyrain Cymru, ond, wrth gwrs, mae ymyriad yr wythnos diwethaf wedi taflu cysgod arall sy'n peri pryder enfawr o ran swyddi, o ran yr effaith ar yr economi ehangach ac o ran y gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach, yn sicr. A phe bai Airbus yn rhoi'r gorau i'w gweithrediadau ym Mrychdyn, rwy’n ofni y byddai’r effeithiau nid cynddrwg, ond yn ôl pob tebyg yn waeth na'r rhai a gafwyd yn ôl yn 1980.
Felly, mae hyn yn galw pobl ym mhob rhan o'r DU i ddod at eu coed o ran Brexit. Dyma’r realiti y mae llawer ohonom ni wedi bod yn rhybuddio amdano ers amser hir iawn, ac mae'n golygu bod gweithwyr medrus sydd ar gyflogau da yn wynebu ansicrwydd enfawr. Ni wnaiff ddigwydd dros nos. Beth bynnag fo'r amgylchiadau, bydd yn cymryd blynyddoedd, os yw hyn yn digwydd, i’r buddsoddi ddiflannu, ond yn sicr mae'n bwrw cysgod dros weithwyr diwyd, ymroddedig a ffyddlon Airbus, y bobl ifanc sydd yno ar hyn o bryd, yn astudio ar gyfer eu prentisiaethau, a miloedd o weithwyr, fel y dywedais yn gynharach, yn y gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach sy'n ofni’r effaith a gaiff Brexit ar eu swyddi.
Hoffwn gyfeirio at erthygl yn y wasg a welais yn The Leader lle mae Shaun Hingston, cynrychiolydd cyngor ieuenctid 15 mlwydd oed o Saltney—rydych wedi ei gweld; rwy'n falch. Mae'n gwneud rhai sylwadau perthnasol, go iawn, ynghylch sut y byddai ymadawiad Airbus o'r DU yn drychinebus i bobl ifanc yng Nghymru, ac mae ef wir yn adlewyrchu'r ing y mae’r genhedlaeth iau yn ei deimlo—nhw, wrth gwrs, fydd y genhedlaeth a fydd yn byw hwyaf gydag etifeddiaeth neu ganlyniadau Brexit, ac mae'n dweud:
Byddai symud neu gau Airbus yn y DU yn arwain at ddiswyddiadau anferth, a fyddai’n sbarduno effaith lluosydd negyddol, ac y byddai busnesau yn yr ardal leol yn adleoli neu’n cau.
Byddai symud, wrth gwrs, yn golygu na fydd gan bobl y cyfle i fynd ar brofiad gwaith yn Airbus neu i gwblhau rhaglenni prentisiaeth—y rhaglenni y mae cannoedd o bobl ifanc ledled yr ardal yn eu gwneud ac am eu gwneud, ac yn gobeithio eu gwneud oherwydd eu bod yn gweld Airbus yn un o swyddi eu breuddwydion.
Nawr, mae Shaun yn amlwg yn deall effeithiau’r polisïau Brexit di-drefn y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn eu canlyn ar hyn o bryd, hyd yn oed yn fwy felly, mentraf ddweud, na rhai o Weinidogion Llywodraeth y DU. A dyna yw'r mater sylfaenol yma, rwy’n credu, onid e, sef bod y polisi Brexit presennol y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei ddilyn i adael marchnad sengl ac undeb tollau yr UE—? Rwy’n cydnabod, fel y gwnaethoch gyfeirio ato, rwy’n credu, yn gynharach, mai safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar Brexit yw parhau'n aelodau o'r ddau. Yn sicr, nodwyd hynny yn y Papur Gwyn, 'Sicrhau Dyfodol Cymru', a gafodd ei lunio ar y cyd â fy mhlaid i, ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud bod yr hyn y mae Plaid Lafur y DU wedi’i wneud wedi gwrthweithio hynny. Ond tybed a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn rhannu rhywfaint o fy rhwystredigaeth o ran pa mor aneffeithiol y mae ASau Llafur wedi bod o ran atal y posibilrwydd hwn o Brexit caled.
Rydym ni wedi gweld y baneri yn Labour Live, wedi clywed y siantio a’r canu yn y rali dros y penwythnos. Onid yw'n teimlo mymryn o ofid bod gwrthwynebiad Llafur yn San Steffan yn methu â newid y cyfeiriad hwn sy’n ein harwain ar hyd y llwybr ofnadwy hwn? Ac onid yw’n dymuno y byddai ei blaid ef ei hun yn gwneud pethau'n wahanol, yn hytrach na gadael i’r Ceidwadwyr wneud fel y mynnont? Oherwydd os nad ydynt yn llwyddo i newid y cyfeiriad hwnnw, rwy’n ofni, fel y mae llawer o bobl eraill wedi’i ddweud o fy mlaen i, mai dim ond dechrau pethau fydd enghraifft Airbus.
Fel arfer, pan fyddaf yn ymateb i ddatganiad, fy nghwestiwn cyntaf yw, 'Beth mae’r Llywodraeth yn mynd i'w wneud am hyn?' Ond, wrth gwrs, mae’r posibilrwydd hwn mor enfawr, ac mor ddigynsail yn yr oes ddatganoledig, nes ei fod yn gwestiwn anodd ei ofyn, heb sôn am ei ateb. Ond fe hoffwn i wybod, ac i ddilyn y cwestiynau sydd wedi cael eu gofyn yn barod, sut mae’r Llywodraeth wedi cynllunio ar gyfer gwahanol sefyllfaoedd. Ydych chi wedi amlinellu beth fyddai effaith Brexit caled a pha gamau fyddech chi’n eu hystyried i geisio, cymaint ag y gallwch chi, lliniaru'r effeithiau hynny?
Rydych chi wedi sôn am eich cynllun gweithredu economaidd 'Ffyniant i Bawb'. Ydych chi’n ailystyried hwnnw mewn unrhyw ffordd yn sgil hyn? Oherwydd y byrdwn, sy’n un y mae llawer ohonom yn ei gefnogi, yw bod angen inni ddatblygu mwy o swyddi hynod fedrus sy’n talu'n dda yma yng Nghymru. Ond, wrth gwrs, bydd angen gwrthsafiad, oherwydd rydym ni’n symud i'r cyfeiriad anghywir. Bydd yn fater o sefydlogi, cystal ag y gallwn ni, heb sôn am dyfu yn hynny o beth.
Wrth gwrs, mae gan Airbus eu hasesiad risg, fel yr ydym ni i gyd wedi darllen. Ble mae asesiad risg y Llywodraeth? Ydych chi wedi gwneud rhywfaint o'r gwaith hwnnw? Efallai y gallech roi gwybod i ni.
Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'r effaith a gaiff hyn ar addysg bellach ac addysg uwch yn sylweddol. Roedd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a minnau mewn cyfarfod o'r grŵp trawsbleidiol o ogledd Cymru, yr wythnos diwethaf, lle dywedwyd wrthym ni heb unrhyw amheuaeth am yr effaith ar sefydliadau pwysig yn y gogledd-ddwyrain, fel Coleg Cambria. Byddai’n sylweddol, ac rwy’n meddwl tybed pa drafodaethau a fu rhwng Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a'i gyd-Weinidogion yn y Cabinet ynglŷn â sut efallai y gellid lliniaru rhai o'r effeithiau hynny a’u rheoli pe baen nhw’n cael eu gwireddu.
Are you winding up, please?
A ydych chi’n dirwyn i ben, os gwelwch yn dda?
I am, I am, yes.
The NHS was supposed to enjoy a £350 million a week Brexit dividend. Of course, the Centre for European Reform has told us now that the true cost is already £440 million a week, and that's a Brexit deficit, and this is before Airbus, BMW and the others potentially up sticks. Now, I didn't see that on the side of the Brexit bus that was driven around this country. But does the Cabinet Secretary, therefore, sense that with the reality of a hard Brexit now dawning on people, and what the real impact of that hard Brexit would be on people's jobs and people's wages, that there actually is now a shift in public opinion, and that if the referendum was held today, the result actually would be quite different?
Ydw, ydw.
Roedd y GIG i fod i fwynhau difidend Brexit o £350 miliwn yr wythnos. Wrth gwrs, mae Canolfan Diwygio Ewrop nawr wedi dweud wrthym ni bod y wir gost eisoes yn £440 miliwn yr wythnos, ac mae hynny'n ddiffyg Brexit, a hyn cyn i Airbus, BMW ac eraill o bosibl ein gadael ni. Nawr, welais i mo hynny ar ochr y bws Brexit a oedd yn cael ei yrru o gwmpas y wlad. Ond a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, felly, yn synhwyro, gan fod realiti Brexit caled nawr yn gwawrio ar bobl, a beth fyddai effaith wirioneddol y Brexit caled hwnnw ar swyddi pobl ac ar gyflogau pobl, bod y farn gyhoeddus mewn gwirionedd nawr wedi newid, a phe bai’r refferendwm yn cael ei gynnal heddiw, y byddai'r canlyniad yn wahanol iawn?
Can I thank the Member for his questions and his contribution as a whole? It's a tragic fact that Shotton still holds the European record for the most lost jobs in a single day in modern industrial history across Europe. I was in receipt recently of a 1963 black-and-white photo of that year's intake of apprentices. It featured my dad, that's why it was sent to me, and upon scrutinising this photo, it became quite clear that most of the people in that photo were not in work at that site within 20 years of the photo being taken. I do wonder how many people at Airbus today will have work at that site in two decades in the event of a 'no deal' scenario.
I think it's also tragic that Shaun, a 15-year-old, can articulate far better and with greater maturity the threats and challenge we face than Jeremy Hunt is able to do, in terms of what could happen to Airbus and the aerospace industry. Airbus are not fearmongering. Airbus are stating the facts. Airbus are doing what a responsible business should do, which is to share candidly, frankly, openly and honestly with a Government the likely outcome of a bad deal being reached or, even worse, a 'no deal' scenario, and Airbus are not alone in expressing these concerns.
Today we heard that companies representing something in the region of 850,000 people across the UK share those very real concerns. Although Airbus is clearly the biggest private sector employer in north-east Wales, and certainly the biggest employer in Wales in terms of aerospace and defence, within that small part of Wales there is a strong cluster of businesses in the aerospace and defence sector. There's Airbus of course; there's Magellan; there's Qioptiq; DECA; Raytheon—businesses that employ people who are incredibly, incredibly well-skilled, and paid good salaries, people who are really loyal, people who contribute hugely to the local economy and to the Welsh economy as a whole.
I think, as we look to the future, we need to just reflect on the very clear and consistent approach that the Welsh Labour Government has taken since the referendum, and it's an approach that, on occasions, has been adopted—perhaps stolen—by UK Government, certainly in terms of the free and unfettered acc