Y Cyfarfod Llawn
Plenary
30/06/2021Cynnwys
Contents
Yn y fersiwn ddwyieithog, mae’r golofn chwith yn cynnwys yr iaith a lefarwyd yn y cyfarfod. Mae’r golofn dde yn cynnwys cyfieithiad o’r areithiau hynny.
In the bilingual version, the left-hand column includes the language used during the meeting. The right-hand column includes a translation of those speeches.
Cyfarfu'r Senedd yn y Siambr a thrwy gynhadledd fideo am 13:30 gyda'r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Senedd met in the Chamber and by video-conference at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Croeso, bawb, i'r Cyfarfod Llawn. Cyn i ni ddechrau, dwi angen nodi ychydig o bwyntiau. Cynhelir y cyfarfod hwn ar ffurf hybrid, gyda rhai Aelodau yn y Siambr ac eraill yn ymuno drwy gyswllt fideo. Bydd yr holl Aelodau sy'n cymryd rhan, ble bynnag y bônt, yn cael eu trin yn gyfartal. Mae Cyfarfod Llawn a gynhelir drwy gynhadledd fideo, yn unol â Rheolau Sefydlog Senedd Cymru, yn gyfystyr â thrafodion y Senedd at ddibenion Deddf Llywodraeth Cymru 2006. Bydd rhai o ddarpariaethau Rheol Sefydlog 34 yn gymwys ar gyfer y Cyfarfod Llawn heddiw, ac mae'r rheini wedi'u nodi ar eich agenda.
Welcome to this Plenary session. Before we begin, I want to set out a few points. This meeting will be held in hybrid format, with some Members in the Senedd Chamber and others joining by video-conference. All Members participating in proceedings, wherever they may be, will be treated equitably. A Plenary meeting held using video-conference, in accordance with the Standing Orders of the Welsh Parliament, constitutes Senedd proceedings for the purposes of the Government of Wales Act 2006. Some of the provisions of Standing Order 34 will apply for today's Plenary meeting, and those are set out on your agenda.
Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein agenda ni y prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau i'r Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Tom Giffard.
The first item on our agenda is questions to the Minister for Social Justice, and the first question is from Tom Giffard.
1. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gynlluniau ar gyfer incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol i Gymru? OQ56695
1. Will the Minister provide an update on plans for a universal basic income for Wales? OQ56695
I thank the Member for that question. Our programme for government commits us to piloting an approach to basic income as a means to supporting those in greatest need. Work is under way and we have begun designing a pilot, scoping this work and determining how it will be implemented and measured.
Diolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiwn. Mae ein rhaglen lywodraethu yn ein hymrwymo i dreialu dull o ymdrin ag incwm sylfaenol fel ffordd o gefnogi'r bobl sydd â'r angen mwyaf. Mae gwaith ar y gweill ac rydym wedi dechrau llunio cynllun peilot i gwmpasu'r gwaith hwn a phennu sut y caiff ei weithredu a'i fesur.
Diolch. Can I thank the Minister for that answer? The Centre for Social Justice's report, 'Universal Basic Income: An Effective Policy for Poverty Reduction', argues that UBI is unaffordable, putting at risk the provision of important services in healthcare and in education, adding that it, quote,
'Doesn’t meet the needs of low income households facing complex problems such as drug addiction, dangerous debt, and family breakdown',
and
'Provides a major disincentive to find work',
and
'Is no more generous to the most disadvantaged households than the provisions under Universal Credit.
In addition, we also know that studies show that UBI also has a limited effect on people's overall engagement with the labour market, and they also ask whether a higher rated UBI would be so expensive that it's difficult to invest in other essential services, such as the cost of construction of new social housing and the provision of low-cost public transport. So, with the evidence against UBI stacking up, Minister, will you outline which of our public services in Wales you think will need to be cut in order to afford it?
Diolch. A gaf fi ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am ei hateb? Mae adroddiad y Ganolfan Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, 'Universal Basic Income: An Effective Policy for Poverty Reduction', yn dadlau nad yw incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn fforddiadwy, gan beryglu'r gallu i ddarparu gwasanaethau pwysig mewn gofal iechyd ac addysg, gan ychwanegu, a dyfynnaf, nad yw'n
'diwallu anghenion aelwydydd incwm isel sy'n wynebu problemau cymhleth fel dibyniaeth ar gyffuriau, dyledion peryglus, a chwalfa deuluol',
a'i fod yn
'ddatgymhelliad mawr i ddod o hyd i waith',
ac nad
'yw'n fwy hael i'r aelwydydd mwyaf difreintiedig na darpariaethau'r Credyd Cynhwysol.'
Yn ogystal, gwyddom hefyd fod astudiaethau'n dangos mai effaith gyfyngedig y mae incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn ei chael ar ymgysylltiad pobl â'r farchnad lafur at ei gilydd, ac maent hefyd yn gofyn a fyddai cyfradd uwch o incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol mor ddrud fel y byddai'n anodd buddsoddi mewn gwasanaethau hanfodol eraill, megis cost adeiladu tai cymdeithasol newydd a darparu mwy o drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus cost isel. Felly, gyda'r dystiolaeth yn pentyrru yn erbyn incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol, Weinidog, a wnewch chi amlinellu pa rai o'n gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yng Nghymru y credwch y bydd angen eu torri er mwyn gallu ei fforddio?
Well, I'm sure that Tom Giffard will have had sight of the very useful and, I think, informative Public Health Wales report, which was just published last week. It does actually suggest that introducing a basic income scheme in Wales could be a catalyst for better health and well-being outcomes for all. Clearly, these are early days. There's a range of views. We're looking at all of the pilots, listening to stakeholders, and, indeed, it's been widely welcomed locally, nationally and internationally that we are progressing with this pilot. Universal basic income is about alleviating poverty, but it's also about giving people more control over their lives and having a positive effect on mental health and well-being. And we're focused on how a small basic income pilot could be designed to support those in greatest need, potentially involving people leaving care.
Wel, rwy'n siŵr y bydd Tom Giffard wedi darllen yr adroddiad defnyddiol iawn a llawn gwybodaeth, yn fy marn i, gan Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru, a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos diwethaf. Mae'n awgrymu y gallai cyflwyno cynllun incwm sylfaenol yng Nghymru fod yn gatalydd ar gyfer gwell canlyniadau iechyd a lles i bawb. Yn amlwg, mae'n ddyddiau cynnar. Ceir amrywiaeth o safbwyntiau. Rydym yn edrych ar bob un o'r cynlluniau peilot, yn gwrando ar randdeiliaid, ac yn wir, mae wedi'i groesawu'n lleol, yn genedlaethol ac yn rhyngwladol ein bod yn bwrw ymlaen â'r cynllun peilot hwn. Mae incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn ymwneud â lleihau tlodi, ond mae hefyd yn ymwneud â rhoi mwy o reolaeth i bobl dros eu bywydau a chael effaith gadarnhaol ar iechyd meddwl a lles. Ac rydym yn canolbwyntio ar sut y gellir llunio cynllun peilot incwm sylfaenol bach i gefnogi'r rheini sydd â'r angen mwyaf, gan gynnwys, o bosibl, pobl sy'n gadael gofal.
The Minister won't be surprised to hear that Plaid Cymru is very supportive of UBI, and we look forward to seeing the final proposal from the Government on the pilot. Very quickly, has the Minister approached the Department for Work and Pensions to ensure that there's an arrangement in place so that any basic income payment isn't counted against any recipients who might also be in receipt of universal credit? I'm sure the Minister would agree with me that the last thing we'd want to happen is for those in receipt of a basic income to be worse off in the end.
Ni fydd yn syndod i'r Gweinidog fod Plaid Cymru yn gefnogol iawn i incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol, ac edrychwn ymlaen at weld y cynnig terfynol gan y Llywodraeth ar y cynllun peilot. Yn gyflym iawn, a yw'r Gweinidog wedi cysylltu â'r Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau i sicrhau bod trefniant ar waith fel na fydd unrhyw daliad incwm sylfaenol yn cyfrif yn erbyn unrhyw dderbynwyr a allai hefyd fod yn derbyn credyd cynhwysol? Rwy'n siŵr y byddai'r Gweinidog yn cytuno mai'r peth olaf yr hoffem ei weld yn digwydd yw bod y rheini sy'n derbyn incwm sylfaenol yn waeth eu byd yn y pen draw.
I'm grateful for that question because, as we take the pilot forward, very much at the scoping and early stages, we are focused on how the pilot could be designed to support those in greatest need, but ensuring that those who are receiving benefits or welfare are not made worse as a result. So, clearly, we then will engage, as we scope the pilot, with discussions with the DWP to take us forward. But, also, we have learnt a lot by drawing on the experience of Scotland who have already undertaken quite a bit of work on this, to ensure that we learn from them because they have already tested this in terms of the UBI trial in Scotland.
I think it's also very important that I draw the Member's attention to the fact that, last year, in fact, the Senedd did also approve and a motion was passed—we have a new Senedd now, but last Senedd—to establish a UBI trial in Wales. So, I think there is great interest, and we need to now take this forward and listen to our stakeholders to make sure that we draw on the experience of Scotland and other countries around the world, that we do the complex work, and then I can ensure that we work together, as far as possible, I think, cross-party, because there's a lot of interest cross-party, even from the former Senedd Member David Melding, who wrote on this in former times.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar am eich cwestiwn oherwydd, wrth inni ddatblygu'r cynllun peilot i gyfnod cwmpasu a chamau cynnar, rydym yn canolbwyntio ar sut y gellid llunio'r cynllun peilot i gefnogi'r rheini sydd â'r angen mwyaf, ond gan sicrhau nad yw'r rheini sy'n derbyn budd-daliadau neu daliadau lles yn waeth eu byd o ganlyniad. Felly, yn amlwg, byddwn wedyn yn ymgysylltu, wrth inni gwmpasu'r cynllun peilot, gyda thrafodaethau gyda'r Adran Gwaith a Phensiynau fel y gallwn fwrw ymlaen â'r gwaith. Ond hefyd, rydym wedi dysgu llawer wrth ystyried profiad yr Alban sydd eisoes wedi gwneud cryn dipyn o waith ar hyn, er mwyn sicrhau ein bod yn dysgu ganddynt gan eu bod eisoes wedi profi hyn o ran treialu incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yn yr Alban.
Credaf ei bod hefyd yn bwysig iawn fy mod yn tynnu sylw'r Aelod at y ffaith bod y Senedd, y llynedd mewn gwirionedd, hefyd wedi cymeradwyo a derbyn cynnig—mae gennym Senedd newydd bellach, ond y Senedd ddiwethaf—i dreialu incwm sylfaenol cyffredinol yng Nghymru. Felly, credaf fod cryn dipyn o ddiddordeb yn hyn, ac mae angen inni ei ddatblygu yn awr a gwrando ar ein rhanddeiliaid i sicrhau ein bod yn dysgu o brofiad yr Alban a gwledydd eraill ledled y byd, ein bod yn gwneud y gwaith cymhleth, ac yna gallaf sicrhau ein bod yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd, yn drawsbleidiol i'r graddau mwyaf posibl, yn fy marn i, gan fod llawer o ddiddordeb trawsbleidiol yn hyn, hyd yn oed gan y cyn-Aelod o'r Senedd, David Melding, sydd wedi ysgrifennu am hyn yn y gorffennol.
2. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu hyrwyddo cydraddoldeb o fewn gweithlu'r sector cyhoeddus yng Nghymru? OQ56675
2. How does the Welsh Government intend to promote equality within the Welsh public sector workforce? OQ56675
I thank Altaf Hussain for that question. The Welsh Government is committed to promoting advancing equality across the Welsh public sector workforce. As well as seeking to be an exemplar employer, we are using our social partnership approach and influence to encourage employers to go further to reap the benefits of a more equal and inclusive workforce.
Diolch i Altaf Hussain am y cwestiwn. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i hyrwyddo gwell cydraddoldeb ar draws gweithlu sector cyhoeddus Cymru. Yn ogystal â cheisio bod yn gyflogwr enghreifftiol, rydym yn defnyddio ein dull partneriaeth gymdeithasol a'n dylanwad i annog cyflogwyr i fynd gam ymhellach i elwa ar fanteision gweithlu mwy cyfartal a chynhwysol.
Thank you very much. Minister, as one of a very small number of Members in this Senedd from the black, Asian and minority ethnic community, I'm all too aware of the challenges that many people face in this workplace, because of their ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. Recently, the British Medical Association published a charter for medical schools to prevent and address racial harassment. The charter addresses four specific areas: supporting individuals to speak out; ensuring robust processes for reporting and handling complaints; mainstreaming equality, diversity and inclusion across the learning environment; addressing racial harassment on work placement. What discussions has the Minister had with our medical schools to ensure that racism is not to be tolerated? And will you support the BMA charter to give medical students confidence to speak out when needed? Thank you.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Weinidog, fel un o nifer fach iawn o'r Aelodau o'r Senedd hon o'r gymuned ddu, Asiaidd ac ethnig leiafrifol, rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r heriau y mae llawer o bobl yn eu hwynebu yn y gweithle hwn, oherwydd eu hethnigrwydd, eu rhywedd a'u cyfeiriadedd rhywiol. Yn ddiweddar, cyhoeddodd Cymdeithas Feddygol Prydain siarter i ysgolion meddygol er mwyn atal a mynd i'r afael ag aflonyddu hiliol. Mae'r siarter yn mynd i'r afael â phedwar maes penodol: cefnogi unigolion i godi llais; sicrhau prosesau cadarn ar gyfer gwneud ac ymdrin â chwynion; prif ffrydio cydraddoldeb, amrywiaeth a chynhwysiant ar draws yr amgylchedd dysgu; mynd i'r afael ag aflonyddu hiliol ar leoliadau gwaith. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'u cael gyda'n hysgolion meddygol i sicrhau na oddefir hiliaeth? Ac a wnewch chi gefnogi siarter Cymdeithas Feddygol Prydain i roi hyder i fyfyrwyr meddygol godi llais pan fo angen? Diolch.
Well, I very much welcome the Member's experience and evidence in drawing attention to the charter for medical students. Indeed, I have mentored BAME medical students, who have drawn attention to some of the issues that they faced in terms of prejudice and discrimination. It is vital that our higher education institutions respond to our race equality action plan, currently out to consultation, and that we can incorporate all of the measures, including this charter for medical students, in that response to the race equality action plan. And I was very grateful for your positive response last week, when I tabled a statement on the race equality action plan. It is to seek an anti-racist Wales, and we want to be an exemplar, don't we? So, our medical school needs to be at the forefront of that, but it will result—successful implementation—in a fairer employment market, and a fairer education and training system, and it will also ensure we get those outcomes in terms of health and social services and the workforce in health and social care. But, also, the Hate Hurts Wales campaign, which we launched in March of this year, does raise awareness and understanding of hate crime and encouraging reporting, but airing it today is another message and voice that's been expressed, which I do welcome.
Wel, rwy'n croesawu profiad a thystiolaeth yr Aelod wrth iddo dynnu sylw at y siarter i fyfyrwyr meddygol. Yn wir, rwyf wedi mentora myfyrwyr meddygol o gymunedau duon, Asiaidd ac ethnig leiafrifol sydd wedi tynnu sylw at rai o'r problemau roeddent yn eu hwynebu gyda rhagfarn a gwahaniaethu. Mae'n hanfodol fod ein sefydliadau addysg uwch yn ymateb i'n cynllun gweithredu cydraddoldeb hiliol, sy'n destun ymgynghoriad ar hyn o bryd, ac y gallwn ymgorffori'r holl fesurau, gan gynnwys y siarter hon ar gyfer myfyrwyr meddygol, yn yr ymateb i'r cynllun gweithredu cydraddoldeb hiliol. Ac roeddwn yn ddiolchgar iawn am eich ymateb cadarnhaol yr wythnos diwethaf, pan gyflwynais ddatganiad ar y cynllun gweithredu cydraddoldeb hiliol. Ei nod yw creu Cymru wrth-hiliol, ac rydym am fod yn enghreifftiol, onid ydym? Felly, mae angen i'n hysgolion meddygol fod ar flaen y gad yn hynny o beth, ond bydd hynny'n arwain—ei weithredu'n llwyddiannus—at farchnad gyflogaeth decach, at system addysg a hyfforddiant decach, a hefyd, yn sicrhau ein bod yn cael y canlyniadau hynny ym maes iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a'r gweithlu iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Ond hefyd, mae ymgyrch Mae Casineb yn Brifo Cymru, a lansiwyd gennym ym mis Mawrth eleni, yn codi ymwybyddiaeth a dealltwriaeth o droseddau casineb ac yn annog pobl i roi gwybod amdanynt, ond mae trafod y peth heddiw yn neges a llais arall a fynegwyd, ac rwy'n croesawu hynny.
Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Mark Isherwood.
Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Conservative spokesperson, Mark Isherwood.
Diolch, Llywydd. Welsh Governments have been responsible, as you know, for co-ordination of cross-cutting measures to promote prosperity and tackle poverty in Wales for over 22 years. As the Joseph Rowntree Foundation reported last year, Wales has retained the highest poverty rate of all the UK nations throughout devolution since 1999. Further, their 'Poverty in Wales 2020' report, last November, found that Wales still has lower pay for people in every sector than in the rest of the UK and that, even before coronavirus, almost a quarter of people in Wales were in poverty, living precarious and insecure lives. And, as the Bevan Foundation also stated, poverty was a significant problem in Wales long before the arrival of COVID-19. What alternative actions do you therefore propose to ensure that the Welsh Government works in real partnership with, and empowers, the voluntary sector, community groups and other social entrepreneurs to help deliver solutions to the long-term problems of our most deprived communities?
Diolch, Lywydd. Mae Llywodraethau Cymru wedi bod yn gyfrifol, fel y gwyddoch, am gydlynu mesurau trawsbynciol i hyrwyddo ffyniant a threchu tlodi yng Nghymru ers dros 22 mlynedd. Fel yr adroddodd Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree y llynedd, Cymru sydd wedi gweld y gyfradd dlodi uchaf o holl wledydd y DU drwy gydol y cyfnod datganoli ers 1999. Yn ychwanegol at hyn, canfu eu hadroddiad 'Tlodi yng Nghymru 2020', fis Tachwedd diwethaf, fod cyflogau ym mhob sector yn is yng Nghymru nag yng ngweddill y DU a bod bron i chwarter pobl Cymru, hyd yn oed cyn y coronafeirws, yn byw bywydau ansicr a bregus mewn tlodi. Ac fel y nododd Sefydliad Bevan hefyd, roedd tlodi'n broblem sylweddol yng Nghymru ymhell cyn COVID-19. Pa gamau gwahanol rydych yn eu cynnig, felly, i sicrhau bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn grymuso ac yn gweithio mewn partneriaeth go iawn gyda'r sector gwirfoddol, grwpiau cymunedol ac entrepreneuriaid cymdeithasol eraill i helpu i ddarparu atebion i broblemau hirdymor ein cymunedau mwyaf difreintiedig?
I thank Mark Isherwood for that question and, clearly, sharing the concerns of the Bevan Foundation, and, also, pointing to the fact that they are concerned about the sudden withdrawal of UK Government COVID support schemes, such as furlough and top-up for universal credit, and I hope Mark Isherwood and his colleagues would support my call for the UK Government to maintain the additional £20 per week universal credit payment beyond the autumn. In fact, I've written to the Secretary of State, Thérèse Coffey, and told her about our work to maximise income, and this is where, of course, we work so closely with the third sector. But we do have to recognise also how deeply concerned we are about the financial impact of the pandemic and it has fallen disproportionately on those who are already struggling. In fact, that's why maximising incomes and building financial resilience for those who are affected are key. So, although the key levers for tackling poverty—powers over tax and welfare systems—sit with the UK Government, we're doing everything that we can to reduce the impact of poverty and to support those living in poverty.
Diolch i Mark Isherwood am ei gwestiwn, ac yn amlwg, am rannu pryderon Sefydliad Bevan, ac am dynnu sylw at y ffaith eu bod yn poeni bod cynlluniau cymorth COVID Llywodraeth y DU, fel y cynllun ffyrlo a'r ychwanegiadau i gredyd cynhwysol, yn cael eu tynnu'n ôl yn sydyn, a byddwn yn gobeithio y byddai Mark Isherwood a'i gyd-Aelodau yn cefnogi fy ngalwad ar Lywodraeth y DU i sicrhau bod y taliad credyd cynhwysol ychwanegol o £20 yr wythnos yn parhau wedi'r hydref. A dweud y gwir, rwyf wedi ysgrifennu at yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol, Thérèse Coffey, i sôn wrthi am ein gwaith i wneud y gorau o incwm, a dyma ble rydym yn gweithio mor agos gyda'r trydydd sector wrth gwrs. Ond mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod hefyd pa mor bryderus rydym ni am effaith ariannol y pandemig, a'r ffaith ei fod wedi cael effaith anghymesur ar y rheini sydd eisoes yn ei chael hi'n anodd. Mewn gwirionedd, dyna pam fod gwneud y gorau o incwm a meithrin cadernid ariannol yn allweddol i'r rheini yr effeithir arnynt. Felly, er mai gan Lywodraeth y DU y mae'r ysgogiadau allweddol ar gyfer trechu tlodi—pwerau dros systemau treth a lles—rydym yn gwneud popeth a allwn i leihau effaith tlodi ac i gefnogi'r rheini sy'n byw mewn tlodi.
Thank you. I regret you didn't answer my question, and I quoted various bodies that pointed out that these problems long pre-dated COVID, and they're calling, therefore, for a change of tack. As I stated here last November, the recent Building Communities Trust report, 'Building Stronger Welsh Communities: Opportunities and barriers to community action in Wales', is about harnessing the strengths and skills of local people so that they can build the social infrastructure and shape the services they want and need in their area. After facilitating a national conversation at 20 events held across the length and breadth of Wales, they found that, and these are quotes:
'Disconnect between Government, public bodies and communities is a barrier to community action, despite examples of cross-sector collaboration',
that,
'people in Wales feel increasingly less able to influence decisions affecting their local area...that "worthy words are not being backed up by action"...that public bodies are "doing to, not with" people and communities',
and that,
'entrenched public sector ways of working characterised by poor communication, lack of trust, risk aversion, silo working, professional bias and staff demotivation'
are significant barriers to greater community action. How will you therefore be engaging with them and other bodies, such as those I mentioned, to design, deliver and monitor a better way of working across Wales?
Diolch. Mae arnaf ofn nad ateboch chi fy nghwestiwn, a dyfynnais amryw o gyrff a nododd fod y problemau hyn yn bodoli ymhell cyn COVID, ac maent yn galw, felly, am newid trywydd. Fel y dywedais yma fis Tachwedd diwethaf, mae adroddiad diweddar yr Ymddiriedolaeth Adeiladu Cymunedau, 'Building Stronger Welsh Communities: Opportunities and barriers to community action in Wales', yn ymwneud â chyfuno cryfderau a sgiliau pobl leol fel y gallant adeiladu'r seilwaith cymdeithasol a llunio'r gwasanaethau y maent eu heisiau ac y maent eu hangen yn eu hardal. Ar ôl hwyluso sgwrs genedlaethol mewn 20 o ddigwyddiadau a gynhaliwyd ar hyd a lled Cymru, gwelsant fod:
'Datgysylltiad rhwng y Llywodraeth, cyrff cyhoeddus a chymunedau yn rhwystr i weithredu cymunedol, er gwaethaf enghreifftiau o gydweithredu traws-sector',
fod,
'pobl yng Nghymru yn teimlo'n llai a llai abl i ddylanwadu ar benderfyniadau sy'n effeithio ar eu hardal leol… nad yw "geiriau teilwng yn cael eu hategu gan gamau gweithredu"... fod cyrff cyhoeddus yn "gwneud pethau i, yn hytrach na gwneud pethau gyda" phobl a chymunedau',
a bod,
'ffyrdd sefydledig o weithio yn y sector cyhoeddus a nodweddir gan gyfathrebu gwael, diffyg ymddiriedaeth, osgoi mentro, gweithio mewn seilos, rhagfarn broffesiynol a diffyg cymhelliad i staff'
yn rhwystrau sylweddol i fwy o weithredu cymunedol. Sut felly y byddwch yn ymgysylltu â hwy a chyrff eraill, fel y rhai y soniais amdanynt, i gynllunio, darparu a monitro ffordd well o weithio ledled Cymru?
Well, I clearly have responded to the very important report that came out this week from the Bevan Foundation. In fact, I made it my business to meet with Victoria Winckler of the Bevan Foundation early on when I had this portfolio for social justice. Social justice has to be about empowering communities, and, indeed, that's what brought me into politics. And it is about engaging with our communities to ensure that we are getting it right in terms of the interventions that we are making. And, of course, as I said, the key levers for tackling poverty, working with our communities, are about making sure that they can get the advice they need to resolve problems with welfare, benefits, housing and debt, but also support for a more generous social wage through our childcare offer, our council tax reduction scheme, our Warm Homes programme and free prescriptions. This is about actually enabling Welsh citizens to maximise their income, and our child poverty income maximisation action plan demonstrates how we have done that. But it is crucial that we take and work with our communities as we address these key issues.
Wel, rwy'n amlwg wedi ymateb i'r adroddiad pwysig iawn a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos hon gan Sefydliad Bevan. Mewn gwirionedd, gwneuthum sicrhau fy mod yn cyfarfod â Victoria Winckler o Sefydliad Bevan yn fuan ar ôl cael y portffolio cyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Mae'n rhaid i gyfiawnder cymdeithasol ymwneud â grymuso cymunedau, ac yn wir, dyna a ddaeth â mi i fyd gwleidyddiaeth. Ac mae'n ymwneud ag ymgysylltu â'n cymunedau i sicrhau ein bod yn gwneud pethau'n iawn o ran yr ymyriadau a wnawn. Ac wrth gwrs, fel y dywedais, mae'r ysgogiadau allweddol ar gyfer trechu tlodi, gweithio gyda'n cymunedau, yn ymwneud â sicrhau y gallant gael y cyngor sydd ei angen arnynt i ddatrys problemau gyda lles, budd-daliadau, tai a dyledion, a chymorth hefyd i gael cyflog cymdeithasol mwy hael drwy ein cynnig gofal plant, ein cynllun gostyngiadau'r dreth gyngor, ein rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd a phresgripsiynau am ddim. Mae a wnelo hyn â galluogi dinasyddion Cymru i wneud y gorau o'u hincwm, ac mae ein cynllun tlodi plant i weithredu pwyslais ar incwm yn dangos sut y gwnaethom hynny. Ond mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn gweithio gyda'n cymunedau wrth inni fynd i'r afael â'r materion allweddol hyn.
As I've indicated, these were the bodies that made clear these are longstanding problems. Yes, we must treat the symptoms, but we must also tackle the causes. The Building Communities Trust 2021 manifesto for healthier, happier and more resilient communities in Wales begins,
'Every community in Wales has the resources and influence it needs to build community capacity, and develop and run its own social infrastructure.'
One of Diverse Cymru's key asks in their 2021 manifesto is co-production, as they state,
'Legislation, policy and practice must be co-produced with individuals representing the diversity of...Wales across all characteristics to ensure that it respects every individual and advances equality for all.'
And yesterday's Bevan Foundation briefing on poverty, which you just referred to, in Wales this spring stated that a key theme that has emerged is that, without intervention, our recovery is likely to be unequal. What, therefore, if any, specific plans—not restating the aspirational comments that you've been sharing with us for as long as I can remember in this place, and which I almost entirely share with you—do you have to establish genuinely asset-based community development as a key principle within community development, empowering the people of the community and using existing community strengths to build sustainable communities for the future?
Fel y nodais, y cyrff hyn a nododd yn glir fod y rhain yn broblemau hirsefydlog. Oes, mae'n rhaid inni drin y symptomau, ond mae'n rhaid inni fynd i'r afael â'r achosion hefyd. Mae maniffesto 2021 yr Ymddiriedolaeth Adeiladu Cymunedau ar gyfer cymunedau iachach, hapusach a chryfach yng Nghymru yn dechrau drwy ddweud,
'Mae gan bob cymuned yng Nghymru yr adnoddau a’r dylanwad sydd eu hangen i adeiladu capasiti cymunedol ac i ddatblygu a rhedeg ei seilwaith cymdeithasol ei hun.'
Un o ofynion allweddol Diverse Cymru yn eu maniffesto ar gyfer 2021 yw cydgynhyrchu, wrth iddynt ddatgan,
'Rhaid i ddeddfwriaeth, polisi ac ymarfer gael eu cydgynhyrchu gydag unigolion sy’n cynrychioli amrywiaeth Cymru ar draws yr holl nodweddion er mwyn sicrhau parch i bob unigolyn a hybu cydraddoldeb i bawb.'
A nododd briff Sefydliad Bevan ddoe rydych newydd gyfeirio ato ar dlodi yng Nghymru y gwanwyn hwn mai un thema allweddol sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg yw bod ein hadferiad, heb ymyrraeth, yn debygol o fod yn anghyfartal. Pa gynlluniau penodol sydd gennych felly, os o gwbl—yn hytrach nag ailddatgan y sylwadau uchelgeisiol rydych wedi bod yn eu rhannu gyda ni cyhyd ag y gallaf gofio yn y lle hwn, syniadau rwy'n eu rhannu bron yn llwyr—i sefydlu datblygu cymunedol sy'n wirioneddol seiliedig ar asedau fel egwyddor allweddol o fewn datblygu cymunedol, gan rymuso pobl y gymuned a defnyddio cryfderau sy'n bodoli'n barod yn y gymuned i adeiladu cymunedau cynaliadwy ar gyfer y dyfodol?
I don't think we have any disagreements, Mark Isherwood, in terms of the way forward to empower communities and, indeed, I think, probably in sharing with you during election campaigns in hustings with the Building Communities Trust and hearing some powerful examples of social enterprise community engagement, which you can see in terms of many of the initiatives that we're supporting in terms of tackling food poverty, fuel poverty, and ensuring that our communities are accessing the policies that we are putting forward to address poverty.
You asked me about addressing poverty and how we can engage the third sector. I met with the Wales Council for Voluntary Action last week, and one of the key points being made was the strength of volunteering and the ways in which we need to address inequalities as a result of the pandemic. And indeed, it is very important that you do also join me in calling for the UK Government to address the inequities in terms of our welfare benefits system, which has had such an adverse impact on the lives of people in those communities.
Ni chredaf ein bod yn anghytuno ar unrhyw beth, Mark Isherwood, o ran y ffordd ymlaen i rymuso cymunedau, ac yn wir, yn ôl pob tebyg, fe gymerodd y ddau ohonom ran yn ystod yr ymgyrch etholiadol mewn hustyngau gyda'r Ymddiriedolaeth Adeiladu Cymunedau a chlywed am enghreifftiau pwerus o fenter gymdeithasol wrth ymgysylltu â'r gymuned, fel y gallwch ei weld yn llawer o'r mentrau rydym yn eu cefnogi i drechu tlodi bwyd, tlodi tanwydd, a sicrhau bod ein cymunedau yn gallu gwneud defnydd o'r polisïau rydym yn eu cyflwyno i drechu tlodi.
Fe ofynnoch chi i mi ynglŷn â mynd i'r afael â thlodi a sut y gallwn ymgysylltu â'r trydydd sector. Cyfarfûm â Chyngor Gweithredu Gwirfoddol Cymru yr wythnos diwethaf, ac un o'r pwyntiau allweddol a wnaed oedd cryfder gwirfoddoli a'r ffyrdd y mae angen inni fynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau o ganlyniad i'r pandemig. Ac yn wir, mae'n bwysig iawn eich bod yn ymuno â mi hefyd i alw ar Lywodraeth y DU i fynd i'r afael â'r anghydraddoldebau yn ein system fudd-daliadau lles, sydd wedi cael effaith mor andwyol ar fywydau pobl yn y cymunedau hynny.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Sioned Williams.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Sioned Williams.
Diolch, Llywydd. Weinidog, we've heard already this afternoon about the recent report published by the Bevan Foundation, which has provided us—as the title of the report suggests—with a snapshot of poverty in Wales during this spring 2021 period. The report makes for shocking reading, I'm sure you'll agree. What's more shocking are the problems the pandemic has exacerbated. The stark inequality it reveals is not new, and even more disturbingly, that inequality is deepening; deepening at a time when many of the protections put in place during the last months for the most vulnerable are now ending.
One of the key issues discussed in the report is the housing crisis that is affecting so many of our people and how it is driven by this inequality. Perhaps the most shocking statistic is that 6 per cent of households have already been told that they will lose their home. That's equivalent to 80,000 households who have already had to or will have to find a new home, and this despite protections from eviction being in place when this evidence was gathered. And it's those most economically and socially vulnerable that are having to deal with this crisis: it's mainly lower income households, disabled people, working-age adults. Clearly, the damage has been done to many individuals and families beset by fear and anxiety due to insecure housing, facing eviction, some of the temporary measures that have supported them, such as the ban on no-fault eviction, which is now being lifted.
I'd like to welcome the new tenancy hardship grant announced today. It will help some people stay in their homes, but for many, risks will remain, and so, with these things coming to an end, the no-fault eviction ban, furlough support, universal credit coming to an end, and these new grants only being processed—beginning to be processed—by mid July, can I ask the Minister what steps she and her Government will take, apart from the tenancy hardship grant and its finite resource, to ensure that people facing housing precarity don't lose their homes and slip through the cracks?
Diolch, Lywydd. Weinidog, rydym wedi clywed eisoes y prynhawn yma am yr adroddiad diweddar a gyhoeddwyd gan Sefydliad Bevan, sydd wedi rhoi cipolwg i ni—fel y mae teitl yr adroddiad yn ei awgrymu—ar dlodi yng Nghymru yng ngwanwyn 2021. Mae'r adroddiad yn syfrdanol, rwy'n siŵr y byddwch yn cytuno. Yr hyn sy'n fwy syfrdanol yw'r problemau y mae'r pandemig wedi'u gwaethygu. Nid yw'r anghydraddoldeb amlwg y mae'n ei ddatgelu yn newydd, ac yn fwy gofidus byth, mae'r anghydraddoldeb hwnnw'n gwaethygu; gwaethygu ar adeg pan fo llawer o'r amddiffyniadau a roddwyd ar waith yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf i'r rhai mwyaf agored i niwed bellach yn dod i ben.
Un o'r materion allweddol a drafodir yn yr adroddiad yw'r argyfwng tai sy'n effeithio ar gynifer o'n pobl a'r modd y caiff ei waethygu gan yr anghydraddoldeb hwn. Efallai mai'r ystadegyn mwyaf syfrdanol yw bod 6 y cant o aelwydydd eisoes wedi cael gwybod y byddant yn colli eu cartref. Mae hynny'n cyfateb i 80,000 o aelwydydd sydd eisoes wedi gorfod dod o hyd i gartref newydd neu'n mynd i orfod dod o hyd i un, a hynny er bod gwarchodaeth rhag troi allan yn weithredol pan gasglwyd y dystiolaeth hon. A'r bobl fwyaf agored i niwed yn economaidd ac yn gymdeithasol sy'n gorfod ymdopi â'r argyfwng hwn: aelwydydd incwm is yn bennaf, pobl anabl, oedolion o oedran gweithio. Yn amlwg, mae'r niwed wedi'i wneud i lawer o'r unigolion a theuluoedd sy'n byw mewn ofn a phryder oherwydd sefyllfa ansicr eu cartrefi, ac sy'n wynebu cael eu troi allan, gyda rhai o'r mesurau dros dro sydd wedi eu cefnogi, megis y gwaharddiad ar droi allan heb fai, sydd bellach yn cael eu codi.
Hoffwn groesawu'r grant caledi newydd i denantiaid a gyhoeddwyd heddiw. Bydd yn helpu rhai pobl i aros yn eu cartrefi, ond i lawer, bydd y risgiau’n parhau, ac felly, gyda’r pethau hyn yn dod i ben, y gwaharddiad ar droi allan heb fai, cymorth y cynllun ffyrlo, credyd cynhwysol yn dod i ben, a’r grantiau newydd hyn ond yn cael eu prosesu—yn dechrau cael eu prosesu—erbyn canol mis Gorffennaf, a gaf fi ofyn i'r Gweinidog pa gamau y bydd hi a'i Llywodraeth yn eu cymryd, ar wahân i'r grant caledi i denantiaid a'i adnoddau cyfyngedig, i sicrhau nad yw pobl sy'n wynebu ansicrwydd o ran tai yn colli eu cartrefi ac yn llithro drwy'r rhwyd?
I'm grateful for that question, because it does go to the heart of the need of tackling poverty in Wales and the challenge that we've got. Can I say that having the role of Minister for Social Justice provides a huge opportunity for me and the whole Government to address the issues that you raise? Because we have to tackle that inequality, which some of you might have heard Professor Michael Marmot on the Today programme this morning talking about, and the fact that the deepening of inequalities as a result of the pandemic means that we have to build a fairer, as well as a better, recovery, and that, I'm sure you'll agree with me, is the way forward.
And that's why, in terms of tackling poverty, not just in terms of looking at our own work and the way the programme for government is focusing on the power of all of our collective efforts across the whole Government to address this, we are and I'm sure you would join me in urging the UK Government to change their ways in terms of extending universal credit to ensure that it goes forward in terms of that £20 a week beyond the autumn.
Our advice and advocacy services are absolutely critical to tackling poverty as well. So, you'll be aware of the single advice fund: £9.6 million of grant funding available for provision of advice services during this financial year. That's going to be crucial in terms of supporting those tenants who are now going to be able to access the tenancy hardship fund announced today. But also recognising what we've done over the past year, which isn't going to change: funding of £166 million to local authorities through the housing support grant, because homelessness prevention is critical, and it is where local authorities are playing their part to prevent people from being homeless. Our tenancy saver loan scheme—that's for those low-cost loans available to private sector tenants—those moving into the grant will be crucially important, but working with the Minister for Climate Change Julie James, making sure that we lever in the advice services, Citizens Advice, Shelter, as well as our local authorities, to ensure that that tenancy hardship grant will be backed and supported by all the agencies as well as the local authorities at a local level.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar am eich cwestiwn, gan ei fod yn mynd at wraidd yr angen i drechu tlodi yng Nghymru a'r her sy'n ein hwynebu. A gaf fi ddweud bod cael rôl y Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol yn gyfle enfawr i mi a'r Llywodraeth gyfan fynd i'r afael â'r materion a godwch? Oherwydd mae’n rhaid inni fynd i’r afael â’r anghydraddoldeb y gallai rhai ohonoch fod wedi clywed yr Athro Michael Marmot yn siarad amdano y bore yma ar raglen Today, a’r ffaith bod yr anghydraddoldebau sy'n gwaethygu o ganlyniad i’r pandemig yn golygu bod yn rhaid inni sicrhau adferiad tecach, yn ogystal â gwell, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddwch yn cytuno mai dyna'r ffordd ymlaen.
Ac o ran trechu tlodi, nid yn unig o ran edrych ar ein gwaith ein hunain a’r ffordd y mae’r rhaglen lywodraethu'n canolbwyntio ar rym ein holl ymdrechion cyfunol ar draws y Llywodraeth gyfan i fynd i’r afael â hyn, dyna pam ein bod yn annog, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddech yn ymuno â mi i annog Llywodraeth y DU i ailfeddwl ac ymestyn credyd cynhwysol i sicrhau bod yr £20 yr wythnos yn parhau wedi'r hydref.
Mae ein gwasanaethau cynghori ac eirioli yn gwbl hanfodol er mwyn trechu tlodi hefyd. Felly, fe fyddwch yn ymwybodol o'r gronfa gynghori sengl: mae £9.6 miliwn o gyllid grant ar gael er mwyn darparu gwasanaethau cynghori yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon. Bydd hynny'n hanfodol i gefnogi'r tenantiaid a fydd yn gallu defnyddio'r gronfa caledi i denantiaid a gyhoeddwyd heddiw. Ond hefyd, dylid cydnabod yr hyn rydym wedi'i wneud dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, nad yw'n mynd i newid: cyllid o £166 miliwn i awdurdodau lleol drwy'r grant cymorth tai, gan fod atal digartrefedd yn hollbwysig, a dyma ble mae awdurdodau lleol yn chwarae eu rhan i atal pobl rhag bod yn ddigartref. Bydd ein cynllun benthyciadau arbed tenantiaeth—ar gyfer y benthyciadau cost isel sydd ar gael i denantiaid yn y sector preifat—bydd y ffaith eu bod yn symud i mewn i'r grant yn hanfodol bwysig, ond gan weithio gyda'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, Julie James, i sicrhau ein bod yn cynnwys y gwasanaethau cynghori, Cyngor ar Bopeth, Shelter, yn ogystal â'n hawdurdodau lleol, i sicrhau y bydd y grant caledi i denantiaid yn cael ei ategu a'i gefnogi gan yr holl asiantaethau yn ogystal â'r awdurdodau lleol ar lefel leol.
Diolch. Mae'r un adroddiad wedi canfod nad oes gan un o bob tair aelwyd yng Nghymru ddigon o arian i brynu unrhyw beth tu hwnt i hanfodion bywyd bob dydd. Rŷn ni'n sôn am 110,000 o aelwydydd, tua'r un faint o aelwydydd sydd yn ninas Abertawe. Mae cannoedd o filoedd o bobl ledled ein cenedl yn cael eu gorfodi i fenthyg arian, yn mynd ymhellach i ddyled, yn gorfod torri nôl ar fwyd, dillad, gwres, ac unwaith eto, y rhai sydd wedi gweld y gostyngiad mwyaf yn eu hincwm, medd adroddiad Sefydliad Bevan, sydd wedi gweld y cynnydd uchaf yn eu costau byw.
Trwy ehangu'r ddarpariaeth prydiau ysgol am ddim i'r 70,000 o blant mewn tlodi nad ydynt yn gymwys ar hyn o bryd, gallem leihau tlodi plant ac anghydraddoldeb yn sylweddol, trwy leihau costau byw i rieni sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd, a rhoi dechrau gwell mewn bywyd i'n plant. Mae'n fesur fforddiadwy. Pe bai cymhwysedd yn cael ei ehangu i deulu pob plentyn sy'n derbyn credyd cynhwysol, y gost ychwanegol fyddai £10.5 miliwn. Mae tlodi plant ac anghydraddoldeb cynyddol yn amlwg yn fater cyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Felly, Weinidog, pryd gallwn ni ddisgwyl gweithredu pellach ar ehangu'r ddarpariaeth prydiau ysgol am ddim gan y Llywodraeth?
Thank you. The same report has found that one in three households in Wales don't have enough money to buy anything beyond the daily basics. We're talking around 110,000 households, roughly the same number of households as are in the city of Swansea. Hundreds of thousands of people across the nation are forced to borrow money, taking them further into debt, having to cut back on food, heating, clothes, and once again, those who have seen the greatest decline in their income, according to the Bevan Foundation, have seen the greatest increase in their costs of living.
In expanding the provision of free school meals to the 70,000 children in poverty that aren't eligible at the moment, we could decrease child poverty and inequality significantly, by decreasing living costs for parents who find it difficult, and give a better start in life to children. It's an affordable measure. If eligibility were expanded to include every family who are in receipt of universal credit, the additional cost would be £10.5 million. Child poverty and widening inequality is clearly a social justice issue. So, Minister, when can we expect further action on expanding the provision of free school meals by this Government?
Thank you for that question. You know that the Minister has undertaken to undertake a review in terms of free school meals, and I think it is very important again to note what the First Minister said yesterday about the uplift in the take-up of free school meals from 66,000 in January 2020 to 105,000 in January 2021. But I'd also like to draw attention to some of the other ways in which we can particularly support children and families in relation to tackling poverty, and draw attention to the holiday enrichment scheme, for example, which is going to result in many families in our schools, in our communities, who are going to benefit from the holiday enrichment scheme.
But it is going to be through every aspect of Welsh Government, whether it's education, housing through the climate change ministry, in terms of jobs and employability, that we can tackle poverty. We are tackling worklessness, reducing economic inequalities, we're tackling educational inequalities with the pupil development grant, and of course we have the most generous offer of free school meals in terms of the reach out to children during the school holidays. Can I also draw attention to the great schemes that are going on now in the Valleys, in Llynfi valley, Aberdare, Merthyr and Ammanford, for example, with the Big Bocs Bwyd scheme? I think Mark Isherwood might like to visit those schemes as well.
Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Fe wyddoch fod y Gweinidog wedi ymrwymo i gynnal adolygiad o brydau ysgol am ddim, a chredaf ei bod yn bwysig iawn nodi eto yr hyn a ddywedodd y Prif Weinidog ddoe am y cynnydd yn y nifer sy'n derbyn prydau ysgol am ddim o 66,000 ym mis Ionawr 2020 i 105,000 ym mis Ionawr 2021. Ond hoffwn dynnu sylw hefyd at rai o'r ffyrdd eraill y gallwn gefnogi plant a theuluoedd yn arbennig mewn perthynas â threchu tlodi, a thynnu sylw at gynllun gwella gwyliau’r haf, er enghraifft, sy'n mynd i arwain at lawer o deuluoedd yn ein hysgolion, yn ein cymunedau, yn elwa o gynllun gwella gwyliau’r haf.
Ond bydd angen inni fynd i'r afael â threchu tlodi drwy bob agwedd ar Lywodraeth Cymru, boed yn addysg, tai drwy'r weinyddiaeth newid hinsawdd, swyddi a chyflogadwyedd. Rydym yn mynd i'r afael â diweithdra, yn lleihau anghydraddoldebau economaidd, rydym yn mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau addysgol gyda'r grant datblygu disgyblion, ac wrth gwrs, mae gennym y cynnig mwyaf hael o brydau ysgol am ddim er mwyn estyn allan at blant yn ystod gwyliau'r ysgol. A gaf fi hefyd dynnu sylw at y cynlluniau gwych sy'n mynd rhagddynt yn y Cymoedd, yng nghwm Llynfi, Aberdâr, Merthyr Tudful a Rhydaman, er enghraifft, gyda chynllun Big Bocs Bwyd? Rwy'n credu efallai yr hoffai Mark Isherwood ymweld â'r cynlluniau hynny hefyd.
In such a bleak economic landscape, and without the power, as you referenced earlier, to ensure a fairer, more humane welfare system than that on offer from the Tory Westminster Government, the discretionary assistance fund is a vital source of support. While the Welsh Government invested an additional amount of money into the DAF and made eligibility criteria for accessing the support more flexible in response to the COVID crisis, this additional flexibility is due to end in September. So, given this picture painted by recent research and the Government's own data, this is really concerning, given that people will continue to face financial hardship and crisis after this date, and for whom the DAF has provided crucial support during such an exceptionally difficult time. Will the Minister and Welsh Government therefore consider continuing the additional flexibility for accessing the DAF beyond the end of September to ensure that those who need this support are able to access it? Diolch.
Mewn tirwedd economaidd mor llwm, a heb y grym, fel y nodoch yn gynharach, i sicrhau system les decach, fwy trugarog na’r hyn y mae Llywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan yn ei chynnig, mae’r gronfa cymorth dewisol yn ffynhonnell gymorth hanfodol. Er bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi buddsoddi swm ychwanegol o arian yn y gronfa cymorth dewisol ac wedi sicrhau bod y meini prawf cymhwysedd ar gyfer cael cymorth yn fwy hyblyg mewn ymateb i argyfwng COVID, mae'r hyblygrwydd ychwanegol hwn i fod i ddod i ben ym mis Medi. Felly, o ystyried y darlun a baentiwyd gan ymchwil ddiweddar a data'r Llywodraeth ei hun, mae hyn yn peri cryn bryder, o ystyried y bydd pobl yn parhau i wynebu caledi ariannol ac argyfwng ar ôl y dyddiad hwn, pobl y mae'r gronfa cymorth dewisol wedi darparu cymorth hanfodol iddynt mewn cyfnod mor eithriadol o anodd. Felly a wnaiff y Gweinidog a Llywodraeth Cymru ystyried parhau â’r hyblygrwydd ychwanegol ar gyfer cael mynediad at y gronfa cymorth dewisol ar ôl diwedd mis Medi i sicrhau y gall y rheini sydd angen y cymorth hwn gael mynediad ato? Diolch.
We're very proud of what we've been able to achieve in terms of tackling inequalities by ensuring that there is that flexibility in terms of the discretionary assistance payment fund, but also to ensure that more than one payment can be made. That was one of the restrictions to ensure that people could access the fund. It's very much part of our income maximisation action plan, and indeed also will be very much linked to support to be given to private sector tenants, linked to the tenancy hardship fund.
Rydym yn falch iawn o'r hyn rydym wedi gallu ei gyflawni i fynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau drwy sicrhau bod hyblygrwydd yn y gronfa cymorth dewisol, ond hefyd i sicrhau y gellir gwneud mwy nag un taliad. Roedd hwnnw'n un o'r cyfyngiadau i sicrhau bod pobl yn gallu cael mynediad at y gronfa. Mae'n rhan fawr o'n cynllun gweithredu pwyslais ar incwm, ac yn wir, bydd hefyd yn gysylltiedig iawn â'r cymorth a roddir i denantiaid yn y sector preifat, yn gysylltiedig â'r gronfa caledi i denantiaid.
Cwestiwn 3 i'w ateb gan y Dirprwy Weinidog. Darren Millar.
Question 3 to be answered by the Deputy Minister. Darren Millar.
3. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gymorth Llywodraeth Cymru i gyn-filwyr yng Nghymru? OQ56685
3. Will the Minister provide an update on the Welsh Government’s support for veterans in Wales? OQ56685
Our third armed forces covenant annual report details the wide range of support for veterans across Wales. This year we have seen excellent progress including increased investment in veterans mental health services, funding for veterans to access further and higher education and continued funding of our armed forces liaison officers.
Mae trydydd adroddiad blynyddol cyfamod y lluoedd arfog yn manylu ar yr ystod eang o gymorth i gyn-filwyr ledled Cymru. Eleni, rydym wedi gweld cynnydd rhagorol gan gynnwys mwy o fuddsoddiad mewn gwasanaethau iechyd meddwl ar gyfer cyn-filwyr, cyllid i gyn-filwyr gael mynediad at addysg bellach ac uwch a chyllid parhaus i'n swyddogion cyswllt y lluoedd arfog.
Thank you for that response, Deputy Minister. Last week to mark Armed Forces Week, I took a visit to Adferiad Recovery's headquarters in Colwyn Bay in my constituency. Adferiad Recovery is a service provider to veterans through its Change Step programme, which has operated now for over a decade. Over 3,000 individuals with post-traumatic stress disorder have been supported by that particular programme, and they have provided 57,000 hours of one-to-one peer mentoring support. The cost of that service over the decade has been around £5 million, yet only £40,000 of that has come from the Welsh Government, and yet that is in spite of the fact that for every £1 invested in the service, academic research has shown that it saves the public purse £7 in return. Can I ask the Welsh Government whether it will look at the resources that it makes available to support veterans in Wales, and to see whether there's an opportunity here to invest to provide more sustainable funding to the Change Step programme, which of course operates across Wales and has benefited so many of my constituents and those of the Deputy Minister and others in this Chamber?
Diolch am eich ymateb, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Yr wythnos diwethaf, i nodi Wythnos y Lluoedd Arfog, ymwelais â phencadlys Adferiad Recovery ym Mae Colwyn yn fy etholaeth. Mae Adferiad Recovery yn darparu gwasanaethau i gyn-filwyr drwy eu rhaglen Change Step, sydd wedi bod ar waith ers dros ddegawd. Mae dros 3,000 o unigolion ag anhwylder straen ôl-drawmatig wedi cael cymorth gan y rhaglen benodol honno, ac maent wedi darparu 57,000 awr o gymorth mentora cymheiriaid un i un. Roedd cost y gwasanaeth hwnnw dros y degawd oddeutu £5 miliwn, ac eto £40,000 yn unig o hynny sydd wedi dod gan Lywodraeth Cymru, er bod ymchwil academaidd wedi dangos, am bob £1 a fuddsoddir yn y gwasanaeth, fod hynny'n arbed £7 i bwrs y wlad. A gaf fi ofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru edrych ar yr adnoddau y mae'n eu darparu i gefnogi cyn-filwyr yng Nghymru, ac i weld a oes cyfle yma i fuddsoddi er mwyn darparu cyllid mwy cynaliadwy i'r rhaglen Change Step, sydd wrth gwrs yn gweithredu ledled Cymru ac sydd wedi bod o fudd i gynifer o fy etholwyr yn ogystal â rhai'r Dirprwy Weinidog ac eraill yn y Siambr hon?
Can I thank Darren Millar for his question? I know this is an area that you're very committed to and very passionate about in the work you do with the cross-party group on armed forces as well, and also attend the expert group on armed forces as a guest on that.
The work you pointed out is quite rightly to be applauded, particularly on the back of Armed Forces Week, where many of us in this Chamber paused to pay tribute to those who've served, and those who continue to serve, the veterans and the contribution they make not only to our country, but to our communities right across Wales. The role of the third sector and those charities, we know they're the ones and we've only been able to provide that support to veterans and their families because we've worked collaboratively in partnership. You'll be very familiar with our armed forces scoping exercise, pointing out the progress we've made, but also the work that still needs to be done and where those gaps were. So, I'll most certainly be happy to look at the points he's raised today and come back to the Member, if he'd like to get in touch about that as well.
A gaf fi ddiolch i Darren Millar am ei gwestiwn? Gwn fod hwn yn faes rydych yn ymrwymedig iawn iddo ac yn angerddol iawn yn ei gylch yn y gwaith a wnewch gyda'r grŵp trawsbleidiol ar y lluoedd arfog hefyd, ac rydych hefyd yn mynychu'r grŵp arbenigol ar y lluoedd arfog fel gwestai.
Mae'n gwbl briodol inni ganmol y gwaith y gwnaethoch dynnu sylw ato, yn enwedig ar ôl Wythnos y Lluoedd Arfog, pan oedodd nifer ohonom yn y Siambr hon i dalu teyrnged i'r rheini sydd wedi gwasanaethu, a'r rheini sy'n parhau i wasanaethu, y cyn-filwyr a'r cyfraniad a wnânt nid yn unig i'n gwlad, ond i'n cymunedau ledled Cymru. Rôl y trydydd sector a'r elusennau hynny, gwyddom mai hwy yw'r rhai a dim ond oherwydd ein bod wedi gweithio ar y cyd mewn partneriaeth y gallasom ddarparu'r cymorth hwnnw i gyn-filwyr a'u teuluoedd. Fe fyddwch yn gyfarwydd iawn ag ymarfer cwmpasu'r lluoedd arfog, sy'n tynnu sylw at y cynnydd rydym wedi'i wneud, ond hefyd y gwaith sydd angen ei wneud o hyd a lle'r oedd y bylchau. Felly, yn sicr, rwy'n fwy na pharod i edrych ar y pwyntiau y mae wedi'u codi heddiw ac i ddod yn ôl at yr Aelod, os hoffai gysylltu ynglŷn â hynny hefyd.
4. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad am gyfraddau tlodi plant yn Nwyrain De Cymru? OQ56701
4. Will the Minister make a statement on child poverty rates in South Wales East? OQ56701
I thank the Member for that question. On Monday I published the progress report on the child poverty income maximisation action plan, and this shows that our first national benefits take-up campaign resulted in an additional £651,504 claimed by those entitled to benefits, including households in south-east Wales.
Diolch i'r Aelod am ei chwestiwn. Ddydd Llun, cyhoeddais yr adroddiad cynnydd ar y cynllun tlodi plant i weithredu pwyslais ar incwm, ac mae'n dangos bod ein hymgyrch genedlaethol gyntaf i sicrhau bod pobl yn hawlio budd-daliadau wedi arwain at £651,504 yn ychwanegol yn cael ei hawlio gan y rheini sydd â hawl i fudd-daliadau, gan gynnwys aelwydydd yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru.
Thank you, Minister. Wales now has the highest rate of child poverty of any UK nation, with one in three children living in poverty. I worry that we've become so used to hearing that figure that it's lost its potency, so just to remind the Chamber that what that figure—that one in three children figure—means is that thousands of children in Wales are going to bed hungry. They're going into school, into classes, with their bellies empty, but they're also having to deal with the worry and the anxiety knowing that their parents are stressed. They may feel that they have to hide their situation from their friends, so they've got no-one to talk to. What I'm getting at, Minister, is that the impact of child poverty isn't just physical: it's not just about malnutrition or not keeping warm or comfortable, as damaging as those things are; it's also about the emotional strain, the bullying that can happen and the toll that poverty can take on young people's well-being and mental health. What will your Government do to address this hidden issue?
Diolch, Weinidog. Mae cyfradd Cymru o dlodi plant yn uwch yn awr nag yn unrhyw un o wledydd eraill y DU, gydag un o bob tri phlentyn yn byw mewn tlodi. Rwy'n poeni ein bod wedi arfer cymaint â chlywed y ffigur hwnnw nes ei fod wedi colli ei rym, felly hoffwn atgoffa'r Siambr mai'r hyn y mae'r ffigur hwnnw—y ffigur un o bob tri phlentyn—yn ei olygu yw bod miloedd o blant yng Nghymru yn mynd i'r gwely'n llwglyd. Maent yn mynd i'r ysgol, i'w dosbarthiadau, gyda'u boliau'n wag, ond maent hefyd yn gorfod ymdopi â'r pryder o wybod bod eu rhieni o dan straen. Efallai eu bod yn teimlo bod yn rhaid iddynt guddio eu sefyllfa rhag eu ffrindiau, felly nid oes ganddynt unrhyw un i siarad â hwy. Yr hyn rwy'n ei ddweud, Weinidog, yw nad effaith gorfforol yn unig sydd i dlodi plant: nid yw'n ymwneud yn unig â diffyg maeth neu fethu cadw'n gynnes neu'n gyffyrddus, er mor niweidiol yw'r pethau hynny; mae hefyd yn ymwneud â'r straen emosiynol, y bwlio a all ddigwydd a'r effaith y gall tlodi ei chael ar iechyd meddwl a lles pobl ifanc. Beth fydd eich Llywodraeth yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem gudd hon?
I thank Delyth Jewell for those very important questions. For me, as Minister for Social Justice, I will say there's never been a more important time to do all that we can practically to mitigate the impacts of poverty with the powers and levers that we've got. During the last Senedd term, as you will remember, the First Minister did make that commitment to re-engineer existing funding programmes to ensure that they have the maximum impact on the lives of children living in poverty. And that led to the report that I've just mentioned, and practical actions there. It's not just about maximising the incomes of families living in poverty, but also helping them to build resilience. This goes back to your key points about the impact on people's lives, on their mental health—supporting families to not just increase their income, but also to ensure that they can get into employment and that they can improve the outcomes of children and families. This is, of course, a cross-Government task in terms of backing the Flying Start programme, which has such an important support network across Wales in our most disadvantaged communities. But can I just say that, again, it is important that we look at what we're doing? There's over £60 million in additional funding to local authorities for free-school-meal provision during 2021, an additional £23 million up until 2022, in the next financial year, and the commitment I've already mentioned to review eligibility criteria. Can I say that the school holiday enrichment programme is a real opportunity? The school holiday fun and food programme, and the 'summer of fun' that has already been announced by the Deputy Minister for Social Services—those are going to be the ways in which we can reach out to those children and those families, with the potential for supporting those children in those communities and households that are experiencing poverty.
Diolch i Delyth Jewell am y cwestiynau pwysig iawn hyn. I mi, fel Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, dylwn ddweud na fu erioed amser pwysicach i wneud popeth a allwn i liniaru effeithiau tlodi gyda'r pwerau a'r ysgogiadau sydd gennym. Yn ystod tymor diwethaf y Senedd, fel y cofiwch, gwnaeth y Prif Weinidog ymrwymiad i ailbeiriannu rhaglenni cyllido presennol er mwyn sicrhau eu bod yn cael yr effaith fwyaf sy'n bosibl ar fywydau plant sy'n byw mewn tlodi. Ac arweiniodd hynny at yr adroddiad rwyf newydd ei grybwyll, a'r camau gweithredu ymarferol ynddo. Mae'n ymwneud â mwy na chynyddu incwm teuluoedd sy'n byw mewn tlodi, mae hefyd yn eu helpu i adeiladu cadernid. Mae a wnelo hyn â'ch pwyntiau allweddol am yr effaith ar fywydau pobl, ar eu hiechyd meddwl—cefnogi teuluoedd nid yn unig i gynyddu eu hincwm, ond hefyd i sicrhau y gallant ddod o hyd i gyflogaeth a gwella canlyniadau plant a theuluoedd. Mae hon, wrth gwrs, yn dasg drawslywodraethol o ran cefnogi rhaglen Dechrau'n Deg, rhaglen a chanddi rwydwaith cymorth mor bwysig ledled Cymru yn ein cymunedau mwyaf difreintiedig. Ond a gaf fi ddweud, unwaith eto, ei bod yn bwysig ein bod yn edrych ar yr hyn a wnawn? Mae dros £60 miliwn ar gael mewn cyllid ychwanegol i awdurdodau lleol ar gyfer darparu prydau ysgol am ddim yn ystod 2021, £23 miliwn yn ychwanegol hyd at 2022, yn y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, a'r ymrwymiad rwyf eisoes wedi'i grybwyll i adolygu'r meini prawf cymhwysedd. A gaf fi ddweud bod rhaglen gwella gwyliau’r haf yn gyfle go iawn? Y rhaglen bwyd a hwyl yn ystod gwyliau'r ysgol, a'r 'haf o hwyl' sydd eisoes wedi'i gyhoeddi gan y Dirprwy Weinidog Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol—rheini fydd y ffyrdd y gallwn estyn allan at y plant hynny a'r teuluoedd hynny, gyda'r potensial i gefnogi'r plant hynny yn y cymunedau a'r cartrefi sy'n byw mewn tlodi.
Minister, the Welsh Government set out in its child poverty strategy in 2015 that its ambition was to make sure no child was living in poverty by 2020. Needless to say, we're now in 2021. Save the Children has reported that Wales has the highest child poverty rate of any nation in the United Kingdom. Figures from 2019-20 showed that 31 per cent of children in Wales were still living in poverty, compared to 30 per cent in England and 24 per cent in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Even before the pandemic, almost 200,000 children were living in poverty here in Wales, with a higher proportion of children affected than at any point in the past five years. Minister, I know you've referred to the central Government on a number of occasions, but the Bevan Foundation has said there is a lack of joined-up thinking on the part of the Welsh Government, with policy too focused on increasing employment and policies not working in harmony. Therefore, Minister, what is the response—what is your response specifically—to the Bevan Foundation, and how will you ensure that an integrated, cross-Government approach is followed to eliminate child poverty here in Wales? Thank you.
Weinidog, yn ei strategaeth tlodi plant yn 2015, nododd Llywodraeth Cymru mai ei huchelgais oedd sicrhau nad oedd unrhyw blentyn yn byw mewn tlodi erbyn 2020. Afraid dweud, mae hi bellach yn 2021. Mae Achub y Plant wedi nodi mai Cymru sydd â'r gyfradd tlodi plant uchaf o unrhyw genedl yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Dangosodd ffigurau rhwng 2019 a 2020 fod 31 y cant o blant yng Nghymru yn dal i fyw mewn tlodi, o gymharu â 30 y cant yn Lloegr a 24 y cant yn yr Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon. Hyd yn oed cyn y pandemig, roedd bron i 200,000 o blant yn byw mewn tlodi yma yng Nghymru, gyda chyfran uwch o blant yn cael eu heffeithio nag ar unrhyw adeg arall yn ystod y pum mlynedd diwethaf. Weinidog, gwn eich bod wedi cyfeirio at y Llywodraeth ganolog ar sawl achlysur, ond mae Sefydliad Bevan wedi dweud bod diffyg meddwl cydgysylltiedig yn Llywodraeth Cymru, gyda pholisi sy'n canolbwyntio gormod ar gynyddu cyflogaeth ac nad yw polisïau yn gweithio mewn cytgord. Felly, Weinidog, beth yw'r ymateb—beth yw eich ymateb chi yn benodol—i Sefydliad Bevan, a sut y byddwch yn sicrhau bod dull integredig, trawslywodraethol yn cael ei fabwysiadu i ddileu tlodi plant yma yng Nghymru? Diolch.
I would have to say—thank you for that question—that the research that's been undertaken by the Equality and Human Rights Commission, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Resolution Foundation, all the respected organisations, does look at the impact of the UK Government's programme of tax and welfare reforms, frozen for four years—benefits frozen for four years—and the fact that this has such an impact in terms of powers in terms of tax and welfare. They sit with the UK Government. So, I hope you will also support the extension of the £20 per week universal credit beyond September. Wouldn't it be good if the Welsh Conservatives were backing that as well? Because we have got to work together to mitigate the impact of poverty and improve the outcomes of people living in poverty. But can I just say how good it was that there was such support yesterday for the Minister for Economy when he announced the youth guarantee? Because employment does give a sustainable route out of poverty—giving that offer to all those under 25. It is about a joined-up approach, of course. Our child poverty action plan is setting out the Welsh Government's objectives for tackling child poverty, and I hope you will read the 2019 progress report and the one that I announced on Monday.
Wel, rhaid i mi ddweud—diolch am y cwestiwn hwnnw—fod yr ymchwil a wnaed gan y Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol, Sefydliad Joseph Rowntree, Sefydliad Resolution, yr holl sefydliadau uchel eu parch, yn edrych ar effaith rhaglen Llywodraeth y DU o ddiwygiadau treth a lles sydd wedi'u rhewi am bedair blynedd—budd-daliadau wedi'u rhewi am bedair blynedd—a'r ffaith bod hyn yn cael cymaint o effaith ar bwerau mewn perthynas â threth a lles. Mae’r pwerau hynny yn nwylo Llywodraeth y DU. Felly, gobeithio y byddwch hefyd yn cefnogi ymestyn yr £20 o gredyd cynhwysol yr wythnos ar ôl mis Medi. Oni fyddai’n dda pe bai'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn cefnogi hynny hefyd? Oherwydd mae’n rhaid inni weithio gyda’n gilydd i liniaru effaith tlodi a gwella canlyniadau i bobl sy’n byw mewn tlodi. Ond a gaf fi ddweud pa mor dda oedd gweld cymaint o gefnogaeth i Weinidog yr Economi ddoe pan gyhoeddodd y warant ieuenctid? Oherwydd mae cyflogaeth yn cynnig llwybr cynaliadwy allan o dlodi—gan roi'r cynnig hwnnw i bawb o dan 25 oed. Mae'n ddull cydgysylltiedig o weithredu, wrth gwrs. Mae ein cynllun gweithredu ar dlodi plant yn nodi amcanion Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer trechu tlodi plant, a gobeithio y byddwch yn darllen adroddiad cynnydd 2019, a’r un a gyhoeddais ddydd Llun.
Minister, working and volunteering throughout the pandemic in a third sector capacity, I experienced first-hand the detrimental effects COVID has had on Rhondda families. Loss of income and increasing living costs have sadly seen families and individuals struggling to make ends meet. I'm grateful for the provisions put in place by Welsh Government to support these families, but there is still a very real problem surrounding the stigma of asking for help. What plans do the Welsh Government have to not only help end the stigma of seeking support, but to encourage families who are in desperate need of support to come forward and utilise available provisions, especially over the summer holiday period?
Weinidog, wrth weithio a gwirfoddoli yn y trydydd sector drwy gydol y pandemig, cefais brofiad uniongyrchol o'r effeithiau niweidiol y mae COVID wedi'u cael ar deuluoedd y Rhondda. Yn anffodus, mae colli incwm a chostau byw cynyddol wedi golygu bod teuluoedd ac unigolion yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael dau ben llinyn ynghyd. Rwy'n ddiolchgar am y darpariaethau a roddwyd ar waith gan Lywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi'r teuluoedd hyn, ond mae problem wirioneddol o hyd ynghylch y stigma sy'n gysylltiedig â gofyn am gymorth. Pa gynlluniau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, nid yn unig i helpu i roi diwedd ar y stigma sy'n gysylltiedig â cheisio cymorth, ond i annog teuluoedd y mae taer angen cymorth arnynt i ddefnyddio'r darpariaethau sydd ar gael, yn enwedig dros gyfnod gwyliau'r haf?
Thank you very much, Buffy Williams, for that very important insight into the impact of COVID on communities, and also the ways in which you were very engaged, I know, as other Members were, in empowering communities and volunteers, which of course increases their esteem and also their capacity. This is about entitlement—entitlement to the benefits that we are now ensuring that they can access, but it's also entitlement to engage in projects like the school holiday enrichment plan.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Buffy Williams, am y cipolwg pwysig hwnnw ar effaith COVID ar gymunedau, a hefyd y ffyrdd y gwnaethoch ymgysylltu, rwy'n gwybod, fel Aelodau eraill, i rymuso cymunedau a gwirfoddolwyr, sydd wrth gwrs yn cynyddu eu parch yn ogystal â'u gallu. Mae hyn yn ymwneud â hawl—hawl i'r budd-daliadau rydym bellach yn sicrhau eu bod ar gael iddynt, ond mae hefyd yn ymwneud â hawl i fod yn rhan o brosiectau fel rhaglen gwella gwyliau'r haf.
5. Pa drafodaethau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u cael gyda Llywodraeth y DU ynglŷn â charchardai a'r gwasanaeth prawf ers yr etholiad? OQ56680
5. What discussions has the Welsh Government had with the UK Government regarding prisons and the probation service since the election? OQ56680
The Welsh Government continues to work closely with Her Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service. I welcome the transfer of all offender management into the National Probation Service. This was completed this week. I have met with HM Prison and Probation Service officials to progress joint initiatives.
Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i weithio'n agos gyda Gwasanaeth Carchardai a Phrawf Ei Mawrhydi. Rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith bod yr holl waith rheoli troseddwyr wedi'i drosglwyddo i'r Gwasanaeth Prawf Cenedlaethol. Cwblhawyd hyn yr wythnos hon. Rwyf wedi cyfarfod â swyddogion Gwasanaeth Carchardai a Phrawf EM i ddatblygu cynlluniau ar y cyd.
Diolch yn fawr, Weinidog. Fel rydych chi'n ymwybodol, un o broblemau mawr y system gyfiawnder yng Nghymru yw'r diffyg data penodol ar Gymru. Pan wnaeth HMPPS roi tystiolaeth i'r comisiwn cyfiawnder yn ôl yn y gwanwyn yn 2019, roedden nhw'n dweud bod eu hystadegwyr nhw'n cydweithio ag ystadegwyr Llywodraeth Cymru i edrych ar lefelau aildroseddu.
Thank you very much, Minister. As you'll be aware, one of the major issues of the justice system in Wales is the lack of specific data for Wales. When HMPPS gave evidence to the justice commission in the spring of 2019, they said that their statisticians were collaborating with those of the Welsh Government to look at the level of recidivism.
I'll turn to English with regard to the next point, because I'll quote exactly what they said. They went further and said that a working group had been established between them and the Welsh Government
'to look at disaggregating data'
in our part of the justice system. My question, therefore, Minister, is: how is that important work going of disaggregating the data in that very important part of the justice system, to have Welsh-specific data? Diolch.
Rwyf am droi at y Saesneg i wneud y pwynt nesaf, oherwydd rwyf am ddyfynnu yn union yr hyn a ddywedasant. Aethant ymhellach a dweud bod gweithgor wedi'i sefydlu rhyngddynt hwy a Llywodraeth Cymru
'i edrych ar ddadgyfuno data'
yn ein rhan ni o'r system gyfiawnder. Fy nghwestiwn, felly, Weinidog, yw: sut y mae'r gwaith pwysig hwnnw ar ddadgyfuno data yn mynd yn y rhan bwysig honno o'r system gyfiawnder er mwyn cael data sy'n benodol i Gymru? Diolch.
Diolch, Rhys ab Owen. You raise a very important point, a point that I raise regularly with the Ministry of Justice. In fact, I'm meeting a Minister tomorrow—Alex Chalk—and I will raise this issue again. It came so clearly through the Thomas commission analysis; it will be something I know that I will be working on with the Counsel General in terms of our justice sub-committee of the Cabinet. But that data is crucial for us to understand how we can ensure that there are better outcomes in terms of the impact of the criminal justice system on Welsh citizens.
Diolch, Rhys ab Owen. Rydych yn codi pwynt pwysig iawn, pwynt rwy'n ei godi'n rheolaidd gyda'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder. Yn wir, rwy'n cyfarfod â Gweinidog yfory—Alex Chalk—a byddaf yn codi'r mater hwn eto. Roedd mor amlwg yn nadansoddiad comisiwn Thomas; gwn y bydd yn rhywbeth y byddaf yn gweithio arno gyda'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol yn ein his-bwyllgor cyfiawnder yn y Cabinet. Ond mae'r data hwnnw'n hanfodol er mwyn inni ddeall sut y gallwn sicrhau gwell canlyniadau o ran effaith y system cyfiawnder troseddol ar ddinasyddion Cymru.
Minister, a recent article in The Lancet highlighted the high number of deaths from coronavirus in prisons, and this is despite offenders being locked in their cells for up to 23 hours a day to stop the spread of the virus. This will be of particular concern in areas around open prisons in Wales, such as the Prescoed prison in Usk in my region of South Wales East. Would the Minister please update us about how she's working with the UK Government Minister and the prison service on a plan to tackle the spread of coronavirus in our prisons, and also how she's ensuring that inmates and communities around prisons are being protected?
Weinidog, mewn erthygl ddiweddar yn The Lancet, tynnwyd sylw at y nifer uchel o farwolaethau o ganlyniad i'r coronafeirws mewn carchardai, ac mae hyn er gwaethaf y ffaith bod troseddwyr yn cael eu cloi yn eu celloedd am hyd at 23 awr y dydd i atal lledaeniad y feirws. Bydd hyn yn peri pryder arbennig mewn ardaloedd o amgylch carchardai agored yng Nghymru, megis carchar Prescoed ym Mrynbuga yn fy rhanbarth i, Dwyrain De Cymru. A wnaiff y Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf inni ynglŷn â sut y mae'n gweithio gyda Gweinidog Llywodraeth y DU a'r gwasanaeth carchardai i greu cynllun i fynd i'r afael â lledaeniad y coronafeirws yn ein carchardai, a hefyd sut y mae'n sicrhau bod carcharorion a chymunedau o amgylch carchardai yn cael eu diogelu?
Thank you, Laura Anne Jones, for that question. In fact, I met with the executive director of HMPPS Wales today and we had an update on prisons. He did say—and you'll welcome the progress report—that recovery is going well in prisons. They have four levels. The fourth level, the highest level, is when they aren't able to come out to activities and are very much confined to their cells, with level 1 being almost normal service. He actually reported to me today that all prisons in Wales are at level 2 apart from Swansea, which is going to move to level 2 later this week. He also confirmed that there are no outbreaks in prisons in Wales and that staff cases are low. He was very positive about the fact that there is close working with the devolved services that, of course, support our prisons, in terms of health particularly, which is key, but also in terms of the opportunities for prisoners when they leave prison.
I would just like to very quickly say how much I welcome the unification of the probation service. We actually did press for this and we unified it ahead of England back in December 2019. We pressed for it; it wasn't in our powers, but I have to say that a certain Rory Stewart, the former Minister, actually pressed for it as well and we achieved it. But as of Monday, everything is unified; we have a National Probation Service, which will be crucial for the communities and for the people leaving and resettling from prisons across Wales.
Diolch am y cwestiwn hwnnw, Laura Anne Jones. Yn wir, cyfarfûm â chyfarwyddwr gweithredol Gwasanaeth Carchardai a Phrawf Ei Mawrhydi Cymru heddiw a chawsom y wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am garchardai. Dywedodd—ac fe fyddwch yn croesawu'r adroddiad cynnydd—fod adferiad yn mynd yn dda mewn carchardai. Mae ganddynt bedair lefel. Y bedwaredd lefel, y lefel uchaf, yw pan nad ydynt yn gallu dod allan i wneud gweithgareddau ac maent wedi'u cyfyngu i'w celloedd i raddau helaeth, ac mae lefel 1 yn cyfateb i wasanaeth bron fel arfer. Dywedodd wrthyf heddiw fod pob carchar yng Nghymru ar lefel 2 ar wahân i Abertawe, a fydd yn i symud i lefel 2 yn ddiweddarach yr wythnos hon. Cadarnhaodd hefyd nad oes unrhyw glystyrau o achosion mewn carchardai yng Nghymru a bod achosion ymhlith staff yn isel. Roedd yn gadarnhaol iawn ynglŷn â'r ffaith bod cydweithio agos â'r gwasanaethau datganoledig sydd, wrth gwrs, yn cefnogi ein carchardai, mewn perthynas ag iechyd yn arbennig, sy'n allweddol, ond hefyd mewn perthynas â'r cyfleoedd i garcharorion pan fyddant yn gadael y carchar.
Hoffwn ddweud yn gyflym iawn cymaint rwy'n croesawu uno'r gwasanaeth prawf. Gwnaethom bwyso am hyn ac fe wnaethom ei uno yn ôl ym mis Rhagfyr 2019 cyn i Loegr wneud hynny. Buom yn gwasgu am hynny; nid oedd yn ein pwerau, ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud bod Rory Stewart, y cyn Weinidog, wedi gwasgu am hynny hefyd ac fe wnaethom gyflawni hynny. Ond o ddydd Llun ymlaen, bydd popeth wedi'i uno; mae gennym Wasanaeth Prawf Cenedlaethol, a fydd yn hanfodol i'r cymunedau ac i'r bobl sy'n gadael ac yn ailsefydlu ar ôl gadael carchardai ledled Cymru.
6. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i hyrwyddo cydlyniant rhwng cymunedau Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr a thrigolion Dyffryn Clwyd? OQ56698
6. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to promote cohesion between Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities and the residents of the Vale of Clwyd? OQ56698
Diolch, Gareth Davies. Through our funding of the community cohesion programme and the TGP Cymru Travelling Ahead project, we provide advice, advocacy and inclusion to foster good relations between communities in the Vale of Clwyd and across Wales, including Gypsies and Travellers.
Diolch, Gareth Davies. Drwy ariannu'r rhaglen cydlyniant cymunedol a phrosiect Teithio Ymlaen TGP Cymru, rydym yn darparu cyngor, eiriolaeth a chynhwysiant i feithrin cysylltiadau da rhwng cymunedau yn Nyffryn Clwyd a ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys Sipsiwn a Theithwyr.
Thank you for that answer, Minister. Denbighshire County Council has, for many years, struggled to find suitable locations for residential and transit Gypsy and Traveller sites. They have explored multiple sites that have turned out to be unsuitable to all concerned. However, Minister, Gypsy and Traveller sites have been secured across north Wales by neighbouring local authorities. Will you accept that a better approach to addressing the needs of Gypsy, Traveller and Roma communities, and the needs of local residents, would be to adopt a regional approach to providing residential and transit Gypsy and Traveller sites?
Diolch ichi am yr ateb hwnnw, Weinidog. Ers blynyddoedd lawer, mae Cyngor Sir Ddinbych wedi cael trafferth dod o hyd i leoliadau addas ar gyfer safleoedd preswyl a thramwy ar gyfer Sipsiwn a Theithwyr. Maent wedi archwilio nifer o safleoedd sydd wedi bod yn anaddas i bawb dan sylw. Fodd bynnag, Weinidog, mae safleoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr wedi'u sicrhau ledled gogledd Cymru gan awdurdodau lleol cyfagos. A wnewch chi dderbyn y byddai mabwysiadu dull rhanbarthol o ddarparu safleoedd preswyl a thramwy ar gyfer Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn ffordd well o fynd i'r afael ag anghenion cymunedau Sipsiwn, Teithwyr a Roma yn ogystal ag anghenion trigolion lleol?
I don't accept that at all. I hope that you will look at our Travelling Ahead plan as a local Member. Every local authority has a responsibility in terms of ensuring that local authorities provide adequate and culturally appropriate sites where there is a need. Denbighshire County Council—I understand, and we must encourage—has a legal duty to undertake a new Gypsy and Traveller accommodation assessment every five years, but it has not yet succeeded in delivering on its obligations. Let's hope that the consultation goes well. That has to include talking to Gypsy and Traveller families and the wider community, including representative groups, over the summer. It is vital that every local authority in Wales—. We have seen over 200 new pitches created and refurbished across Wales, delivered as a result of the investment. We are currently funding projects of £1.2 million to refurbish existing accommodation, and we have new sites. This is what Denbighshire now needs to do.
Nid wyf yn derbyn hynny o gwbl. Rwy'n gobeithio yr edrychwch ar ein cynllun Teithio Ymlaen fel Aelod lleol. Mae gan bob awdurdod lleol gyfrifoldeb i sicrhau bod awdurdodau lleol yn darparu safleoedd digonol sy'n briodol yn ddiwylliannol lle bo angen. Deallaf fod gan Gyngor Sir Ddinbych—rwy'n deall, ac mae'n rhaid inni annog hyn—ddyletswydd gyfreithiol i gynnal asesiad newydd o'r ddarpariaeth i Sipsiwn a Theithwyr bob pum mlynedd, ond nid yw wedi llwyddo eto i gyflawni ei rwymedigaethau. Gadewch i ni obeithio y bydd yr ymgynghoriad yn mynd yn dda. Bydd yn rhaid cael sgyrsiau â theuluoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr a'r gymuned ehangach, gan gynnwys grwpiau cynrychioliadol, dros yr haf. Mae'n hanfodol fod pob awdurdod lleol yng Nghymru—. Rydym wedi gweld dros 200 o leiniau newydd yn cael eu creu a'u hadnewyddu ledled Cymru o ganlyniad i'r buddsoddiad. Ar hyn o bryd rydym yn ariannu prosiectau gwerth £1.2 miliwn i adnewyddu'r ddarpariaeth bresennol, ac mae gennym safleoedd newydd. Dyma'r hyn y mae angen i sir Ddinbych ei wneud yn awr.
7. Pa gynnydd y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o ran cynlluniau ar gyfer banc cymunedol yng Nghymru? OQ56668
7. What progress has the Welsh Government made regarding plans for a community bank of Wales? OQ56668
8. A wnaiff y Gweinidog ddatganiad am y cynnydd sy'n cael ei wneud o ran agor banc cymunedol yng Nghymru? OQ56671
8. Will the Minister make statement on the progress being made to open a community bank in Wales? OQ56671
Llywydd, I understand that you have given permission to group questions 7 and 8. The private sector proposal to establish the community bank for Wales is contingent on regulatory approval. Operational delivery plans continue to develop in parallel with regulatory assessments and wider Welsh Government evaluation, in order that Banc Cambria can be established at the earliest opportunity post regulatory approval and investment decisions.
Lywydd, deallaf eich bod wedi rhoi caniatâd i gwestiynau 7 ac 8 gael eu grwpio. Mae cynnig y sector preifat i sefydlu banc cymunedol i Gymru yn dibynnu ar gymeradwyaeth reoleiddiol. Mae cynlluniau cyflawni gweithredol yn parhau i ddatblygu ochr yn ochr ag asesiadau rheoleiddiol a gwerthusiad ehangach gan Lywodraeth Cymru, fel y gellir sefydlu Banc Cambria cyn gynted â phosibl ar ôl cael cymeradwyaeth reoleiddiol a phenderfyniadau buddsoddi.
Thank you, Minister. I am delighted that this question is being grouped with Jack Sargeant's as well, given that Jack has been such a strong supporter of a community bank. A recent report in the Flintshire and Wrexham Leader highlighted the alarming loss of bank branches in north Wales. Data published by the paper show that Clwyd South is the worst affected constituency in north Wales. Minister, are you able to outline how my constituents will benefit from the creation of a community bank following the loss of all but one bank in Clwyd South?
Diolch i chi, Weinidog. Rwyf wrth fy modd fod y cwestiwn hwn wedi ei grwpio gyda chwestiwn Jack Sargeant hefyd, o gofio bod Jack wedi bod yn gefnogwr mor gryf i fanc cymunedol. Mewn adroddiad diweddar ym mhapur newydd sir y Fflint a Wrecsam, The Leader, tynnwyd sylw at y nifer frawychus o ganghennau banc a gollwyd yng ngogledd Cymru. Mae data a gyhoeddwyd gan y papur yn dangos mai De Clwyd yw'r etholaeth yr effeithiwyd arni waethaf yng ngogledd Cymru. Weinidog, a allwch chi amlinellu sut y bydd fy etholwyr yn elwa o greu banc cymunedol ar ôl colli pob banc ond un yn Ne Clwyd?
I'm very glad that Jack Sargeant has also raised this question this afternoon. At the end of 2021, there will be just one bank left serving the people of Clwyd South. The area has lost 80 per cent of its banks since 2015. It puts residents at risk, travelling out of town. The Barclays branch in Llangollen is the only physical bank branch left in the constituency.
The community bank, just to say for Members, is a benefit, and I think that this is well supported across this Chamber. It's going to be a mutual owned by, and run for the benefit of, its members. It will improve access to banking services and access to cash, with multichannel bilingual banking services for people and businesses. It will also be collaborating with the Welsh financial ecosystem, for example credit unions, and will create direct jobs as well. No community banks operate in the UK, but we will be the first community bank to operate. Banc Cambria aims to provide everyday retail banking across the whole of Wales.
Rwy'n falch iawn fod Jack Sargeant hefyd wedi codi'r cwestiwn hwn y prynhawn yma. Ar ddiwedd 2021, un banc yn unig a fydd ar ôl i wasanaethu pobl De Clwyd. Mae'r ardal wedi colli 80 y cant o'i banciau ers 2015. Mae'n rhoi preswylwyr mewn perygl wrth iddynt orfod teithio allan o'r dref. Cangen Barclays yn Llangollen yw'r unig gangen banc ffisegol sydd ar ôl yn yr etholaeth.
I mi gael dweud wrth yr Aelodau, mae'r banc cymunedol o fudd mawr a chredaf fod cefnogaeth dda iddo ar draws y Siambr hon. Bydd yn eiddo i'w aelodau ac yn cael ei redeg er budd i'w aelodau. Bydd yn gwella mynediad at wasanaethau bancio a mynediad at arian parod, gyda gwasanaethau bancio dwyieithog amlsianel i bobl a busnesau. Bydd hefyd yn cydweithio ag ecosystem ariannol Cymru, er enghraifft undebau credyd, a bydd yn creu swyddi uniongyrchol hefyd. Nid oes yr un banc cymunedol yn gweithredu yn y DU, ond ni fydd y banc cymunedol cyntaf i weithredu. Nod Banc Cambria yw darparu cyfleuster bancio personol cyffredinol ledled Cymru.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Could I just start by thanking the Member for Clwyd South for his kind words—Ken Skates—and also for his work as a Minister to date on the community bank, and the Minister who is responsible now, Jane Hutt, for her commitment to date? Minister, as you have know, I've long championed for a community bank in Buckley in my constituency. Can you update the Chamber on the progress being made to open Wales's first community bank branch in Buckley?
Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd. A gaf fi ddechrau drwy ddiolch i'r Aelod dros Dde Clwyd am ei eiriau caredig—Ken Skates—a hefyd am ei waith fel Gweinidog hyd yma ar y banc cymunedol, a'r Gweinidog sy'n gyfrifol yn awr, Jane Hutt, am ei hymrwymiad hyd yma? Weinidog, fel y gwyddoch, rwyf wedi bod yn dadlau dros gael banc cymunedol ym Mwcle yn fy etholaeth ers amser maith. A allwch chi roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Siambr am y cynnydd a wneir ar agor cangen o fanc cymunedol cyntaf Cymru ym Mwcle?
Yes. Well, thank you very much, Jack Sargeant, another champion and pioneer for the community bank bid, alongside former economy and transport Minister Ken Skates, who got this initiative under way, and it is so good that we are taking this forward. I know how hard the Member for Alyn and Deeside—and Buckley, I believe the town council have campaigned for a community bank in Buckley. So, the roll-out and timing of branches are under development by Banc Cambria, and I'm also meeting high-street banks shortly to discuss social justice issues because of the closure of bank branches across the whole of Wales, which must concern the whole of this Chamber.
Iawn. Wel, diolch yn fawr iawn, Jack Sargeant, hyrwyddwr ac arloeswr arall dros y cynnig o fanc cymunedol, ochr yn ochr â chyn-Weinidog yr economi a thrafnidiaeth, Ken Skates, a roddodd y fenter hon ar waith, ac mae mor dda ein bod yn bwrw ymlaen â hyn. Gwn pa mor galed y mae'r Aelod dros Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy—a Bwcle, credaf fod cyngor y dref wedi ymgyrchu dros fanc cymunedol ym Mwcle. Felly, mae Banc Cambria yn datblygu'r gwaith o gyflwyno ac amseru canghennau, ac rwyf hefyd yn cyfarfod â banciau'r stryd fawr cyn bo hir i drafod materion cyfiawnder cymdeithasol yn sgil cau canghennau banc ledled Cymru gyfan, sy'n destun pryder i bawb yn y Siambr hon.
Thank you for your responses so far to these points, Minister. Clearly, some communities are seeking community banks in their areas. I was wondering how you prioritise which towns and communities would have a community bank in them.
Diolch ichi am eich ymatebion hyd yn hyn i'r pwyntiau hyn, Weinidog. Yn amlwg, mae rhai cymunedau'n chwilio am fanciau cymunedol yn eu hardaloedd. Roeddwn yn meddwl tybed sut rydych yn blaenoriaethu pa drefi a chymunedau a fyddai â banc cymunedol ynddynt.
This is the work of Banc Cambria, as they take this forward. I'm very glad that they have sought to meet Members and key people, spokespeople, across the Chamber. They're looking particularly at relationship working and partnership with credit unions, so I can give you an example in terms of Cambrian Credit Union in north Wales engaging with this. It is still a proposal; it envisages in terms of the way forward community banks across Wales, but I'm sure this is going to be as a result of not only our investment, which came formerly from Ken Skates, to conduct that feasibility, but also the prospects for where it is most appropriate and needed to have a high-street bank access point for Cambria.
Gwaith Banc Cambria yw hwn, wrth iddynt ddatblygu hyn. Rwy'n falch iawn eu bod wedi ceisio cyfarfod ag Aelodau a phobl allweddol, llefarwyr, ar draws y Siambr. Maent yn edrych yn benodol ar weithio mewn partneriaeth ag undebau credyd, felly gallaf roi enghraifft i chi o ran Undeb Credyd Cambrian yng ngogledd Cymru sy'n ymwneud â hyn. Cynnig ydyw o hyd; mae'n rhagweld banciau cymunedol ledled Cymru yn y dyfodol, ond rwy'n siŵr y bydd hyn o ganlyniad i'n buddsoddiad ni, a ddaeth gan Ken Skates yn flaenorol, i gynnal yr astudiaeth ddichonoldeb, yn ogystal â'r rhagolygon ar gyfer lle sydd fwyaf priodol a lle fyddai angen pwynt mynediad at fanc Cambria ar y stryd fawr.
With bank closures in our towns and villages across Wales being all too common, the vision presented by the team at Banc Cambria is an exciting one. For example, in my region, the constituency of Ogmore has just one bank left, and similar to what we've heard in Clwyd South as well. And, of course, in some constituencies they're at risk of disappearing altogether. The community-based model could have a wider application than just with banks, of course. Has the Minister given consideration to how we may be able to use the Banc Cambria model for other community-led businesses—in energy, for example—and what support will the Government be looking to provide?
Gan fod cau banciau yn ein trefi a'n pentrefi ledled Cymru yn digwydd yn rhy gyffredin o lawer, mae'r weledigaeth a gyflwynwyd gan y tîm ym Manc Cambria yn un gyffrous. Er enghraifft, yn fy rhanbarth i, un banc yn unig sydd ar ôl yn etholaeth Ogwr, sy'n debyg i'r hyn a glywsom yn Ne Clwyd hefyd. Ac wrth gwrs, mewn rhai etholaethau maent mewn perygl o ddiflannu'n gyfan gwbl. Gallai fod defnydd ehangach na banciau'n unig i'r model cymunedol wrth gwrs. A yw'r Gweinidog wedi ystyried sut y gallwn ddefnyddio model Banc Cambria ar gyfer busnesau eraill a arweinir gan y gymuned—ym maes ynni, er enghraifft—a pha gymorth y bydd y Llywodraeth yn ceisio'i ddarparu?
And I very much appreciate that this is probably a next step. As the Member said, we need to establish Banc Cambria, we need to address the paucity, the devastation in terms of lack of bank branches. But I think it could be a model, couldn't it, and we will certainly be, I'm sure, building on that with your advice and support too.
Ac rwy'n derbyn yn llwyr mai cam nesaf yw hwn yn ôl pob tebyg. Fel y dywedodd yr Aelod, mae angen inni sefydlu Banc Cambria, mae angen inni fynd i'r afael â'r prinder, a'r dinistr yn sgil prinder o ganghennau banc. Ond rwy'n credu y gallai fod yn fodel, oni allai, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddwn yn adeiladu ar hynny gyda'ch cyngor a'ch cefnogaeth hefyd.
Can I first of all say this is certainly an issue that I've raised myself with successive Welsh Governments? I think I raised this first with Edwina Hart, so very supportive in terms of my position in terms of Banc Cambria and the Welsh Government's approach to community banking. I listened very carefully to the answers provided, Minister, but I think what people will want to know, especially where there are towns in Wales, in my own constituency, where there perhaps were three or four banks a few years ago and now there are none at all. I think they'll be keen to understand timescales and when we might actually see that first physical bank appear in that town again. [Interruption.] I know that past discussions—. I'm sure from past discussions—[Interruption.] Sorry; bear with me. Drew, I'm sorry—. I think, from past discussions, Minister, I think there's going to be an issue of a Banc Cambria where they've said that they're going to make a point of going into towns where there are no banks at all. So, I'd be very grateful, Minister, if you could perhaps put some timescales in terms of when we'll see that first physical bank appear in a town for the first time.
A gaf fi ddweud yn gyntaf fod hwn yn sicr yn fater rwyf wedi'i godi fy hun gyda Llywodraethau olynol yng Nghymru? Rwy'n credu i mi godi hyn yn gyntaf gydag Edwina Hart, a oedd mor gefnogol i fy safbwynt ar Fanc Cambria ac ymagwedd Llywodraeth Cymru tuag at fancio cymunedol. Gwrandewais yn astud iawn ar yr atebion a roddwyd, Weinidog, ond credaf mai'r hyn y bydd pobl eisiau ei wybod, yn enwedig lle mae yna drefi yng Nghymru, yn fy etholaeth i, lle'r oedd tri neu bedwar banc ychydig flynyddoedd yn ôl efallai, a lle nad oes unrhyw fanc o gwbl yno bellach. Rwy'n credu y byddant yn awyddus i ddeall amserlenni a gwybod pryd y gwelwn y banc ffisegol cyntaf hwnnw'n ymddangos yn y dref honno eto. [Torri ar draws.] Gwn fod trafodaethau yn y gorffennol—. Rwy'n siŵr, o drafodaethau yn y gorffennol—[Torri ar draws.] Mae'n ddrwg gennyf; byddwch yn amyneddgar. Drew, mae'n ddrwg gennyf—. O drafodaethau yn y gorffennol, Weinidog, rwy'n credu y bydd mater yn codi gyda Banc Cambria lle maent wedi dweud y byddant yn gwneud pwynt o fynd i drefi lle nad oes unrhyw fanciau o gwbl. Felly, byddwn yn ddiolchgar iawn, Weinidog, pe gallech ddarparu amserlenni efallai i nodi pryd y gwelwn y banc ffisegol cyntaf yn ymddangos mewn tref am y tro cyntaf.
I welcome this broad cross-party support this afternoon for the creation of a community bank for Wales. It is tightly regulated, as Members know, the banking sector, so we really have to await the satisfactory conclusion of the regulatory assessment. That's about assurance for investors and future members of Banc Cambria. But what they do—their aim is to open up in the order of 30 new outlets over the next decade.
Rwy'n croesawu'r gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol eang hon y prynhawn yma i greu banc cymunedol i Gymru. Mae'r sector bancio'n cael ei reoleiddio'n dynn, fel y gŵyr yr Aelodau, felly mae'n rhaid inni aros i'r asesiad rheoleiddiol ddod i gasgliad boddhaol. Mae hynny'n ymwneud â sicrwydd i fuddsoddwyr ac aelodau o Fanc Cambria yn y dyfodol. Ond yr hyn a wnânt—eu nod yw agor tua 30 o safleoedd newydd dros y degawd nesaf.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog.
Thank you, Minister.
And, Russell George, you managed excellently to persevere with your questioning despite the noises off on your Zoom. Well done.
Russell George, fe wnaethoch lwyddo'n ardderchog i ddyfalbarhau gyda'ch cwestiynau er gwaethaf y synau cefndirol ar eich Zoom. Da iawn.
Cwestiynau i’r Cwnsler Cyffredinol a Gweinidog y Cyfansoddiad sydd nesaf, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Jack Sargeant.
Questions to the Counsel General and Minister for the Constitution are next, and the first question is from Jack Sargeant.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (David Rees) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (David Rees) took the Chair.
1. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi'u cael gyda'r sector cyfreithiol ar ffyrdd y gellid hyrwyddo cyfiawnder cymdeithasol drwy ddeddfwriaeth? OQ56672
1. What discussions has the Counsel General had with the legal sector on ways in which social justice could be promoted through legislation? OQ56672
Thank you, Jack Sargeant. I have regular discussions with the legal sector on a range of matters, including legislation relating to justice.
Diolch, Jack Sargeant. Rwy'n cael trafodaethau rheolaidd gyda'r sector cyfreithiol ar amrywiaeth o faterion, gan gynnwys deddfwriaeth sy'n ymwneud â chyfiawnder.
I thank the Counsel General for that answer, and I'm very grateful for your obvious commitment—and long-standing commitment—to social justice. In your conversations with the legal profession in Wales, what references have been made to the legal aid cuts, and do you agree with me that the UK Government cuts mean it is far harder for most people, particularly working class people, to get justice in Wales and across the whole of the UK? And will you also, Counsel General, agree to meet with me and with my office to discuss this issue further?
Diolch i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am yr ateb hwnnw, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am eich ymrwymiad amlwg—a'ch ymrwymiad hirsefydlog—i gyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Yn eich sgyrsiau â'r proffesiwn cyfreithiol yng Nghymru, pa gyfeiriadau a wnaed at y toriadau i gymorth cyfreithiol, ac a ydych yn cytuno bod toriadau Llywodraeth y DU yn golygu ei bod yn llawer anos i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl, yn enwedig pobl ddosbarth gweithiol, gael cyfiawnder yng Nghymru a ledled y DU gyfan? Ac a wnewch chi hefyd gytuno, Gwnsler Cyffredinol, i gyfarfod â mi a fy swyddfa i drafod y mater hwn ymhellach?
Well, first of all, yes, I will be happy to meet with you and any other Members in respect of the issue of access to justice and the issues around legal aid. It's an issue which in previous Senedd sessions I've spoken on, and, of course, is a matter that very much engages the concerns, I think, of the judiciary and also of the Thomas commission. When legal aid was introduced in 1948, Viscount Simon, presenting the report, described it basically as an NHS of legal advice and support for the people. He said:
'I therefore commend this Report to the House with this simple reflection, that whatever the difficulties may be in the way of poverty, no citizen should fail to get the legal aid or advice which is so necessary to establish his or her full rights. I hold...that this is an essential reform in a true democracy'.
And I think that comment stands as much today as it did when NHS was in. What is unfortunate, I think, in some ways, is that the ethos of the purpose of legal advice and support is being reduced to an issue of cost rather than it is about fundamental empowerment of people within a democracy. This is an issue that's been raised. Lord Neuberger as president of the Supreme Court raised this particular issue, and basically said that:
'Cutting the cost of legal aid deprives the very people who most need the protection of the courts of the ability to get legal advice and representation.'
And another Supreme Court judge in 2018, Lord Wilson, said that:
'Even where it is required to continue to provide free legal aid, for example to defendants to criminal charges and to parents threatened with the removal of their children, the UK is dismantling it indirectly by setting rates of remuneration for the lawyers at levels so uncommercial that, reluctantly, most of them feel unable to do that work. Access to justice is under threat in the UK.'
And it has been for some time, and you only need to look at the figures over the past decade. In 2011, the real terms value of spending on legal aid in Wales was £128 million; the amount of spend on legal aid now is £80 million—a 37 per cent reduction. A reduction, in fact, compared with a 28 per cent reduction in England, and I think what that does is reflect the actual demand for legal support in Wales has not been so much within the criminal field, but it's been very much within the social arena. Effectively, we have now advice deserts. Welsh Government has invested enormous amounts of money—
Wel, yn gyntaf oll, rwy'n fodlon cyfarfod â chi ac unrhyw Aelodau eraill mewn perthynas â mynediad at gyfiawnder a'r materion sy'n ymwneud â chymorth cyfreithiol. Mae'n fater rwyf wedi siarad amdano mewn sesiynau blaenorol yn y Senedd, ac wrth gwrs, mae'n ennyn pryderon y farnwriaeth a chomisiwn Thomas hefyd. Pan gyflwynwyd cymorth cyfreithiol ym 1948, wrth gyflwyno'r adroddiad, cafodd ei ddisgrifio gan yr Is-iarll Simon yn y bôn fel GIG o gyngor a chymorth cyfreithiol i'r bobl. Dywedodd:
'Felly, cymeradwyaf yr Adroddiad hwn i'r Tŷ gyda'r ystyriaeth syml hon, na ddylai unrhyw ddinesydd, beth bynnag fo'r anawsterau sy'n deillio o dlodi, fethu cael y cymorth neu'r cyngor cyfreithiol sydd mor angenrheidiol i sefydlu ei hawliau llawn. Rwyf o'r farn bod hwn yn ddiwygiad hanfodol mewn gwir ddemocratiaeth'.
A chredaf fod y sylw hwnnw yr un mor wir heddiw â phan ddaeth y GIG i fodolaeth. Yr hyn sy'n anffodus mewn rhai ffyrdd yn fy marn i yw bod ethos diben cyngor a chymorth cyfreithiol yn cael ei leihau i fod yn fater o gost yn hytrach nag o rymuso pobl yn sylfaenol mewn democratiaeth. Mae hwn yn fater sydd wedi cael sylw. Cafodd ei grybwyll gan yr Arglwydd Neuberger, fel llywydd y Goruchaf Lys, a ddywedodd:
'Mae torri cost cymorth cyfreithiol yn amddifadu'r union bobl sydd fwyaf o angen i'r llysoedd amddiffyn eu gallu i gael cyngor a chynrychiolaeth gyfreithiol.'
A dywedodd barnwr Goruchaf Lys arall yn 2018, yr Arglwydd Wilson:
'Hyd yn oed lle mae'n ofynnol parhau i ddarparu cymorth cyfreithiol am ddim, er enghraifft i ddiffynyddion sy'n wynebu cyhuddiadau troseddol ac i rieni sy'n wynebu bygythiad y bydd eu plant yn cael eu cymryd oddi arnynt, mae'r DU yn ei ddatgymalu'n anuniongyrchol drwy osod cyfraddau taliadau ariannol i gyfreithwyr ar lefelau mor anfasnachol fel bod y rhan fwyaf ohonynt yn teimlo, yn gyndyn, na allant wneud y gwaith hwnnw. Mae mynediad at gyfiawnder dan fygythiad yn y DU.'
Ac mae wedi bod ers peth amser, ac nid oes ond angen i chi edrych ar y ffigurau dros y degawd diwethaf. Yn 2011, gwerth y gwariant ar gymorth cyfreithiol yng Nghymru mewn termau real oedd £128 miliwn; swm y gwariant ar gymorth cyfreithiol yn awr yw £80 miliwn—gostyngiad o 37 y cant. Gostyngiad sy'n cymharu â gostyngiad o 28 y cant yn Lloegr mewn gwirionedd, a chredaf fod hynny'n dangos nad yn y maes troseddol y bu'r galw gwirioneddol am gymorth cyfreithiol yng Nghymru fel y cyfryw, ond yn hytrach yn bendant iawn yn yr arena gymdeithasol. I bob pwrpas, mae gennym brinder o gyngor bellach. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi buddsoddi symiau enfawr o arian—
Minister, I do ask my colleagues to be brief in their questions; I will also ask Ministers to be brief in their answers as well, please.
Weinidog, rwy'n gofyn i fy nghyd-Aelodau fod yn gryno yn eu cwestiynau; gofynnaf hefyd i Weinidogion fod yn gryno yn eu hatebion hefyd, os gwelwch yn dda.
Thank you for that, Deputy Presiding Officer. I think, then, I'll just conclude on that particular question by basically saying that the advice and support that's put forward by Welsh Government is an attempt to repair the gap that exists at the moment, but certainly an unsatisfactory repair.
Diolch ichi am hynny, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n credu, felly, y gwnaf orffen ar y cwestiwn penodol hwnnw drwy ddweud, yn y bôn, fod y cyngor a'r cymorth a gyflwynwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn ymgais i drwsio'r bwlch sy'n bodoli ar hyn o bryd, ond mae hwnnw yn sicr yn drwsio anfoddhaol.
Too many disabled people continue to suffer social injustice because of the barriers to access and inclusion placed in their way at all levels of society. On 24 February this year, the Senedd voted in support of my Member's legislative proposal for a British Sign Language—or BSL—Bill. As a member of the cross-party group on deaf issues in the Senedd since 2003, and as chair of the cross-party group on disability in previous Senedd terms, this is an issue I've long been involved with in both north and south Wales. My proposed Bill would make provision to encourage the use of BSL in Wales, and improve access to education and services in BSL. As you know, however, the vote here in February only noted my legislative proposal, and a Bill therefore needs to be successfully proposed in this Parliament so that legislation can go forward, commencing with a wide public consultation. What discussions have you had, therefore, or will you have with the legal sector on ways in which the objectives of my proposed Bill could be promoted through legislation?
Mae gormod o bobl anabl yn parhau i ddioddef anghyfiawnder cymdeithasol oherwydd y rhwystrau i fynediad a chynhwysiant a roddir yn eu ffordd ar bob lefel o gymdeithas. Ar 24 Chwefror eleni, pleidleisiodd y Senedd o blaid fy nghynnig deddfwriaethol gan Aelod ar gyfer Bil Iaith Arwyddion Prydain, neu Fil BSL. Fel aelod o'r grŵp trawsbleidiol ar faterion pobl fyddar yn y Senedd ers 2003, ac fel cadeirydd y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar anabledd yn nhymhorau blaenorol y Senedd, mae hwn yn fater rwyf wedi bod yn ymwneud ag ef ers tro byd yng ngogledd a de Cymru. Byddai fy Mil arfaethedig yn gwneud darpariaeth i annog y defnydd o BSL yng Nghymru, a gwella mynediad at addysg a gwasanaethau mewn BSL. Fel y gwyddoch, fodd bynnag, nodi fy nghynnig deddfwriaethol yn unig a wnaeth y bleidlais yma ym mis Chwefror, ac felly mae angen cynnig Bil yn llwyddiannus yn y Senedd hon fel y gall deddfwriaeth fynd rhagddi, gan ddechrau gydag ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus eang. Pa drafodaethau rydych wedi'u cael gyda'r sector cyfreithiol, felly, neu pa drafodaethau y byddwch yn eu cael, ynglŷn â ffyrdd y gellid hyrwyddo amcanion fy Mil arfaethedig drwy ddeddfwriaeth?
Thank you for the question. Obviously, the issue of individual Members' legislation is a matter for you, and it's a matter for the Senedd. What I'm keen to do is to actually have discussions with the legal profession collectively about the way in which we are able to actually provide the advice and the support that give support to our communities, all those who are actually the most vulnerable and in need. And I'd also draw your attention to the fact that it's the Conservative Government's proposals that, effectively, have excluded legal aid from all those issues of welfare and social areas that used to exist many years ago that now would probably be the substance of support to some of the objectives that you actually have. But I'm more than happy to have further discussions on that issue.
Diolch am y cwestiwn. Yn amlwg, mater i chi yw cynnig deddfwriaethol gan Aelod, a mater i'r Senedd. Yr hyn rwy'n awyddus i'w wneud yw cael trafodaethau ar y cyd â'r proffesiwn cyfreithiol am y ffordd y gallwn ddarparu'r cyngor a'r cymorth sy'n rhoi cefnogaeth i'n cymunedau, yr holl rai mwyaf agored i niwed a'r rhai mewn angen. A hoffwn dynnu eich sylw hefyd at y ffaith mai cynigion y Llywodraeth Geidwadol sydd, i bob pwrpas, wedi eithrio cymorth cyfreithiol o'r holl faterion sy'n ymwneud â lles a meysydd cymdeithasol a arferai fodoli flynyddoedd lawer yn ôl a fyddai bellach, mae'n debyg, yn sylwedd y gefnogaeth i rai o'r amcanion sydd gennych mewn gwirionedd. Ond rwy'n fwy na pharod i gael trafodaethau pellach ar y mater hwnnw.
2. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi'u cael gyda'r Gweinidog Cyllid a Llywodraeth Leol ynghylch effeithiolrwydd gwariant Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfiawnder? OQ56703
2. What discussions has the Counsel General had with the Minister for Finance and Local Government on the effectiveness of the Welsh Government's expenditure on justice? OQ56703
Thank you for that question. I've had an initial meeting with the Minister for Finance and Local Government to discuss budgets for my portfolio responsibilities. As the Thomas commission makes clear, expenditure on justice would be more effective if there were greater devolution, allowing us to take a whole-system approach.
Diolch ichi am y cwestiwn hwnnw. Rwyf wedi cael cyfarfod cychwynnol gyda'r Gweinidog Cyllid a Llywodraeth Leol i drafod cyllidebau ar gyfer fy nghyfrifoldebau portffolio. Fel y mae comisiwn Thomas yn dweud yn glir, byddai gwariant ar gyfiawnder yn fwy effeithiol pe bai mwy o ddatganoli, gan y byddai hynny'n caniatáu inni fabwysiadu dull system gyfan.
Diolch. One of the oddest things about our devolution arrangement is that almost 40 per cent of the total funding for justice in Wales comes from Wales, despite us having no control in this policy field. To coin a phrase, it's like having the worst of both worlds. As the 'Justice in Wales for the People of Wales' report said,
'Justice should be at the heart of government.'
Can the Counsel General please update this Senedd on discussions with counterparts in Westminster to remedy this anomaly?
Diolch. Un o'r pethau rhyfeddaf am ein trefniant datganoli yw bod bron i 40 y cant o gyfanswm y cyllid ar gyfer cyfiawnder yng Nghymru yn dod o Gymru, er nad oes gennym reolaeth yn y maes polisi hwn. Os goddefir yr ymadrodd, mae fel cael y gwaethaf o'r ddau fyd. Fel y dywedodd adroddiad 'Cyfiawnder yng Nghymru dros Bobl Cymru',
'Dylai cyfiawnder fod wrth wraidd y llywodraeth.'
A all y Cwnsler Cyffredinol roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Senedd hon am drafodaethau gyda swyddogion cyfatebol yn San Steffan i gywiro'r anghysondeb hwn?
Well, there will be discussions that will be taking place in respect of those anomalies, and it's certainly my intention to pursue those and to have a number of meetings to explore the issues of devolution of justice, the issues of devolution of policing, in particular, as well. These are matters that have been raised on this floor many, many times. I think the devolution of police and the devolution of justice are an inevitability, because the logic is there. I think it is unfortunate that in many cases it has been turned as though it is somehow some sort of territorial matter, whereas the real issue about justice and the devolution of justice is how it is part and parcel of our social and economic policy, our social foundations. Justice is a part of that, and it is one of the key levers of being able to fulfil the social objectives that we have.
Wel, bydd trafodaethau'n cael eu cynnal mewn perthynas â'r anghysondebau hynny, ac yn sicr fy mwriad yw mynd ar drywydd y rheini a chael nifer o gyfarfodydd i archwilio materion yn ymwneud â datganoli cyfiawnder, a materion datganoli plismona yn arbennig hefyd. Mae'r rhain yn faterion sydd wedi'u codi ar y llawr hwn lawer gwaith. Credaf fod datganoli'r heddlu a datganoli cyfiawnder yn anochel, oherwydd mae'r rhesymeg yno. Credaf ei bod yn anffodus, mewn llawer o achosion, ei fod wedi'i droi fel pe bai'n rhyw fath o fater tiriogaethol rywsut, ond mae'r broblem go iawn gyda chyfiawnder a datganoli cyfiawnder yn ymwneud â sut y mae'n rhan annatod o'n polisi cymdeithasol ac economaidd, ein sylfeini cymdeithasol. Mae cyfiawnder yn rhan o hynny, ac mae'n un o'r prif ddulliau o gyflawni'r amcanion cymdeithasol sydd gennym.
Galwaf yn awr ar lefarwyr y pleidiau i holi'r Gweinidog. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Darren Millar.
I now call on party spokespeople to question the Minister. Conservative spokesperson, Darren Millar.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. What discussions did the Welsh Government have with the UK Government regarding the second edition of 'Reforming our Union', prior to its publication yesterday?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Pa drafodaethau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u cael gyda Llywodraeth y DU ynghylch yr ail argraffiad o 'Diwygio ein Hundeb', cyn ei gyhoeddi ddoe?
The 'Reforming our Union' paper was made available in its original form to UK Government, and the reforming the UK—the most recent version that has been published has also been made available to UK Government.
Roedd y papur 'Diwygio ein Hundeb' ar gael ar ei ffurf wreiddiol i Lywodraeth y DU, ac mae diwygio'r DU—mae'r fersiwn ddiweddaraf sydd wedi'i chyhoeddi hefyd ar gael i Lywodraeth y DU.
So, from that answer, Minister, I gather that you simply shared the document with them, rather than actually had any meaningful engagement with the UK Government prior to you actually publishing that document. Do you accept that, on the one hand, you can't bang on about the need for mutual respect between two Governments when you aren't giving the Government of the United Kingdom a heads-up when you're publishing proposals that affect the United Kingdom and talk about your agenda for its future? Why do you think that it's okay for you to publish such documents without any engagement when the very first people to carp if such a document had ever been produced by the UK Government would be Welsh Government Ministers themselves, suggesting that it would have been an act of disrespect? Do you accept that you were wrong not to have a discussion prior to the publication of these documents and not to engage with UK Government Ministers on this matter?
Felly, o'r ateb hwnnw, Weinidog, deallaf eich bod wedi rhannu'r ddogfen â hwy a dim mwy na hynny, yn hytrach na'ch bod wedi cael unrhyw ymgysylltiad ystyrlon â Llywodraeth y DU cyn ichi gyhoeddi'r ddogfen honno mewn gwirionedd. A ydych yn derbyn, ar y naill law, na allwch rygnu ymlaen am yr angen am barch cydradd rhwng dwy Lywodraeth pan nad ydych yn rhoi gwybod i Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig pan fyddwch yn cyhoeddi cynigion sy'n effeithio ar y Deyrnas Unedig ac yn siarad am eich agenda ar gyfer ei dyfodol? Pam eich bod yn meddwl ei bod yn iawn i chi gyhoeddi dogfennau o'r fath heb unrhyw ymgysylltiad er mai Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru eu hunain fyddai'r bobl gyntaf i achwyn pe bai Llywodraeth y DU wedi cynhyrchu dogfen o'r fath, gan awgrymu ei bod yn weithred amharchus? A ydych yn derbyn eich bod yn anghywir i beidio â chael trafodaeth cyn cyhoeddi'r dogfennau hyn ac i beidio ag ymgysylltu â Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU ar y mater hwn?
I think the Member has very distorted the situation, because every issue that is in 'Reforming our Union', the updated document, is one that is raised time and time again at inter-governmental meetings and with UK Government Ministers. There is absolutely not a single thing there that has not been raised time and time again with UK Government. One of the reasons why it has actually been published is because of the absolute necessity to put this down in writing, and to put it together collectively as a reflection of all those issues that have been raised, that the First Minister has raised, that other Ministers raised, time and time again with the UK Government, but, unfortunately, with very, very little response.
Credaf fod yr Aelod wedi gwyrdroi'r sefyllfa'n fawr, oherwydd mae pob mater yn 'Diwygio ein Hundeb', y ddogfen sydd wedi'i diweddaru, yn un a godir dro ar ôl tro mewn cyfarfodydd rhynglywodraethol a chyda Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU. Nid oes unrhyw beth ynddi o gwbl nad yw wedi'i godi dro ar ôl tro gyda Llywodraeth y DU. Un o'r rhesymau pam y'i cyhoeddwyd mewn gwirionedd yw oherwydd yr angen llwyr i'w roi ar glawr, a'i roi at ei gilydd yn adlewyrchiad o'r holl faterion a godwyd, materion a godwyd gan Brif Weinidog Cymru, gan Weinidogion eraill, dro ar ôl tro gyda Llywodraeth y DU, ond na ddenodd fawr iawn o ymateb yn anffodus.
You say that it's an absolute necessity to put these things in writing and to publish this document—a document that is not dissimilar, of course, to the first edition of the document that was published two years ago. Why on earth does the Welsh Government think that now is an appropriate time to be discussing the future of the union, when we've just come through a very difficult period with the pandemic, we've got people waiting—one in three people on a waiting list waiting over a year for their treatment—when we've got schoolchildren having to play catch-up with their education? Don't you think that these are the matters that the people of Wales want the Welsh Government to get to grips with, rather than talking about tinkering with the constitution, which has no significant impact on their lives whatsoever at this present time? Don't you think it's about time you started paying attention to the real issues of the day?
Rydych yn dweud ei bod yn gwbl angenrheidiol rhoi'r pethau hyn ar glawr a chyhoeddi'r ddogfen hon—dogfen nad yw'n annhebyg, wrth gwrs, i rifyn cyntaf y ddogfen a gyhoeddwyd ddwy flynedd yn ôl. Pam ar y ddaear y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn credu bod nawr yn adeg briodol i drafod dyfodol yr undeb, a ninnau newydd ddod drwy gyfnod anodd iawn gyda'r pandemig, mae gennym bobl yn aros—un o bob tri o bobl ar restr aros yn aros dros flwyddyn am eu triniaeth—pan fo gennym blant ysgol yn gorfod dal i fyny â'u haddysg? Onid ydych chi'n credu mai dyma'r pethau y mae pobl Cymru am i Lywodraeth Cymru fynd i'r afael â hwy, yn hytrach na siarad am dincera â'r cyfansoddiad, nad yw'n cael unrhyw effaith sylweddol ar eu bywydau o gwbl ar hyn o bryd? Oni chredwch ei bod yn bryd i chi ddechrau rhoi sylw i'r problemau go iawn?
Well, therein lies the problem, you see. I fundamentally disagree with the approach that you've adopted. I think the constitution is absolutely fundamental in what we can do, how we fulfil our manifestos, how we can deliver services, and how we can actually take decisions that really impact on people's lives. And the fact of the matter seems to be that the Welsh Conservatives, or the Conservative Party in Wales, are actually living in denial at the moment. There is a problem. There is a problem that is actually recognised across party; it was recognised by the interparliamentary forum, with many significant Conservative Members of Parliament within that, and representatives of Parliaments across the UK. That recognised that there is actually a crisis in our constitutional structure, that it is not working. If it is not working, then it means that it is impacting adversely on the people and on the way in which services and powers are exercised. So, it does impact on people's lives. It has a very direct effect on people's lives, and it is really disappointing that the Conservative Party in Wales is so in denial, because the way of resolving any particular problem is, first of all, to recognise that there is a problem. And there is a problem, and 'Reforming the Union' is a document that seeks to actually offer a way of resolving those problems, rather than them just being dismissed in the way in which the Member is doing.
Wel, dyna'r broblem, welwch chi. Rwy'n anghytuno'n sylfaenol â'ch agwedd. Credaf fod y cyfansoddiad yn gwbl sylfaenol yn yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud, sut rydym yn cyflawni'r hyn sydd yn ein maniffestos, sut y gallwn ddarparu gwasanaethau, a sut y gallwn wneud penderfyniadau sy'n effeithio go iawn ar fywydau pobl. Ac mae'n ymddangos mai'r ffaith amdani yw bod y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, neu'r Blaid Geidwadol yng Nghymru, yn gwadu realiti ar hyn o bryd. Mae yna broblem. Mae yna broblem sy'n cael ei chydnabod ar draws y pleidiau mewn gwirionedd; cafodd ei chydnabod gan y fforwm rhyngseneddol, gyda llawer o Aelodau Seneddol Ceidwadol amlwg yn aelodau ohono, a chynrychiolwyr Seneddau ledled y DU. Roedd yn cydnabod bod argyfwng yn ein strwythur cyfansoddiadol, ac nad yw'n gweithio. Os nad yw'n gweithio, mae'n golygu ei fod yn effeithio'n andwyol ar y bobl ac ar y ffordd y caiff gwasanaethau a phwerau eu gweithredu. Felly, mae'n effeithio ar fywydau pobl. Mae'n effeithio'n uniongyrchol iawn ar fywydau pobl, ac mae'n siomedig iawn fod y Blaid Geidwadol yng Nghymru yn gwadu realiti i'r fath raddau, oherwydd y ffordd o ddatrys unrhyw broblem benodol, yn gyntaf oll, yw cydnabod bod yna broblem. Ac mae yna broblem, ac mae 'Diwygio ein Hundeb' yn ddogfen sy'n ceisio cynnig ffordd o ddatrys y problemau hynny, yn hytrach na'u diystyru yn y ffordd y mae'r Aelod yn ei wneud.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson.
I don't—
Nid wyf—
You've had your three.
Rydych chi wedi cael eich tri.
I haven't actually; I've had two.
Nac ydw fel mae'n digwydd; rwyf wedi cael dau.
I thought it was three.
Roeddwn i'n meddwl eich bod wedi cael tri.
I've had two.
Cefais ddau.
It seemed like three. [Laughter.]
Roedd yn teimlo fel tri. [Chwerthin.]
Can we check? Because I'm sure you had one very quick one and then that was answered quickly. [Interruption.] You had a very quick one at the very beginning, Darren.
A gawn ni edrych? Oherwydd rwy'n siŵr eich bod wedi cael un cyflym iawn ac fe gafodd hwnnw ei ateb yn gyflym. [Torri ar draws.] Fe gawsoch un cyflym iawn ar y dechrau un, Darren.
Did I really?
Do, wir?
Yes, I'm sorry to say.
Do, mae'n ddrwg gennyf ddweud.
You'll have to await the punchline from the next instalment. [Laughter.]
Bydd yn rhaid i chi aros tan y bennod nesaf i glywed diwedd y stori. [Chwerthin.]
You did actually ask three, because you sat down on three occasions.
Fe wnaethoch chi ofyn tri chwestiwn, gan i chi eistedd ar dri achlysur.
Are you sure I've had three? [Interruption.] I don't believe you, but I'll check.
A ydych chi'n siŵr fy mod wedi cael tri? [Torri ar draws.] Nid wyf yn eich credu, ond fe edrychaf i weld.
If I'm incorrect, Darren, I'll apologise afterwards, but I'm pretty sure there were three.
Os ydw i'n anghywir, Darren, fe wnaf ymddiheuro wedyn, ond rwy'n eithaf sicr i chi gael tri.
It's all right; I'm prepared to accept it.
Mae'n iawn; rwy'n barod i dderbyn hynny.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Rhys ab Owen.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Rhys ab Owen.
Hopefully, that means I have four now. [Laughter.] Diolch yn fawr—
Gobeithio bod hynny'n golygu y caf fi bedwar yn awr. [Chwerthin.] Diolch yn fawr—
No.
Na chewch.
—Dirprwy Lywydd. Rhun ap Iorwerth stated yesterday where he thought the plan unravelled—the basic problem of you protecting the union first and putting the people of Wales second. But, today, I want to concentrate on the implementation of your plan, and whether it does border on the verge of utopia, as quoted by Martin Shipton this morning in The Western Mail.
Firstly, I want to concentrate on the UK Government. The Secretary of State—.
—Ddirprwy Lywydd. Dywedodd Rhun ap Iorwerth ddoe lle'r oedd yn credu bod y cynllun yn ymddatod—y broblem sylfaenol gyda'ch bod chi'n diogelu'r undeb yn gyntaf a rhoi pobl Cymru yn ail. Ond heddiw, rwyf am ganolbwyntio ar weithrediad eich cynllun, ac a yw'n ffinio ar iwtopia, fel y dywedodd Martin Shipton y bore yma yn The Western Mail.
Yn gyntaf, hoffwn ganolbwyntio ar Lywodraeth y DU. Yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol—.
Fe wnaeth yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol ddweud yn syth bin ddoe ei fod e'n gwrthod eich cynllun. Rydyn ni wedi cael dadl gref heddiw gan Mr Millar yn erbyn y cynllun. Bydd e'n amhosib cyflawni hyn heb Lywodraeth y DU. Gwnaethon nhw wrthod dod i—. Gwnaeth y Swyddfa Gartref wrthod rhoi tystiolaeth i gomisiwn Silk, comisiwn nhw eu hunain. Sut ydyn ni'n mynd i gael Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig i ddod yn rhan o'r cynllun yma? Ydych chi'n aros, ydych chi'n ddibynnol ar i Lywodraeth Lafur ddod unwaith eto yn San Steffan, oherwydd, os ydych chi'n edrych ar etholiadau, os ydych chi'n edrych ar is-etholiadau, dyw hynny ddim yn bosib unrhyw bryd yn fuan? Diolch.
The Secretary of State said immediately that he rejected your plan. We've had a robust argument from Mr Millar today against your plan. It will be impossible to deliver this without the UK Government. The Home Office refused to give evidence to the Silk commission, to their own commission. So, how are we going to get the UK Government to become part of this plan? Are you reliant on a Labour Government in Westminster being elected again, because, if you look at elections and by-elections, that doesn't seem possible any time soon? Thank you.
Well, you raise a very, very valid question. It's one we're asked many times. What do you do when you're in an impasse, where you, effectively, have a UK Government that seems to be oblivious to all the protestations, all the representation, all attempts at engagement that are made, and then the consequences of that are a deterioration in relationship?
Well, look, I think the first thing is this: Governments do not exist for eternity. Governments do change, politics is volatile, and political momenta actually change. So, I don't rule out, firstly, the importance that there are areas where we can make improvements, where there can be engagement, where there are areas of, for example, justice, that we can either deal with in respect of our own powers or through engagement. There are areas where we are engaging at the moment with UK Government in terms of constitutional change, and there have been certain other areas in terms of, for example, the delivery of justice.
But I take this view: when you are in such an impasse, when you recognise that there is a problem that the UK is on the verge of fragmentation—we see events in Scotland, and we see events that are in Northern Ireland, and we even see the pressures that are building up between the central Government in England and the regions of England—where do you actually go? It seems to me that the way to go is to actually engage with the people of Wales on the basis that sovereignty lies with the people of Wales, to build up a consensus and a momentum for support, for political support, but also to find out precisely what the people of Wales actually want in terms of their future: what should happen within Wales, should certain events occur—what should be the nature of that relationship? Because I believe that consensus, if it can be built as a result of a proper process of engagement with the people of Wales, is the strongest force that Welsh Government can have in arguing for and ensuring that there is change.
Mark my words: change is coming. The question is managing change in a particular way that is most beneficial to the people of Wales. But it will be something that will be determined here in Wales. There may be commissions. There is a commission of the Labour Party that's taking place. I'm sure there will be other commissions and events, and our process, which will be a Welsh process, will be one that will feed into any processes where there can be benefit to the people of Wales, but will also seek to build alliances with those who also see the need for constitutional change across the UK.
Wel, rydych chi'n codi cwestiwn dilys iawn. Mae'n un y gofynnir i ni dro ar ôl tro. Beth rydych chi'n ei wneud pan fyddwch mewn sefyllfa amhosibl, lle mae gennych Lywodraeth y DU sy'n ymddangos, i bob pwrpas, fel pe bai'n anymwybodol o'r holl brotestiadau, yr holl ddadleuon, pob ymgais a wneir i ymgysylltu, a chanlyniad hynny wedyn yw dirywiad yn y berthynas?
Wel, edrychwch, rwy'n meddwl mai'r peth cyntaf yw hyn: nid yw llywodraethau'n bodoli am byth. Mae llywodraethau'n newid, mae gwleidyddiaeth yn gyfnewidiol, ac mae momentwm gwleidyddol yn newid. Felly, nid wyf yn diystyru, yn gyntaf, pwysigrwydd y ffaith bod yna feysydd lle gallwn wneud gwelliannau, lle gellir ymgysylltu, lle ceir meysydd cyfiawnder, er enghraifft, y gallwn naill ai ymdrin â hwy mewn perthynas â'n pwerau ein hunain neu drwy ymgysylltu. Ceir meysydd lle'r ydym yn ymgysylltu ar hyn o bryd â Llywodraeth y DU mewn perthynas â newid cyfansoddiadol, a chafwyd rhai meysydd eraill mewn perthynas â sicrhau cyfiawnder, er enghraifft.
Ond dyma fy marn i: pan fyddwch mewn sefyllfa amhosibl o'r fath, pan fyddwch yn cydnabod bod problem fod y DU ar fin chwalu—fe welwn beth sy'n digwydd yn yr Alban, a gwelwn beth sy'n digwydd yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, a gwelwn hyd yn oed y pwysau sy'n cronni rhwng y Llywodraeth ganolog yn Lloegr a rhanbarthau Lloegr—i ble'r ewch chi mewn gwirionedd? Ymddengys i mi mai'r ffordd i fynd yw ymgysylltu â phobl Cymru ar y sail mai gyda phobl Cymru y mae sofraniaeth, i ddatblygu consensws a momentwm ar gyfer cefnogaeth, cefnogaeth wleidyddol, ond hefyd i ddarganfod yn union beth y mae pobl Cymru am ei gael ar gyfer eu dyfodol: beth ddylai ddigwydd yng Nghymru, pe bai rhai pethau'n digwydd—beth ddylai natur y berthynas honno fod? Oherwydd credaf mai consensws, os gellir ei adeiladu o ganlyniad i broses briodol o ymgysylltu â phobl Cymru, yw'r grym cryfaf y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei gael wrth ddadlau dros newid a sicrhau bod newid yn digwydd.
Credwch fi: mae newid yn dod. Y cwestiwn yw rheoli newid mewn ffordd benodol sydd fwyaf buddiol i bobl Cymru. Ond bydd yn rhywbeth a fydd yn cael ei benderfynu yma yng Nghymru. Efallai y ceir comisiynau. Mae comisiwn ar y gweill gan y Blaid Lafur. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd comisiynau a digwyddiadau eraill, a bydd ein proses, a fydd yn broses Gymreig, yn bwydo i mewn i unrhyw brosesau lle gall fod budd i bobl Cymru, ond bydd hefyd yn ceisio adeiladu cynghreiriau â'r rheini sydd hefyd yn gweld yr angen am newid cyfansoddiadol ledled y DU.
Diolch, Cwnsler Cyffredinol. But there is a second problem, isn't there? It's not just the UK Government that's not listening. Your own parliamentary Labour Party isn't listening either. The commitment to devolved justice disappeared from the 2019 manifesto; in 2020, after the publication of the commission on justice report, Chris Bryant, in an argument in Westminster, said he was against devolution of justice, and he has previously said that devolution isn't a devolved matter; the shadow Home Secretary has spoken against the devolution of justice in the past; the leader of the opposition has been completely silent about it. How will Welsh Government get their own side, even, to back you with this plan?
Diolch, Gwnsler Cyffredinol. Ond mae ail broblem, onid oes? Nid Llywodraeth y DU yn unig sydd ddim yn gwrando. Nid yw eich Plaid Lafur seneddol eich hun yn gwrando ychwaith. Diflannodd yr ymrwymiad i ddatganoli cyfiawnder o faniffesto 2019; yn 2020, ar ôl cyhoeddi adroddiad y comisiwn ar gyfiawnder, dywedodd Chris Bryant, mewn dadl yn San Steffan, ei fod yn erbyn datganoli cyfiawnder, ac mae wedi dweud o'r blaen nad yw datganoli yn fater datganoledig; mae Ysgrifennydd Cartref yr wrthblaid wedi siarad yn erbyn datganoli cyfiawnder yn y gorffennol; mae arweinydd yr wrthblaid wedi bod yn gwbl dawel ar y mater. Sut y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn cael ei hochr ei hunain, hyd yn oed, i'ch cefnogi gyda'r cynllun hwn?
Well, we work on the basis of the Welsh Labour manifesto that has been supported by the Welsh Labour Party and which has been endorsed in a Welsh general election. The UK Labour Party has set up its own commission, and has adopted a mandate for that, which I think is one of the most radical constitutional positions, certainly for generations, and that is a process that I think leaves all options that are open in terms of the reformation or the steps that need to be taken in terms of the constitutional issues that are emerging within the UK. So, we will feed into that. We will present our own position as a Welsh Labour Party and in respect of the mandate we have, and also in terms of what lessons are actually learned from the conversation that we're going to have with the Welsh people.
Wel, rydym yn gweithio ar sail maniffesto Llafur Cymru sydd wedi cael ei gefnogi gan Blaid Lafur Cymru ac sydd wedi'i gymeradwyo mewn etholiad cyffredinol yng Nghymru. Mae Plaid Lafur y DU wedi sefydlu ei chomisiwn ei hun, ac wedi mabwysiadu mandad ar gyfer hynny, sydd, yn fy marn i, yn un o'r safbwyntiau cyfansoddiadol mwyaf radical, yn sicr ers cenedlaethau, ac mae honno'n broses y credaf ei bod yn gadael yr holl opsiynau ar agor ar gyfer diwygio neu'r camau sydd angen eu cymryd yng nghyswllt y materion cyfansoddiadol sy'n dod i'r amlwg yn y DU. Felly, byddwn yn bwydo i mewn i hynny. Byddwn yn cyflwyno ein safbwynt ein hunain fel Plaid Lafur Cymru ac mewn perthynas â'r mandad sydd gennym, ac o ran y gwersi a ddysgir o'r sgwrs y byddwn yn ei chael gyda phobl Cymru.
Diolch yn fawr. Gaf i godi trydedd broblem sydd gyda chi—nid yn unig Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig, nid yn unig eich grŵp seneddol yn San Steffan, ond hefyd gweddill Llywodraethau Prydain? I ddiwygio'r undeb, bydd yn rhaid ichi gael cefnogaeth nid yn unig Llywodraeth San Steffan, ond hefyd Llywodraeth SNP yr Alban, Llywodraeth Gogledd Iwerddon—pwy bynnag fydd mewn pŵer fanna—a hefyd meiri Lloegr. Pa drafodaeth ŷch chi wedi ei chael gyda Llywodraethau eraill a chyda'r meiri? Ac a ydych chi wir am inni gredu bod Llywodraeth yr SNP yn mynd i fod yn cefnogi'r cynigion yma? Felly, Cwnsler Cyffredinol, pan fydd y problemau yma yn dod yn ormod, pan fydd y cynllun yn methu, beth yw'r ail gynllun? Beth yw plan B? Diolch.
Thank you. May I raise a third problem that you have—not just the UK Government, not just your own parliamentary group in Westminster, but also the rest of the UK Governments? To reform the union you will have to have support from not only the Westminster Government, but also the SNP Government in Scotland, the Northern Ireland Executive—wherever power lies there—and also the English mayors. So, what discussions have you had with other Governments and the mayors? And do you really want us to believe that the SNP Government is going to support these proposals? So, Counsel General, when these problems become too much and when the plan fails, what's plan B? Thank you.
Well, the SNP in Scotland, if we take that first, of course, has its own mandate, and it's a genuine mandate that comes from the people of Scotland as a result of the recent Scottish Parliament election. You will also know that, of course, where there have been common interests between Welsh Governments and Scottish Governments, there has been very close collaboration on a whole variety of constitutional issues. I have met on a number of occasions with my counterparts in the Scottish Government to talk about some of these issues, and, where there is common ground, we will work collectively to achieve the objectives that we have in terms of the benefit of the people of Wales, as they will do within Scotland as well.
I think, in terms of the regional mayors and so on—I think it is very important that there are discussions with those. Those are forms of devolved government; a very different and perhaps a very ad hoc form of devolved government—very different I think to what Kilbrandon, in the 1974 report, actually envisaged, and therein lies perhaps the nub of a much deeper problem as to why we are where we are now. But, as I said in my last answer, I think within Wales what we have to do is to engage and to be clear about where the consensus lies in Wales for change, to build on that consensus and to engage with all those others who would share a common interest in the constitutional reform. As I've said, I think constitutional reform is an inevitability. Unfortunately, there are consequences—there are adverse consequences, if it is not dealt with in a progressive and in a cohesive way. And the most disappointing feature about it at the moment was, in the publication of the reform in the UK Government—is that the UK Government appears to have buried its head in the sand on the issues that really are facing us all at the moment.
Wel, mae gan yr SNP yn yr Alban, os cymerwn hynny'n gyntaf, wrth gwrs, ei fandad ei hun, ac mae'n fandad go iawn gan bobl yr Alban o ganlyniad i etholiad diweddar Senedd yr Alban. Hefyd, lle bu buddiannau cyffredin gan Lywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth yr Alban, fe wyddoch wrth gwrs y bu cydweithio agos iawn ar amrywiaeth eang o faterion cyfansoddiadol. Rwyf wedi cyfarfod droeon â chymheiriaid yn Llywodraeth yr Alban i siarad am rai o'r materion hyn, a lle ceir tir cyffredin, byddwn yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd i gyflawni'r amcanion sydd gennym o ran y budd i bobl Cymru, fel y gwnânt yn yr Alban hefyd.
Ar fater y meiri rhanbarthol ac yn y blaen—credaf ei bod yn bwysig iawn cael trafodaethau gyda'r rheini. Mae'r rheini'n ffurfiau ar lywodraeth ddatganoledig; ffurf wahanol iawn a ffurf ad hoc iawn efallai ar lywodraeth ddatganoledig—gwahanol iawn i'r hyn a ragwelwyd gan Kilbrandon yn yr adroddiad yn 1974, a dyna graidd problem lawer dyfnach o ran pam ein bod yn y sefyllfa rydym ynddi yn awr. Ond fel y dywedais yn fy ateb diwethaf, credaf mai'r hyn sy'n rhaid inni ei wneud yng Nghymru yw ymgysylltu a bod yn glir ynglŷn â ble mae'r consensws yng Nghymru ar gyfer newid, adeiladu ar y consensws hwnnw ac ymgysylltu â'r holl bobl eraill a fyddai'n rhannu diddordeb cyffredin mewn diwygio cyfansoddiadol o'r fath. Fel y dywedais, rwy'n credu bod diwygio cyfansoddiadol yn anochel. Yn anffodus, mae canlyniadau—mae canlyniadau andwyol, os nad ymdrinnir â hyn mewn ffordd flaengar ac mewn ffordd gydlynol. A'r nodwedd fwyaf siomedig yn awr, wrth gyhoeddi'r diwygio yn Llywodraeth y DU—yw ei bod yn ymddangos bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi claddu ei phen yn y tywod ar y materion gwirioneddol sy'n ein hwynebu ni i gyd ar hyn o bryd.
3. A wnaiff y Cwnsler Cyffredinol ddatganiad am asesiad cyfreithiol Llywodraeth Cymru o Ddeddf Marchnad Fewnol y Deyrnas Unedig 2021? OQ56679
3. Will the Counsel General make a statement on the Welsh Government's legal assessment of the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2021? OQ56679
Thank you for that question. The UK Internal Market Act 2021 undermines the long-established powers of the Senedd and Welsh Ministers in matters within devolved competence. In the challenge we brought to the Act, we have been granted permission to appeal. The Court of Appeal notes that it raises important issues of principle on the constitutional relationship between the Senedd and the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
Diolch am y cwestiwn hwnnw. Mae Deddf Marchnad Fewnol y DU 2021 yn tanseilio pwerau hirsefydlog y Senedd a Gweinidogion Cymru mewn materion sydd o fewn y cymhwysedd datganoledig. Yn yr her a gyflwynwyd gennym i'r Ddeddf, rydym wedi cael caniatâd i apelio. Mae'r Llys Apêl yn nodi ei fod yn codi materion pwysig o egwyddor ar y berthynas gyfansoddiadol rhwng y Senedd a Senedd y Deyrnas Unedig.
I'm grateful to you, Counsel General, for that response. The question of course was framed before we had that happy news from the court. I'd be grateful if you could confirm that you will provide this Parliament with regular updates on—[Inaudible.]—progresses. My question to you—[Inaudible.]—is this: we've debated and discussed the internal market Act on a number of different occasions during its progress through the United Kingdom Parliament and we debated how that will impact our powers here in this Parliament. I'd be grateful if you, as a Minister, were able to provide us with regular updates in the form of a written statement, perhaps, on how those powers are being used, because I think, in terms of the debate we're having at the moment, it would be useful for all sides of the debate to understand the specific impact of the Act on the governance of this United Kingdom, as well as the general impact in terms of the balance of powers. So, it would be useful for us to understand the specific powers that are being used, what they're being used for and what their impact is having on the powers that are held in his place.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar i chi am yr ymateb hwnnw, Gwnsler Cyffredinol. Cafodd y cwestiwn ei fframio cyn inni gael y newyddion hapus hwnnw gan y llys wrth gwrs. Byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech gadarnhau y byddwch yn rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf yn rheolaidd i'r Senedd hon—[Anghlywadwy.]—yn mynd rhagddo. Fy nghwestiwn i chi—[Anghlywadwy.]—yw hwn: rydym wedi trafod a dadlau ynghylch Deddf y farchnad fewnol ar sawl achlysur gwahanol yn ystod ei thaith drwy Senedd y Deyrnas Unedig a buom yn trafod sut y bydd yn effeithio ar ein pwerau yma yn y Senedd hon. Byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe baech chi, fel Gweinidog, yn gallu rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf yn rheolaidd inni ar ffurf datganiad ysgrifenedig, efallai, ynglŷn â sut y defnyddir y pwerau hynny, oherwydd mewn perthynas â'r ddadl rydym yn ei chael ar hyn o bryd, credaf y byddai'n ddefnyddiol i bob ochr i'r ddadl ddeall effaith benodol y Ddeddf ar lywodraethiant y Deyrnas Unedig hon, yn ogystal â'r effaith gyffredinol o ran cydbwysedd pwerau. Felly, byddai'n ddefnyddiol inni ddeall y pwerau penodol a gaiff eu defnyddio, yr hyn y cânt eu defnyddio ar ei gyfer a beth yw eu heffaith ar y pwerau a ddelir yn y lle hwn.
Well, thank you for that. And, firstly, on the statement on the legal action itself, we of course await a court hearing. I did issue—. As soon as I had the notification, I issued a written statement, which you've had, to keep Members informed, and, of course, I will update, as appropriate, as time proceeds.
On the issue of the powers of the internal market Act, yes, I think the request you make is a perfectly reasonable one, that we need to be alert to the way in which those powers are being used, and powers, in fact, in a slightly broader range around the internal market Act—not just those, but the way in which, out of the post-Brexit legislation, the issues of the way in which the emergence of increased concurrent powers, the way in which despatch-box agreements, are being used to, or have been used to, actually bypass sometimes the Sewel agreement, the actual status of Sewel and so on.
But the most recent example, of course, that we're all aware of is when the UK Government published its plan for Wales—a plan that, in fact, breaks all the commitments that were given that Wales would not be a penny worse off as a result of leaving the EU. That was action that was taken, using the powers of the internal market Act, without any engagement with Welsh Government whatsoever, despite the very clear mandate we have in respect of the devolution statutes, the intention of Parliament itself in terms of what the powers and responsibilities of this Parliament actually are. So, that was the first major exercise of those powers, which is ongoing, but there are many more, and it is my intention to comprehensively look at not only the internal market Act but all those other pieces of legislation where there are issues of their relationship to the status and integrity of this place and the way in which they impact on our ability to deliver for the people of Wales, particularly in the areas that we're very concerned about—in terms of food standards, in terms of environmental standards, which are clearly areas that are likely to be impacted, potentially, by UK Government trade deals.
Wel, diolch am hynny. Ac yn gyntaf, ar y datganiad am y camau cyfreithiol eu hunain, rydym yn aros wrth gwrs am wrandawiad llys. Fe gyhoeddais—. Cyn gynted ag y cefais yr hysbysiad, cyhoeddais ddatganiad ysgrifenedig, ac rydych wedi'i gael, i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau, ac wrth gwrs, byddaf yn ei ddiweddaru fel y bo'n briodol wrth i amser fynd yn ei flaen.
Ar fater pwerau Deddf y farchnad fewnol, ydw, rwy'n credu bod y cais a wnewch yn un hollol resymol, fod angen inni fod yn effro i'r ffordd y mae'r pwerau hynny'n cael eu defnyddio, a phwerau mewn cwmpas ychydig yn ehangach o amgylch Deddf y farchnad fewnol—nid y rheini'n unig, ond y ffordd y mae materion, yn sgil deddfwriaeth ôl-Brexit, y ffordd y mae mwy o bwerau cydamserol yn dod i'r amlwg, y ffordd y mae cytundebau blwch dogfennau'n cael eu defnyddio i fynd heibio, neu wedi cael eu defnyddio, i fynd heibio i gytundeb Sewel weithiau, statws Sewel ac yn y blaen.
Ond yr enghraifft ddiweddaraf y mae pob un ohonom yn ymwybodol ohoni wrth gwrs yw pan gyhoeddodd Llywodraeth y DU ei chynllun ar gyfer Cymru—cynllun sydd, mewn gwirionedd, yn torri'r holl ymrwymiadau a roddwyd na fyddai Cymru geiniog yn waeth ei byd o ganlyniad i adael yr UE. Rhoddwyd y camau hynny ar waith gan ddefnyddio pwerau Deddf y farchnad fewnol heb unrhyw ymgysylltiad â Llywodraeth Cymru o gwbl, er gwaethaf y mandad clir iawn sydd gennym mewn perthynas â statudau datganoli, bwriad y Senedd ei hun o ran beth yw pwerau a chyfrifoldebau'r Senedd hon mewn gwirionedd. Felly, dyna oedd y defnydd pwysig cyntaf o'r pwerau hynny, sy'n parhau, ond mae llawer mwy, ac rwy'n bwriadu edrych yn gynhwysfawr nid yn unig ar Ddeddf y farchnad fewnol ond ar yr holl ddarnau eraill o ddeddfwriaeth lle mae materion yn codi ynghylch eu perthynas â statws ac uniondeb y lle hwn a'r ffordd y maent yn effeithio ar ein gallu i gyflawni dros bobl Cymru, yn enwedig yn y meysydd y pryderwn yn fawr amdanynt—safonau bwyd, safonau amgylcheddol, sy'n amlwg yn feysydd sy'n debygol o gael eu heffeithio, o bosibl, gan gytundebau masnach Llywodraeth y DU.
I thank the Counsel General for that answer and the written statement that he has made on the issue. However, Deputy Presiding Officer, his view has been denied by the UK Government, who argue that nothing within the Act changes the legislative competence of the Senedd. And the divisional court ruled that the Government's attempts to overturn the Act using courts rather than the political system were inappropriate, and his predecessor's failed attempt at the court case has already cost an untold amount of civil service time plus £87,458 of taxpayers' money so far. Will he confirm to the Senedd that the Welsh Government will now stop their attempts to try to re-fight the referendum and listen to the will of the people of Wales, who, I will remind him and the Member who brought this question here today, voted to leave the European Union, and not waste more taxpayers' money on appealing this again, and start focusing on the things that matter to the people of my region of South Wales East and Wales, like the recovery of the economy from the pandemic, improving Wales's education and driving down NHS waiting lists?
Diolch i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am yr ateb hwnnw a'r datganiad ysgrifenedig y mae wedi'i wneud ar y mater. Fodd bynnag, Ddirprwy Lywydd, mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi gwrthod ei safbwynt, gan ddadlau nad oes dim o fewn y Ddeddf yn newid cymhwysedd deddfwriaethol y Senedd. A dyfarnodd y llys adrannol fod ymdrechion y Llywodraeth i wrthdroi'r Ddeddf drwy ddefnyddio llysoedd yn hytrach na'r system wleidyddol yn amhriodol, ac mae ymgais aflwyddiannus ei ragflaenydd yn yr achos llys eisoes wedi costio'n ddrud yn amser y gwasanaeth sifil ynghyd ag £87,458 o arian trethdalwyr hyd yma. A wnaiff gadarnhau i'r Senedd y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn awr yn rhoi'r gorau i'w hymdrechion i geisio ailymladd y refferendwm a gwrando ar ewyllys pobl Cymru, a bleidleisiodd, rwy'n ei atgoffa ef a'r Aelod a ofynnodd y cwestiwn yma heddiw, i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, a pheidio â gwastraffu mwy o arian trethdalwyr ar apelio yn erbyn hyn eto, a dechrau canolbwyntio ar y pethau sy'n bwysig i bobl fy rhanbarth, Dwyrain De Cymru a Chymru, fel adfer yr economi wedi'r pandemig, gwella addysg Cymru a lleihau rhestrau aros y GIG?
Well, I thank the Member for the question. I suspect the question was dated before she or her adviser had the opportunity to actually read the written statement that I made, because the appeal was lodged and the appeal has actually been successful, and there will be a hearing on that appeal. And it's very interesting that the appeal court judge recognised the significant constitutional issue that it's raised, which is why that leave was actually granted.
In terms of no powers having been taken away, the fact of the matter is that that is just rankly untrue—for one example, the issue of state aid, which is now a reserved matter but wasn't previously. Now, that is really significant in terms of the way the Welsh Government can exercise its economic powers. But I make the further point to you again in terms of what is important: you're right, when you go onto the doorstep with people, the first thing they don't ask about is the constitution. But if, for example, you go to the people of Wales and you say, 'What do you think about community safety? How safe do you think your community is?' They will start talking about, 'Well, we need to see the police here, we need to make sure there's better engagement', et cetera, and then you have to explain actually that, of course, policing isn't devolved, and people don't understand that. When you talk about the fact that one of our objectives is in terms of equality and social justice and you find out that equal opportunities is a reserved matter. There is an illogicality to what is there, and I'm afraid the Member has fallen into the trap, along with her colleagues, of putting their head in the sand and ignoring what is actually happening in reality and the opportunities that exist to address some of these anomalies.
Wel, diolch i'r Aelod am y cwestiwn. Rwy'n tybio bod y cwestiwn wedi dyddio cyn iddi hi neu ei chynghorydd gael cyfle i ddarllen y datganiad ysgrifenedig a wneuthum, oherwydd cyflwynwyd yr apêl ac mae'r apêl wedi bod yn llwyddiannus mewn gwirionedd, a bydd gwrandawiad ar yr apêl honno. Ac mae'n ddiddorol iawn fod barnwr y llys apêl wedi cydnabod y mater cyfansoddiadol sylweddol y mae wedi'i godi, a dyna pam y caniatawyd hynny mewn gwirionedd.
Ar yr honiad nad oes unrhyw bwerau wedi'u dileu, y gwir amdani yw bod hynny'n hollol anghywir—er enghraifft, mater cymorth gwladwriaethol, sydd bellach yn fater a gedwir yn ôl ond nad oedd yn flaenorol. Nawr, mae hynny'n arwyddocaol iawn o ystyried y ffordd y gall Llywodraeth Cymru arfer ei phwerau economaidd. Ond rwy'n gwneud y pwynt pellach eto ynglŷn â'r hyn sy'n bwysig: rydych chi'n iawn, pan fyddwch chi'n siarad gyda phobl ar garreg y drws, nid y cyfansoddiad yw'r peth cyntaf y byddant yn gofyn yn ei gylch. Ond os ewch chi, er enghraifft, at bobl Cymru a dweud, 'Beth yw eich barn am ddiogelwch cymunedol? Pa mor ddiogel yw eich cymuned yn eich barn chi?' byddant yn dechrau siarad am, 'Wel, mae angen inni weld yr heddlu yma, mae angen inni sicrhau gwell ymgysylltiad', ac yn y blaen, ac yna mae'n rhaid i chi esbonio mewn gwirionedd nad yw plismona wedi'i ddatganoli wrth gwrs, ac nid yw pobl yn deall hynny. Pan soniwch mai un o'n hamcanion yw cydraddoldeb a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol a'ch bod yn darganfod bod cyfle cyfartal yn fater a gedwir yn ôl. Mae'r hyn sydd yno'n afresymegol, ac mae arnaf ofn fod yr Aelod wedi syrthio i'r fagl, ynghyd â'i chyd-Aelodau, o roi eu pen yn y tywod ac anwybyddu'r hyn sy'n digwydd mewn gwirionedd a'r cyfleoedd sy'n bodoli i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r anghysondebau hyn.
Counsel General, you've said that you will now bring forward an appeal to challenge this flagrant attack on Senedd competence. From day one, Plaid Cymru identified the threat to our hard-won democratic powers, and the reality is that there is a supermajority here in this Parliament to extend those powers, but the Westminster Government is denying that majority and that mandate. Their actions now are so blatant that even Labour Ministers here who once defended the union are questioning its capacity to deliver for the people of Wales. So, Counsel General, given that you are announcing a national conversation about our future powers, including, of course, the implications of the internal market Act, will you confirm that all options will be discussed in that process, including a contingency plan for the break-up of the UK in the event of Scottish independence or Irish unification?
Gwnsler Cyffredinol, rydych wedi dweud y byddwch yn awr yn cyflwyno apêl i herio'r ymosodiad enbyd hwn ar gymhwysedd y Senedd. O'r diwrnod cyntaf, nododd Plaid Cymru y bygythiad i'n pwerau democrataidd y bu'n rhaid ymdrechu'n galed i'w hennill, a'r realiti yw bod uwchfwyafrif yma yn y Senedd hon dros ymestyn y pwerau hynny, ond mae Llywodraeth San Steffan yn gwadu'r mwyafrif a'r mandad hwnnw. Mae eu gweithredoedd bellach mor haerllug fel bod hyd yn oed Gweinidogion Llafur yma a arferai amddiffyn yr undeb yn cwestiynu ei allu i gyflawni dros bobl Cymru. Felly, Gwnsler Cyffredinol, gan eich bod yn cyhoeddi sgwrs genedlaethol am ein pwerau yn y dyfodol, gan gynnwys goblygiadau Deddf y farchnad fewnol wrth gwrs, a wnewch chi gadarnhau y bydd yr holl opsiynau'n cael eu trafod yn y broses honno, gan gynnwys cynllun wrth gefn pe bai'r DU yn chwalu yn sgil annibyniaeth i'r Alban neu Iwerddon unedig?
Well, the precise parameters and the actual nature of the engagement in the conversation that are going to take place have got to be ones that are open. You can't say, 'We're going to have a conversation with the people of Wales about the future of Wales and about these issues,' and say to people, 'By the way, you can't discuss this, you can't discuss that.' I think I have a good idea where some of the consensus may lie, but we will test that when we actually have the conversation. For me, what is going to be important in it is that it engages not only with organised society. I'm very pleased, for example, that Wales TUC are going to have their own commission on the issue of workplace rights and where those powers should particularly lie. I think that is a very significant step forward, being led by Shavanah Taj, the new regional secretary of the Wales TUC. But I think it is also important that we engage with those organisations that have real roots within our communities, but also we have to look at the ways in which we engage with those peoples within our society who don't engage, who have basically given up on the political system. I've said several times—and I'll perhaps finalise on this particular point—we have a crisis of democracy in our country when 40 per cent of people don't vote in UK Westminster elections, 50 per cent don't vote in Senedd elections and 60 per cent don't vote in local government elections. That is a crisis of democracy in my view, and one of the purposes of this conversation is going to be to actually re-engage with the people, to take every step that we can to work out ways in which there can be empowerment of individuals of communities, and also the governance of Wales.
Wel, mae'n rhaid i union baramedrau a natur yr ymgysylltiad yn y sgwrs sy'n mynd i ddigwydd fod yn agored. Ni allwch ddweud, 'Rydym yn mynd i gael sgwrs gyda phobl Cymru am ddyfodol Cymru ac am y materion hyn,' a dweud wrth bobl, 'Gyda llaw, ni allwch drafod y peth hwn, ac ni allwch drafod y peth arall.' Credaf fod gennyf syniad da lle gallai fod rhywfaint o gonsensws, ond byddwn yn profi hynny pan gawn y sgwrs. I mi, yr hyn a fydd yn bwysig yn y sgwrs yw ei bod yn ymgysylltu'n ehangach nag â'r gymdeithas gyfundrefnol yn unig. Rwy'n falch iawn, er enghraifft, y bydd gan TUC Cymru eu comisiwn eu hunain ar fater hawliau yn y gweithle a lle yn fwyaf arbennig y dylai'r pwerau hynny fod. Credaf fod hwnnw'n gam sylweddol iawn ymlaen, dan arweiniad Shavanah Taj, ysgrifennydd rhanbarthol newydd TUC Cymru. Ond rwy'n credu ei bod hefyd yn bwysig ein bod yn ymgysylltu â'r sefydliadau sydd â gwreiddiau gwirioneddol yn ein cymunedau, ond hefyd mae'n rhaid inni edrych ar y ffyrdd rydym yn ymgysylltu â'r bobl yn ein cymdeithas nad ydynt yn ymgysylltu, y bobl sydd wedi cefnu ar y system wleidyddol yn y bôn. Rwyf wedi dweud sawl gwaith—ac efallai y byddaf yn gorffen gyda'r pwynt hwn—mae gennym argyfwng democratiaeth yn ein gwlad pan nad yw 40 y cant o bobl yn pleidleisio yn etholiadau San Steffan y DU, pan nad yw 50 y cant yn pleidleisio yn etholiadau'r Senedd a phan nad yw 60 y cant yn pleidleisio mewn etholiadau llywodraeth leol. Mae hwnnw'n argyfwng democratiaeth yn fy marn i, ac un o ddibenion y sgwrs hon fydd ailymgysylltu â'r bobl, gwneud popeth a allwn i ddod o hyd i ffyrdd o rymuso unigolion mewn cymunedau, a llywodraethiant Cymru hefyd.
4. A wnaiff y Cwnsler Cyffredinol ddatganiad am gynigion ar gyfer comisiwn sefydlog i ystyried dyfodol cyfansoddiadol Cymru? OQ56688
4. Will the Counsel General make a statement on proposals for a standing commission to consider the constitutional future of Wales? OQ56688
Thank you for the question. We are working rapidly to make the commission a reality. We want it to lead a conversation with the people of Wales to find a consensus among citizens and civic society about devolution and the constitution. I will be making further announcements about the commission next month.
Diolch am y cwestiwn. Rydym yn gweithio'n gyflym i sefydlu'r comisiwn. Rydym am iddo arwain sgwrs gyda phobl Cymru i ganfod consensws ymysg dinasyddion a chymdeithas ddinesig ynglŷn â datganoli a'r cyfansoddiad. Byddaf yn gwneud cyhoeddiadau pellach am y comisiwn y mis nesaf.
We welcome that statement and the focus very much on that wider civic engagement with people out there in Wales. If I can turn, as well, to proposition 20 of the document 'Reforming our Union: Shared Governance in the UK', the second edition, it says there,
'It continues to be our view'—
the Welsh Government view—
'that future constitutional reform needs to be considered from a UK-wide perspective, but',
it goes on,
'there is as yet no commitment from the UK government for that national debate across the UK which is clearly needed.'
So, could I ask the Counsel General how does he see that the work here in Wales may influence the wider constitutional debate in the UK? And what specific actions will he take to persuade the UK Government, or in the absence of a willing partner there for now, then the Parliaments of the UK—including the two chambers in Westminster—and the burgeoning mayoralties across the UK to build that case, that a constitutional convention on a UK-wide basis is needed in addition to the work that may be carried out here in Wales?
Rydym yn croesawu'r datganiad hwnnw a'r ffocws mawr ar ymgysylltiad dinesig ehangach â phobl yng Nghymru. Os caf droi, hefyd, at gynnig 20 o'r ddogfen 'Diwygio ein Hundeb: Cydlywodraethu yn y DU', yr ail argraffiad, mae'n dweud yno,
'Ein barn ni o hyd'—
barn Llywodraeth Cymru—
'yw bod angen ystyried diwygio cyfansoddiadol yn y dyfodol o safbwynt y DU gyfan, ond',
meddai,
'nid oes ymrwymiad eto gan Lywodraeth y DU ar gyfer y drafodaeth genedlaethol ledled y DU y mae'n amlwg bod ei hangen.'
Felly, a gaf fi ofyn i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol sut y mae'n gweld y gallai'r gwaith yma yng Nghymru ddylanwadu ar y ddadl gyfansoddiadol ehangach yn y DU? A pha gamau penodol y bydd yn eu cymryd i berswadio Llywodraeth y DU, neu yn absenoldeb partner parod yno am y tro, Seneddau'r DU—gan gynnwys y ddwy siambr yn San Steffan—a'r maeryddiaethau sydd ar gynnydd ledled y DU i adeiladu'r achos hwnnw, fod angen confensiwn cyfansoddiadol ledled y DU yn ogystal â'r gwaith y gellid ei wneud yma yng Nghymru?
Thank you very much for that very thoughtful question, and very difficult question to answer, certainly in the time that the Deputy Presiding Officer is going to allow me. We argued for many years about a convention—a convention being a mechanism for actually bringing all these issues together and deciding on the future of the UK. What is the purpose of the UK? How should it exist? What should its basic principles be? Should it exist, even? So, that issue of a convention has been argued for a long time. One of the problems, to some extent, as you've identified, is that the window of opportunity for such a convention begins to dissipate, particularly when you have moves as they are within Scotland, when you see the problems that are now emerging in Northern Ireland, and also even some of the disagreements that have taken place within England itself. The first thing is there has to be a process that is of ongoing engagement. There has to be a process where we continually seek to engage with the UK Government, and we will continue to make every endeavour to engage in a rational and reasoned way with the UK Government.
I think the point that you have to make out, of course, is that if you have this level of challenge ahead, not tackling it causes problems to increase, and the risk of the fragmentation and break-up of the UK, as the First Minister has said on a number of occasions, is closer than it has ever been in his lifetime, and it's certainly closer than it has ever been in my lifetime. As I say, I think we have to form alliances with those within all parties who recognise that, and I do take some confidence—and you will know from your own involvement in the inter-parliamentary forum, that I was also then involved in—from the actual scale of common agreement that there is across parties, including senior Conservative figures, such as Bernard Jenkin, who was chair of the UK's influential Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee, and across the various Parliaments and the Northern Ireland Assembly as well, when we were able to engage with it, that the current arrangements aren't working, they're not fit for purpose, they are aggravated now by the constitutional change situation that we're in as a result of leaving the EU, and if it's not fit for purpose, then you've got to address it, and the question is how do you actually address it.
So, we will keep calling for that convention, because that is a way of bringing everyone together to actually try to address this in a rational way. But, in the absence of that, we will take our own lead in terms of determining where Wales is. What must happen within Wales is that any constitutional reform must not be something that becomes the diktat of any commission that's based in London or any other part of the UK other than Wales. We have to determine our own future, and, as I've said, I think last week, for me, we have a change in sovereignty from the situation we had when devolution was first established. Then it was the devolution of power to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but since the creation of legislatures, sovereignty now lies with the people and it lies with those Parliaments, and the concept of shared sovereignty is, I believe, the only one that has any credibility and has got to be the basis, I think, for all constitutional reforms for the future.
Diolch yn fawr am y cwestiwn ystyrlon hwnnw, a chwestiwn anodd iawn i'w ateb, yn sicr yn yr amser y mae'r Dirprwy Lywydd yn mynd i ganiatáu i mi. Buom yn dadlau ers blynyddoedd lawer am gonfensiwn—mae confensiwn yn fecanwaith ar gyfer dod â'r holl faterion hyn at ei gilydd a phenderfynu ar ddyfodol y DU. Beth yw diben y DU? Sut y dylai fodoli? Beth ddylai ei hegwyddorion sylfaenol fod? A ddylai fodoli, hyd yn oed? Felly, bu dadlau ers amser maith ar fater confensiwn. Un o'r problemau, i ryw raddau, fel rydych wedi nodi, yw bod y cyfle i gael confensiwn o'r fath yn dechrau diflannu, yn enwedig pan fydd gennych bethau'n symud fel y maent yn yr Alban, pan welwch y problemau sydd bellach yn dod i'r amlwg yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, yn ogystal â pheth o'r anghytuno sydd wedi digwydd yn Lloegr ei hun hyd yn oed. Y peth cyntaf yw bod yn rhaid cael proses o ymgysylltu parhaus. Rhaid cael proses lle'r ydym yn ceisio ymgysylltu'n barhaus â Llywodraeth y DU, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud pob ymdrech i ymgysylltu mewn ffordd synhwyrol a rhesymegol â Llywodraeth y DU.
Credaf mai'r pwynt sy'n rhaid ichi ei wneud, wrth gwrs, yw, os oes gennych y lefel hon o her o'ch blaen, bydd peidio â mynd i'r afael â hi yn achosi mwy o broblemau, ac mae'r risg o rannu a chwalu'r DU, fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog droeon, yn agosach nag y bu erioed yn ystod ei oes, ac mae'n sicr yn agosach nag y bu erioed yn fy oes i. Fel y dywedais, credaf fod yn rhaid inni ffurfio cynghreiriau â'r rheini ym mhob plaid sy'n cydnabod hynny, ac rwy'n weddol hyderus—ac fe wyddoch o'r rhan a chwaraeoch chi yn y fforwm rhyngseneddol yr oeddwn innau hefyd yn rhan ohoni ar y pryd—o faint y cytundeb cyffredinol a geir ar draws y pleidiau, gan gynnwys Ceidwadwyr blaenllaw megis Bernard Jenkin, a oedd yn gadeirydd Pwyllgor Gweinyddiaeth Gyhoeddus a Materion Cyfansoddiadol dylanwadol y DU, ac ar draws y gwahanol Seneddau a Chynulliad Gogledd Iwerddon hefyd, pan oeddem yn gallu ymgysylltu ag ef, nad yw'r trefniadau presennol yn gweithio, nad ydynt yn addas i'r diben, eu bod yn cael eu gwaethygu yn awr gan y sefyllfa rydym ynddi o ganlyniad i'r newid cyfansoddiadol yn sgil gadael yr UE, ac os nad yw'n addas i'r diben, mae'n rhaid i chi fynd i'r afael â hynny, a'r cwestiwn yw sut y mae mynd i'r afael â hynny mewn gwirionedd.
Felly, byddwn yn dal i alw am y confensiwn hwnnw, oherwydd mae honno'n ffordd o ddod â phawb at ei gilydd i geisio mynd i'r afael â hyn mewn ffordd resymegol. Ond heb hynny, fe wnawn arwain y gwaith ein hunain o benderfynu ble mae Cymru arni. Yr hyn sy'n rhaid digwydd yng Nghymru yw na ddylai unrhyw ddiwygio cyfansoddiadol fod yn ddictad gan unrhyw gomisiwn sydd wedi'i leoli yn Llundain neu unrhyw ran arall o'r DU heblaw Cymru. Rhaid inni bennu ein dyfodol ein hunain, ac fel y dywedais, yr wythnos diwethaf rwy'n credu, i mi, mae sofraniaeth wedi newid o'r sefyllfa a oedd gennym pan sefydlwyd datganoli gyntaf. Ar y pryd, datganoli grym i'r Alban, Cymru a Gogledd Iwerddon a wnaed, ond ers creu deddfwrfeydd, mae sofraniaeth bellach gyda'r bobl a chyda'r Seneddau, ac yn fy marn i, y cysyniad o gyd-sofraniaeth yw'r unig un sydd ag unrhyw hygrededd yn perthyn iddo ac rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid i hynny fod yn sail i bob diwygiad cyfansoddiadol yn y dyfodol.
5. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi'u cael gyda'r sector cyfreithiol ynghylch effaith deddfwriaeth a chanllawiau ar lefelau ffosffad mewn ardaloedd cadwraeth arbennig afonol? OQ56692
5. What discussions has the Counsel General had with the legal sector regarding the impact of legislation and guidance on phosphate levels in riverine special areas of conservation? OQ56692
I thank you for that question. I have to say, the subject matter is not one I am deeply familiar with, but I can say that the Welsh Government and NRW are committed to tackling pollution in Wales’s nine river special areas of conservation. I have not had any discussions with the legal sector on this matter to date.
Diolch ichi am y cwestiwn hwnnw. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, nid yw'r pwnc yn un rwy'n gyfarwydd iawn ag ef, ond gallaf ddweud bod Llywodraeth Cymru ac CNC wedi ymrwymo i fynd i'r afael â llygredd yn naw ardal cadwraeth arbennig afonol Cymru. Nid wyf wedi cael unrhyw drafodaethau gyda'r sector cyfreithiol ar y mater hwn hyd yma.
Diolch i chi am yr ateb. Rwy'n deall bod y rheoliadau sy'n effeithio ar afonydd mewn ardal cadwraeth arbennig yn deillio o reoliadau cadwraeth cynefinoedd Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig 2017. Er hynny, mae nifer o ardaloedd gwledig yn rhwystredig iawn ynglŷn â'r ffordd y mae'r canllawiau hyn wedi cael eu cyflwyno, gyda fawr ddim ymgynghori na thrafod ymlaen llaw wedi digwydd gydag awdurdodau lleol na datblygwyr tai. Mae'r canllawiau cynllunio yn codi nifer o gwestiynau i awdurdodau lleol, yn enwedig ynghylch eu gallu i gyflawni eu dyraniadau tai fel y nodwyd yn eu cynlluniau datblygu lleol. Mae rhai cynlluniau datblygu lleol bellach wedi cael eu gohirio o ganlyniad i hyn, sy'n achosi pob math o broblemau.
O ran datgloi rhai o'r safleoedd datblygu hyn, bydd angen cadarnhad o fuddsoddiad gan Ddŵr Cymru i ychwanegu triniaeth ffosffad i'r safleoedd trin dŵr gwastraff sy'n gwasanaethu'r ardaloedd hyn. Yn anffodus, nid yw hyn yn debygol o gael ei gyhoeddi tan 2022, a fydd e ddim yn cael ei weithredu tan 2025. Mae hyn, wrth gwrs, yn mynd i achosi oedi pellach i'r broses gynllunio. Felly, pa drafodaeth ŷch chi wedi'i chael gyda Gweinidogion y Llywodraeth ar yr angen i edrych ar y fframwaith deddfwriaethol yn y maes hwn i sicrhau bod trafodaethau yn digwydd rhwng y prif gyrff yng Nghymru i geisio mynd i'r afael â'r pryderon sydd wedi cael eu mynegi? Diolch yn fawr.
Thank you for that response. I understand that the regulations that impact on rivers in special areas of conservation emanate from the 2017 UK Government conservation of habitats regulations. Despite that, many rural areas feel very frustrated about the way in which this guidance has been introduced, with scant consultation or discussion prior to its implementation with local authorities and housing developers. The planning guidance raises many questions for local authorities, particularly with regard to their ability to fulfil their housing allocations as outlined in their local development plans, and some development plans have now been postponed as a result of this, which does cause all sorts of problems.
In terms of unlocking some of these development sites, there will be a need for confirmation of investment from Dŵr Cymru to treat phosphate levels in those waste water treatment sites that serve the areas in question. Unfortunately, this isn't likely to be announced until 2022 and won't be implemented until 2025. This, of course, is going to cause further delay in the planning process. So, what discussions have you had with Government Ministers on the need to look at the legislative framework in this particular area to ensure that discussions do take place between the major stakeholders and bodies in Wales to get to grips with the concerns that have been expressed? Thank you.
I'm certainly aware of the concerns, and those concerns have been raised in this Chamber in debates on a number of occasions. I'm grateful to you for refocusing on those and raising those again.
There have been a number of ongoing discussions that are there. It's not appropriate for me, really, to intrude on the portfolio of another Minister that has specific responsibility for this area. I know the Welsh Government has established the SAC management oversight group to engage with the relevant stakeholders and to develop and deliver measures needed to help improve phosphate levels in Wales. Dŵr Cymru have also confirmed that they've arranged to meet local authorities on these issues, and I also understand that Dŵr Cymru Welsh Water's developer services team are in contact with local authority planning officers, and they're providing information on phosphate capability. I'm probably limited in actually being able to say anything further specifically on regulations. There is a judicial review that is being dealt with, and it would not be appropriate for me to comment further in that respect.
Rwy'n sicr yn ymwybodol o'r pryderon, ac mae'r pryderon hynny wedi'u codi yn y Siambr hon mewn dadleuon droeon. Rwy'n ddiolchgar i chi am ailffocysu ar y rheini a chodi'r rheini eto.
Cafwyd nifer o drafodaethau sy'n parhau. Nid yw'n briodol i mi ymyrryd ar bortffolio Gweinidog arall sydd â chyfrifoldeb penodol dros y maes hwn. Rwy'n gwybod bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi sefydlu grŵp goruchwylio'r gwaith o reoli ardaloedd cadwraeth arbennig i ymgysylltu â'r rhanddeiliaid perthnasol ac i ddatblygu a chyflawni'r mesurau sydd eu hangen i helpu i wella lefelau ffosffad yng Nghymru. Mae Dŵr Cymru hefyd wedi cadarnhau eu bod wedi trefnu i gyfarfod ag awdurdodau lleol mewn perthynas â'r materion hyn, a deallaf hefyd fod tîm gwasanaethau datblygwyr Dŵr Cymru mewn cysylltiad â swyddogion cynllunio awdurdodau lleol, a'u bod yn darparu gwybodaeth am allu ffosffad. Rwy'n gyfyngedig mae'n debyg yn yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud ymhellach am reoliadau yn benodol. Mae adolygiad barnwrol ar y gweill, ac ni fyddai'n briodol imi wneud sylwadau pellach yn hynny o beth.
Cwestiwn 6, Rhys ab Owen.
Question 6, Rhys ab Owen.
Well, Dirprwy Lywydd, I did have a fourth question after all.
Wel, Ddirprwy Lywydd, roedd gennyf bedwerydd cwestiwn wedi'r cyfan.
6. Beth yw’r amserlen ar gyfer gweithredu argymhellion y Comisiwn ar Gyfiawnder yng Nghymru? OQ56678
6. What's the timetable for implementing the recommendations of the Commission on Justice in Wales? OQ56678
Diolch am y cwestiwn. Mae ein rhaglen lywodraethu yn dangos yn glir ymrwymiad y Llywodraeth hon i fwrw ymlaen â'r achos a wnaed gan y comisiwn ar gyfer datganoli plismona a chyfiawnder i Gymru. Bydd is-bwyllgor y Cabinet ar gyfiawnder, sydd newydd ei gyfansoddi, yn pennu ein hagenda. Fi fydd cadeirydd y pwyllgor, a fydd yn cyfarfod am y tro cyntaf ar 8 Gorffennaf.
Thank you for the question. Our programme for government makes clear this Government's continued commitment to pursuing the case made by the commission for the devolution of policing and justice to Wales. The newly constituted Cabinet sub-committee on justice will set our agenda. I will chair that committee, which will meet for the first time on 8 July.
Diolch yn fawr ichi am yr ateb hwnnw, a dwi'n falch iawn eich bod chi yn cwrdd ar 8 Gorffennaf. Un o'r problemau mawr gafodd ei godi yn y comisiwn cyfiawnder oedd y diffyg cydweithio, efallai, gyda'r system gyfiawnder yng Nghymru, ac argymhelliad clir oedd sefydlu cyngor cyfreithiol Cymru—law council for Wales. Beth sy'n stopio hynny rhag cael ei sefydlu, a phryd gaiff e ei sefydlu? Diolch.
Thank you very much for that response, and I'm very pleased that you are to meet on 8 July. One of the major problems raised by the commission on justice was the lack of co-operation with the justice system in Wales, and there was a clear recommendation to establish a law council for Wales. What's stopping that from happening, and when will it be established?
Firstly, thank you for that and also thank you for, obviously, the very significant input you've made into the Thomas commission work and the report. I will just make this comment that that report, as I think I said at the time, is a report in terms of quality of international quality. Perhaps that's nothing less than you would expect from Lord Thomas of Cwmgiedd, but also the rest of the panel of Welsh expertise within the judicial and legal sector that I think contributed to what is a very important analysis of the judicial system and issues around access to justice and administrative law, and that will have an impact for a number of years.
In respect of the law council for Wales, I can tell you that I have been having various discussions around that. Work is ongoing on that. We've had engagement with the Law Society, who've agreed to act as a secretariat for the establishment of a law council for Wales. And I'm hoping that in the not too distant future, there will be a more formal announcement of the establishment of a law council for Wales. The law council for Wales, of course, will be independent of Government; that is extremely important. I can certainly give this assurance, though, to the extent that the law council for Wales, when it is established, will want me engaged, I will give all the support and encouragement to engage with it as they wish, because I see it as a very important development within the justice sector within Wales, and the development of the Welsh judicial system.
Yn gyntaf, diolch am eich cwestiwn a diolch hefyd, yn amlwg, am eich mewnbwn sylweddol iawn yng ngwaith comisiwn Thomas a'r adroddiad. Nodaf fod yr adroddiad hwnnw, fel y credaf imi ddweud ar y pryd, yn adroddiad o ansawdd rhyngwladol o ran ei safon. Efallai nad yw hynny'n llai na'r hyn y byddech yn ei ddisgwyl gan yr Arglwydd Thomas o Gwmgïedd, ond hefyd gweddill y panel o arbenigwyr o Gymru yn y sector barnwrol a chyfreithiol a gyfrannodd at y dadansoddiad pwysig hwn o'r system farnwrol a materion yn ymwneud â mynediad at gyfiawnder a chyfraith weinyddol, a bydd hynny'n cael effaith am flynyddoedd lawer.
O ran cyngor cyfraith Cymru, gallaf ddweud wrthych fy mod wedi bod yn cael amryw o drafodaethau ynglŷn â hynny. Mae gwaith yn mynd rhagddo ar hynny. Rydym wedi ymgysylltu â Chymdeithas y Cyfreithwyr, sydd wedi cytuno i weithredu fel ysgrifenyddiaeth ar gyfer sefydlu cyngor cyfraith Cymru. A gobeithiaf y bydd cyhoeddiad mwy ffurfiol cyn bo hir ynghylch sefydlu cyngor cyfraith Cymru. Bydd cyngor cyfraith Cymru, wrth gwrs, yn annibynnol ar y Llywodraeth; mae hynny'n hynod bwysig. Gallaf roi'r sicrwydd hwn, fodd bynnag, i'r graddau y bydd cyngor cyfraith Cymru, pan gaiff ei sefydlu, yn dymuno ymgysylltu â mi, byddaf yn rhoi'r holl gymorth ac anogaeth i ymgysylltu ag ef fel y dymunant, gan fy mod yn ei ystyried yn ddatblygiad pwysig iawn yn y sector cyfiawnder yng Nghymru, a datblygiad system farnwrol Cymru.
7. Pa sylwadau y mae'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi'u cyflwyno i Lywodraeth y DU ynghylch cynlluniau i'w gwneud yn ofynnol cael cardiau adnabod gyda llun er mwyn pleidleisio? OQ56691
7. What representations has the Counsel General made to the UK Government regarding plans to require photo identification cards in order to vote? OQ56691
I have made clear to the UK Government that the Welsh Government does not wish to see voter ID required for devolved elections. We are concerned about the potential operational impact of this, along with other UK Government proposals, on the administration and accessibility of devolved elections, and on voter experience.
Rwyf wedi dweud yn glir wrth Lywodraeth y DU nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru am i gardiau adnabod pleidleiswyr fod yn ofynnol mewn etholiadau datganoledig. Rydym yn pryderu am effaith weithredol bosibl hyn, ynghyd â chynigion eraill Llywodraeth y DU, ar weinyddiaeth a hygyrchedd etholiadau datganoledig, ac ar brofiad pleidleiswyr.
Thank you for the answer, Minister. I am deeply concerned about the impact regarding voter ID and the impact it will have on the electorate in my region of North Wales. The move by the Tory Government in Westminster will very likely suppress electoral turnout, particularly amongst most disadvantaged communities. Putting up unnecessary obstacles to participating in our democracy in this way should be avoided at all costs. So, does the Minister agree with me that elections should be as open, accountable and accessible as possible, and will the Welsh Government work to ensure that photo ID is not required for Senedd and local elections here in Wales? Diolch.
Diolch am eich ateb, Weinidog. Rwy'n bryderus iawn am effaith cardiau adnabod pleidleiswyr a'r effaith y bydd hynny'n ei chael ar yr etholwyr yn fy rhanbarth yng Ngogledd Cymru. Mae'n debygol iawn y bydd y camau gan y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd yn San Steffan yn atal y nifer sy'n pleidleisio mewn etholiadau, yn enwedig ymhlith y cymunedau mwyaf difreintiedig. Dylid osgoi codi rhwystrau diangen o'r fath rhag cymryd rhan yn ein democratiaeth ar bob cyfrif. Felly, a yw'r Gweinidog yn cytuno y dylai etholiadau fod mor agored, atebol a hygyrch â phosibl, ac a wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru weithio i sicrhau na fydd angen cardiau adnabod gyda llun ar gyfer etholiadau'r Senedd ac etholiadau lleol yma yng Nghymru? Diolch.
Thank you for that very insightful question, and a very important question in terms of the elections Bill, which has, I think, just been published, the details of it we've only just seen. But I will say that there have been quadrilateral discussions on this; I have engaged with UK Government Ministers on this, and I have a further bilateral meeting imminently to discuss aspects of the legislation and its relevance.
The first thing I think I would say is there is a very different approach from the Welsh Government to the UK Government in elections. Everyone wants to see free and fair elections, but we want to see those elections as open as possible, as transparent as possible, as accessible as possible. We want to see anyone who would like to vote to not only be able to vote as easily as possible and as fairly as possible, but for their vote to be counted, so we're looking at a number of issues around the election system. I have to say that our approach is one of accessibility and openness, and I do not agree with the approach that's being adopted by the UK Government for the introduction of ID cards. Now, the implication may well be that in respect of parliamentary elections there will be a divergence, that they may well have a different process. I will put the arguments that we have as to why we would not like to see that in Wales. It does have implications for the administration of elections within Wales, but of course the UK parliamentary elections are a reserved matter. As far as the Senedd elections are concerned, and as far as our local government elections are concerned, we have no intention whatsoever of introducing or giving support to the concept of ID cards.
ID cards: the logic that's being put behind it is that it is about dealing with voter fraud. Well, in terms of the number of convictions for voter fraud that occurred in the 2019 general election, there were four convictions and two cautions in the whole of the United Kingdom. There is no evidential base for that particular move, and it can only leave you with the one question as to why it's actually being introduced, similar to measures that are also being introduced in parts of America that are being promoted there, and there is a very strong suggestion that this is more about voter suppression than it is about free and fair and open elections. As I say, I will be arguing the Welsh Government's case and putting the position of the Welsh Government in those discussions, and I will update this Chamber and I will update the Senedd in due course when we know more.
Diolch am eich cwestiwn craff iawn, a chwestiwn pwysig iawn am y Bil etholiadau, sydd newydd gael ei gyhoeddi, rwy'n credu, a ninnau ond newydd weld ei fanylion. Ond rwyf am ddweud bod trafodaethau pedairochrog wedi'u cynnal ar hyn; rwyf wedi ymgysylltu â Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU ar hyn, ac mae gennyf gyfarfod dwyochrog pellach cyn bo hir i drafod agweddau ar y ddeddfwriaeth a'i pherthnasedd.
Y peth cyntaf y credaf y byddwn yn ei ddweud yw bod gan Lywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU ddulliau gwahanol iawn o ymgymryd ag etholiadau. Mae pawb yn dymuno gweld etholiadau rhydd a theg, ond rydym am sicrhau bod yr etholiadau hynny mor agored â phosibl, mor dryloyw â phosibl, mor hygyrch â phosibl. Rydym yn dymuno gweld unrhyw un a hoffai bleidleisio nid yn unig yn gallu pleidleisio mor hawdd â phosibl ac mor deg â phosibl, ond i'w pleidlais gael ei chyfrif, felly rydym yn edrych ar nifer o faterion yn ymwneud â'r system etholiadol. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud bod ein hymagwedd ni'n arddel hygyrchedd a didwylledd, ac nid wyf yn cytuno â'r ymagwedd sy'n cael ei mabwysiadu gan Lywodraeth y DU ar gyfer cyflwyno cardiau adnabod. Nawr, mae'n ddigon posibl mai'r ensyniad yw y bydd prosesau'r etholiadau seneddol yn wahanol, ei bod yn ddigon posibl y bydd ganddynt broses wahanol. Rwyf am gyflwyno'r dadleuon sydd gennym ynghylch pam na fyddem yn hoffi gweld hynny yng Nghymru. Mae iddo oblygiadau o ran gweinyddu etholiadau yng Nghymru, ond wrth gwrs, mae etholiadau seneddol y DU yn fater a gedwir yn ôl. O ran etholiadau’r Senedd, a'n hetholiadau llywodraeth leol, nid oes gennym unrhyw fwriad o gwbl i gyflwyno neu gefnogi’r cysyniad o gardiau adnabod.
Cardiau adnabod: mae'r rhesymeg drostynt yn ymwneud â mynd i'r afael â thwyll pleidleiswyr. Wel, o ran nifer yr euogfarnau am dwyll pleidleiswyr yn etholiad cyffredinol 2019, cafwyd pedair euogfarn a dau rybuddiad yn y Deyrnas Unedig gyfan. Nid oes unrhyw sail dystiolaethol dros wneud hyn, ac mae'n arwain at un cwestiwn yn unig sef pam ei fod yn cael ei gyflwyno, yn debyg i fesurau a gyflwynir hefyd mewn rhannau o America, sy'n cael eu hyrwyddo yno, ac mae awgrym cryf iawn fod hyn yn ymwneud i raddau mwy ag atal pleidleiswyr na chynnal etholiadau rhydd a theg ac agored. Fel y dywedaf, byddaf yn dadlau achos Llywodraeth Cymru ac yn egluro safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru yn y trafodaethau hynny, a byddaf yn rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Siambr hon a'r Senedd maes o law pan fyddwn yn gwybod mwy.
Minister, proving that we are who we say we are is not so unusual, whether it is our age to buy a drink or a firework from a shop, or proof to open a bank account, or a driver's licence to hire a car, it is part of modern life and something we are all used to. If it is good enough for those activities, then why not for something as important as voting? Minister, I know that those on the political left see this as an affront to our democracy, when in fact it is to preserve and protect the democratic process itself that photo identification is now being considered. If you are against the idea of voters proving who they are, what other steps do you think should be taken to ensure the robustness of our democratic process?
Weinidog, nid yw profi mai ni yw pwy a ddywedwn ydym ni mor anarferol â hynny, boed er mwyn profi ein hoedran i brynu diod neu dân gwyllt o siop, neu brawf i agor cyfrif banc, neu drwydded yrru i logi car, mae'n rhan o fywyd modern ac yn rhywbeth y mae pob un ohonom yn gyfarwydd â'i wneud. Os yw'n ddigon da ar gyfer y gweithgareddau hynny, pam ddim ar gyfer rhywbeth mor bwysig â phleidleisio? Weinidog, gwn fod y rheini ar y chwith gwleidyddol yn ystyried hyn yn sarhad ar ein democratiaeth, er mai er mwyn gwarchod a diogelu'r broses ddemocrataidd y caiff cardiau adnabod gyda llun eu hystyried. Os ydych yn erbyn y syniad o bleidleiswyr yn profi pwy ydynt, pa gamau eraill y credwch y dylid eu cymryd i sicrhau cadernid ein proses ddemocrataidd?
Thank you for the question. I think you actually put the question in exactly the wrong way, from reverse. The question is: if you want to impose restrictions and checks and balances of all sorts, and you could go much further, then you have to say, 'Well, there has got to be a reason to do it.' Yes, we all want to see a free, fair, open and robust electoral system. I believe we have a free, fair, open and robust electoral system. So, I can only then ask the question: if there is no evidential base to actually make a change that will make it more difficult for people to vote, that may place additional obstacles on people to vote, why is this being done?
Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Credaf eich bod wedi gofyn y cwestiwn o chwith, y tu ôl ymlaen. Y cwestiwn yw: os ydych yn dymuno gosod cyfyngiadau a rhwystrau a gwrthbwysau o bob math, a gallech fynd ymhellach o lawer, mae'n rhaid ichi ddweud, 'Wel, mae'n rhaid cael rheswm dros wneud hynny.' Mae pob un ohonom yn dymuno gweld system etholiadol rydd, deg, agored a chadarn. Credaf fod gennym system etholiadol rydd, deg, agored a chadarn. Felly, ni allaf ond gofyn y cwestiwn: os nad oes sylfaen dystiolaethol dros gyflwyno newid a fydd yn ei gwneud yn anos i bobl bleidleisio, a allai beri rhwystrau ychwanegol i bobl rhag pleidleisio, pam fod hyn yn digwydd?
Ac yn olaf, cwestiwn 8, Sioned Williams.
And finally, question 8, Sioned Williams.
8. Pa sylwadau y mae'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol wedi'u cyflwyno ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru ynghylch priodoldeb y ddeddfwriaeth bresennol sy'n ymwneud â chludiant o'r cartref i'r ysgol? OQ56697
8. What representations has the Counsel General made on behalf of the Welsh Government regarding the appropriateness of current legislation relating to home-to-school transport? OQ56697
Thank you for the question. Learner travel and the underlying legislation was identified for review by the previous Government. The pandemic, however, impacted the completion of that process. This is now a matter that will be considered by the Minister and Deputy Minister for climate change, within the context of a new programme for government.
Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Nododd y Llywodraeth flaenorol y dylid adolygu teithio gan ddysgwyr a'r ddeddfwriaeth sy'n sail i hynny. Mae'r pandemig, fodd bynnag, wedi atal y broses honno rhag cael ei chwblhau. Mae hwn bellach yn fater y bydd y Gweinidog a'r Dirprwy Weinidog newid hinsawdd yn ei ystyried, yng nghyd-destun rhaglen lywodraethu newydd.
Diolch. I'm aware that there were discussions held in the last Senedd term concerning the appropriateness of the current legislation with regard to home-to-school transport. The home-to-school transport legislation currently in place does not provide free transport to primary school children if they live within two miles of their school, or within three miles for a secondary school pupil.
Now, we've all heard of cases, I'm sure, across this Chamber, from our constituents where children are having to walk long distances to school, often in the dark in winter months and in the rain, sometimes for over an hour, as in a case brought to my attention recently in Neath Port Talbot. Unfortunately, there's also an issue of social justice here at play. Whilst pupils from middle-class backgrounds can often benefit from a lift to school from their parents, or pay for spare seats on local authority transport, pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds don't always have that luxury and often can't afford to pay for private bus passes or for normal fares. The system seems unfair and I think it needs changing. Have you therefore held discussions with Ministers of the Welsh Government around this issue? Do you believe that there is a need and a will to change legislation in this area? Diolch.
Diolch. Rwy'n ymwybodol fod trafodaethau wedi'u cynnal yn nhymor diwethaf y Senedd ynghylch pa mor briodol yw'r ddeddfwriaeth gyfredol mewn perthynas â chludiant rhwng y cartref a'r ysgol. Nid yw'r ddeddfwriaeth cludiant rhwng y cartref a'r ysgol sydd mewn grym ar hyn o bryd yn darparu cludiant am ddim i blant ysgol gynradd os ydynt yn byw o fewn dwy filltir i'w hysgol, neu o fewn tair milltir ar gyfer disgybl ysgol uwchradd.
Nawr, mae pob un ohonom wedi clywed am achosion, rwy'n siŵr, ar draws y Siambr hon, gan ein hetholwyr lle mae plant yn gorfod cerdded yn bell iawn i'r ysgol, yn aml yn y tywyllwch yn ystod misoedd y gaeaf ac yn y glaw, weithiau am dros awr, fel mewn achos y tynnwyd fy sylw ato'n ddiweddar yng Nghastell-nedd Port Talbot. Yn anffodus, mae mater cyfiawnder cymdeithasol yn codi yma hefyd. Er y gall disgyblion o gefndiroedd dosbarth canol yn aml fanteisio ar gael eu cludo i'r ysgol gan eu rhieni, neu dalu am seddi sbâr ar gludiant awdurdodau lleol, nid yw disgyblion o gefndiroedd difreintiedig mor lwcus â hynny bob amser, ac yn aml ni allant fforddio talu am basys bws preifat neu am docynnau arferol. Ymddengys bod y system yn annheg a chredaf fod angen ei newid. A ydych felly wedi cynnal trafodaethau â Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru ar y mater hwn? A ydych yn credu bod angen a dyhead i newid y ddeddfwriaeth yn y maes hwn? Diolch.
Well, the issue of the legislation and its adequacy is clearly a matter that's under review. The Learner Travel (Wales) Measure 2008 has had a number of representations since and, of course, there have been a lot of demographic changes as well. The Measure set out the legal framework specifically related to travel and transport, and there's correspondence not only from Members of the Senedd, but also from the Welsh Language Commissioner, from members of the public and from the Children's Commissioner for Wales for a review of the Measure. So, that review, as I said, has started. It's not completed, but it's under way, and the relevant Minister will, of course, be reporting on the outcome of that review in due course.
Wel, mae'r ddeddfwriaeth a pha mor ddigonol yw hi yn amlwg yn fater sy'n cael ei adolygu. Mae nifer o sylwadau wedi'u gwneud am Fesur Teithio gan Ddysgwyr (Cymru) 2008 ers ei gyflwyno, ac wrth gwrs, mae llawer o newidiadau demograffig wedi digwydd hefyd. Roedd y Mesur yn nodi'r fframwaith cyfreithiol sy'n ymwneud yn benodol â theithio a chludiant, a chafwyd gohebiaeth nid yn unig gan Aelodau o'r Senedd, ond hefyd gan Gomisiynydd y Gymraeg, gan aelodau o'r cyhoedd a Chomisiynydd Plant Cymru yn galw am adolygu'r Mesur. Felly, mae'r adolygiad hwnnw, fel y dywedais, wedi cychwyn. Nid yw wedi'i gwblhau, ond mae ar y gweill, a bydd y Gweinidog perthnasol, wrth gwrs, yn adrodd ar ganlyniad yr adolygiad hwnnw maes o law.
Diolch, Weinidog. Byddwn nawr yn atal y trafodion dros dro er mwyn caniatáu newidiadau yn y Siambr. Os ydych yn gadael y Siambr, gwnewch hynny'n brydlon. Bydd y gloch yn cael ei chanu dau funud cyn i'r trafodion ailgychwyn. Dylai unrhyw Aelodau sy'n cyrraedd ar ôl y newid aros tan hynny cyn mynd i mewn i'r Siambr.
Thank you, Minister. We will now suspend proceedings to allow changeovers in the Chamber. If you are leaving the Chamber, please do so promptly. The bell will be rung two minutes before proceedings restart. Any Members who are arriving after a changeover should wait until then before entering the Chamber.
Ataliwyd y Cyfarfod Llawn am 15:12.
Plenary was suspended at 15:12.
Ailymgynullodd y Senedd am 15:21, gyda'r Dirprwy Lywydd yn y Gadair.
The Senedd reconvened at 15:21, with the Deputy Presiding Officer in the Chair.
Eitem 3, cwestiynau i Gomisiwn y Senedd. Bydd pob cwestiwn yn cael ei ateb gan y Llywydd. Cwestiwn 1, Rhys ab Owen.
Item 3, questions to the Senedd Commission. All questions are to be answered by the Llywydd. Question 1, Rhys ab Owen.
1. A wnaiff y Comisiwn ddatganiad am ymdrechion i ddiogelu'r Senedd i sicrhau bod Aelodau a staff yn ddiogel? OQ56682
1. Will the Commission make a statement on efforts to protect the Senedd to ensure that Members and staff are safe? OQ56682
Mae gennym ystod o fesurau diogelwch ar waith i ddiogelu Aelodau a staff. Rydym yn gweithio’n agos gyda Heddlu De Cymru, sy’n darparu presenoldeb arfog, mae gennym fynediad at wasanaethau diogelwch a chuddwybodaeth eraill, ac rydym yn cynnal archwiliadau cefndir ar bob deiliad pàs. Mae swyddogion diogelwch o holl ddeddfwrfeydd y Deyrnas Unedig yn cadw mewn cysylltiad rheolaidd i drafod trefniadau a phryderon. Mae ein swyddogion diogelwch yn darparu hefyd sesiynau briffio diogelwch rheolaidd, gan gynnwys cyngor un i un, ac rydym yn cynghori ac yn cefnogi Aelodau a’u swyddfeydd etholaethol ar faterion diogelwch.
We have a range of security measures in place to protect Members and staff. We work closely with South Wales Police, who provide an armed presence, we have access to other security and intelligence services, and we do background checks on all pass holders. Security officials from all UK legislatures keep in regular contact to discuss arrangements and concerns. Our security officers provide regular security briefings, including one-to-one advice, and we advise and support Members and their constituency offices on security matters.
Diolch yn fawr ichi, Llywydd. Roedd yn braf gweld yr oriel gyhoeddus ar agor ddoe, a gobeithio y bydd ardaloedd eraill o’r Senedd yn ailagor i’r cyhoedd yn fuan. Pa gamau mae’r Comisiwn wedi’u cymryd i sicrhau bod ystâd y Senedd yn ddiogel, yn ymwneud â COVID, i holl ddefnyddwyr yr adeilad?
Thank you very much, Llywydd. It was good to see the public gallery open yesterday, and hopefully other areas of the Senedd will be able to reopen to the public soon. What steps has the Commission taken to ensure that the Senedd estate is safe, in relation to COVID, for all building users?
Adeilad cyhoeddus yw'n Senedd ni. Pobl Cymru sydd biau'r Senedd yma, ac mae pobl Cymru i fod cael mynediad i’w Senedd nhw. Rŷn ni wedi sicrhau, dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf o’n gwaith ni fel Senedd, bod y mynediad yna yn ddiogel o ran COVID, drwy sicrhau fod y mynediad yna ar-lein. Ond, wrth gwrs, rŷn ni i gyd eisiau cyrraedd sefyllfa lle mae pobl unwaith eto yn rhan o’n hystâd ni fan hyn, nid dim ond ni fel Aelodau ac aelodau o staff. Felly, byddwn ni’n cymryd y camau penodol pan fo'n ddiogel i’w gwneud i ganiatáu fwyfwy o ddefnydd o’r ystâd, ond mae’n rhaid gwneud hynny o fewn y cyfundrefnau sy’n bodoli, a phellter cymdeithasol yn enwedig, er mwyn cynnal diogelwch ein staff ni, ein Haelodau ni ac unrhyw ymwelydd i'r ystâd yma.
This is a public building. The Senedd belongs to the people of Wales, and the people of Wales must have access to their Senedd. We've ensured, over the past year, that our work as a Senedd is accessible in a safe way throughout the COVID pandemic by ensuring that that access is available online. But, of course, we want to reach a situation where people again are part of our estate here, not just us as Members and staff members. So, we will take the specific steps, when safe to do so, to ensure increasing use of the estate, but we have to do that within the current recommendations, social distancing in particular, to ensure the safety of our staff, our Members and any visitors to the estate.
2. A wnaiff y Comisiwn ddatganiad am gyflwyno trefniadau rhannu swyddi ar gyfer Aelodau'r Senedd? OQ56696
2. Will the Commission make a statement on the introduction of job-sharing arrangements for Members of the Senedd? OQ56696
Fe wnaeth y gwaith a gynhaliwyd yn ystod y bumed Senedd gan y panel arbenigol ar ddiwygio etholiadol y Cynulliad a'r Pwyllgor ar Ddiwygio Etholiadol y Senedd amlygu ystod o fuddiannau yn sgil rhannu swyddi yn y Senedd, gan gynnwys y posibilrwydd o wella amrywiaeth yn ein Senedd. Hefyd, nododd y panel arbenigol a'r pwyllgor yr heriau cyfreithiol ac ymarferol sy'n ymwneud ag atebolrwydd y bydd angen eu goresgyn er mwyn caniatáu ar gyfer rhannu swyddi ar gyfer Aelodau o'r Senedd. Byddai cyflwyno trefniadau rhannu swyddi i Aelodau o'r Senedd yn gofyn am newidiadau deddfwriaethol, yn ogystal ag am ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o ran deall sut byddai cynrychiolydd etholedig yn cyflawni ei rôl.
The work conducted during the fifth Senedd by the expert panel on Assembly electoral reform and the Committee on Senedd Electoral Reform highlighted a range of benefits of job sharing in the Senedd, including the potential to improve diversity within our Parliament. The expert panel and committee also set out the legal and practical challenges involving democratic accountability that would need to be overcome to allow for job sharing for Members of the Senedd. Introducing job sharing arrangements for Members would require legislative changes, as well as public awareness and understanding of how elected representatives would undertake their role.
Diolch. Rydyn ni'n gwybod bod yna lawer o rwystrau sy'n annog grwpiau sydd heb gynrychiolaeth ddigonol, gan gynnwys menywod, rhag sefyll am swydd etholedig. Gall yr oriau hir fod yn anodd delio â nhw, yn enwedig yn sgil gofynion gofal plant, gofalu neu gyfrifoldebau eraill. Fel dŷch chi wedi sôn, yn ystod tymor diwethaf y Senedd, argymhellodd dau adroddiad y dylid caniatáu rhannu swyddi os eglurwyd hynny yn agored i'r etholwyr, a bod y gost yr un peth â chost AS unigol. Galwodd yr adroddiad gan bwyllgor y Senedd ar ddiwygio etholiadol am ymrwymiad i gymryd camau deddfwriaethol yn gynnar yn y chweched Senedd i ddiwygio ein deddfwrfa a chryfhau ein democratiaeth yng Nghymru. Sut ydych chi'n gweld yr agenda hon yn cael ei datblygu ar sail drawsbleidiol, a pha fath o amserlenni rydych chi'n eu rhagweld cyn cyflwyno deddfwriaeth?
Thank you. We know that there are a number of barriers for groups that aren't sufficiently represented, such as women, from standing for elected office. The long hours can be difficult to deal with, particularly in light of childcare responsibilities, caring responsibilities or other responsibilities. As you've mentioned, during the last term of the Senedd, two reports recommended that job sharing should be allowed if that was openly explained to constituents, and that it should be cost neutral. The Senedd committee on electoral reform called for a commitment to take legislative steps early in the sixth Senedd to reform our legislature and to strengthen our democracy in Wales. How do you see this agenda being developed on a cross-party basis, and what time kind of timetable do you anticipate before legislation is brought forward?
Diolch am y cwestiwn yna. Mae'r ffaith bod y cwestiwn wedi'i osod, ac ambell i fater yr wythnos yma, wedi ein hatgoffa ni o'r diddordeb sydd yna mewn rhannu swyddi ar gyfer hyrwyddo amrywiaeth. O edrych nôl ar waith y pwyllgor ar ddiwygio etholiadol, un o argymhellion y pwyllgor hwnnw oedd i'r chweched Senedd, yn gynnar, fod yn sefydlu grŵp ar draws y pleidiau i edrych ar y camau ymarferol sydd angen eu cymryd i hyrwyddo rhannu swyddi. Mae rhannu swyddi'n gallu golygu rhannu swyddi, wrth gwrs, fel Aelod o'r Senedd, a'r rhwystrau rydych chi wedi cyfeirio atyn nhw—yn ddeddfwriaethol o ran hynny—a rhai o'r materion byddai angen eu goresgyn, ond wedyn, wrth gwrs, rhannu swyddi fel rydyn ni wedi'i drafod yr wythnos yma eisoes, o ran rhai o'r swyddogaethau o fewn y Senedd lle nad oes angen newidiadau deddfwriaethol ond mae angen ystyriaeth fanwl ar sut mae cyflawni hynny. O ran amserlen, fel roeddech chi'n gofyn, fe wnaeth argymhelliad y pwyllgor ar ddiwygio etholiadol sôn bod angen cymryd camau cyflym i sefydlu'r grŵp trawsbleidiol yma nawr i edrych ar y camau nesaf. Fe fyddaf i yn trafod ar draws y pleidiau i sicrhau ein bod ni yn edrych ar y camau sydd angen eu gwneud, ac yn gwneud hynny yn gynnar yn ystod y tymor yma.
Thank you for that question. The fact that the question has been asked, and other matters this week, have reminded us of the interest that there is in job sharing to promote diversity. Looking back at the work of the committee on electoral reform, one of the recommendations made by that committee was for the sixth Senedd, early on in its term, to be establishing a cross-party group to look at the practical steps that needed to be taken to promote job sharing. Job sharing can mean sharing as a Member of the Senedd and the barriers that you've referred to—legislative barriers—and some of the issues that would need to be overcome, but also, of course, job sharing as we've already discussed this week in terms of some of the functions within the Senedd where there is no need for legislative change but there is a need for detailed consideration of how that can be achieved. In terms of a timescale, as you requested, the recommendation of the committee on electoral reform mentioned that we need to take swift steps to establish that cross-party group to look at the next steps. I will be discussing across parties to ensure that we look at the steps that do need to be taken, and I will do that early on during the term of the Senedd.
My question really is about looking at job sharing for Members at the Senedd. You, Presiding Officer, and the Deputy Presiding Officer, effectively job share controlling Senedd proceedings. Will the Commission look at allowing job sharing for other posts, such as committee Chairs and commissioners? I heard what you said in the answer to the last question, but I think that this is something that doesn't even need a change in Standing Orders; it's just something that perhaps we ought to look at, and be allowed to test it. I don't know if it's going to work; it might be a complete and utter disaster, in which case, you can change back relatively easily. If the first thing we do to test out job sharing is have two people standing for election, and it turns out to be a disaster, we've got five years of suffering with it for being a disaster.
Mae fy nghwestiwn yn ymwneud ag edrych ar rannu swyddi ar gyfer Aelodau o'r Senedd. Rydych chi, Lywydd, a'r Dirprwy Lywydd, yn rhannu swydd, i bob pwrpas, wrth i chi reoli trafodion y Senedd. A wnaiff y Comisiwn ystyried caniatáu i swyddi eraill, fel Cadeiryddion pwyllgorau a chomisiynwyr, gael eu rhannu? Clywais yr hyn a ddywedasoch yn eich ateb i'r cwestiwn diwethaf, ond credaf fod hyn yn rhywbeth nad oes angen hyd yn oed newid y Rheolau Sefydlog i'w wneud; dim ond rhywbeth y dylem edrych arno efallai, a chael caniatâd i'w brofi. Nid wyf yn gwybod a yw'n mynd i weithio; gallai fod yn drychineb llwyr, ac os felly, gallwch newid yn ôl yn gymharol hawdd. Os mai'r peth cyntaf a wnawn i brofi rhannu swydd yw cael dau unigolyn yn sefyll etholiad, a'i fod yn drychineb, mae gennym bum mlynedd o ddioddef yn sgil y ffaith ei fod yn drychineb.
Thank you for your views on that. I agree. As I answered to Sioned Williams, there are a number of various roles that this Senedd has that could look at how they could be undertaken via job sharing. Some of those are, as you say, Mike Hedges, within current legislation, and would require just changes to Standing Orders, and also some clarity on the procedures involved. The committee on electoral reform proposed a working group to be set up early in the term of this Senedd to look at the various aspects of job sharing that could work—and we do need to remember this—for the purpose of increasing diversity. That reminds me, of course, that, on reflecting on how we elected Chairs yesterday—and I congratulate all Chairs that were elected yesterday—two thirds of our Chairs were men elected yesterday, and 100 per cent of them were white, and that's neither reflective of Wales, or indeed, reflective of this Senedd, and therefore, it reminds us how we need to work to ensure that we are promoting diversity in every aspect of our work.
Diolch am eich sylwadau ar hynny. Rwy'n cytuno. Fel y dywedais yn fy ateb i Sioned Williams, mae nifer o rolau amrywiol yn y Senedd hon a allai edrych ar sut y gellid eu cyflawni drwy rannu swyddi. Mae rhai o'r rheini, fel y dywedwch, Mike Hedges, o fewn y ddeddfwriaeth gyfredol, a byddai angen newidiadau i'r Rheolau Sefydlog yn unig, yn ogystal â rhywfaint o eglurder ar y gweithdrefnau dan sylw. Cynigiodd y pwyllgor ar ddiwygio etholiadol y dylid sefydlu gweithgor yn gynnar yn nhymor y Senedd hon i edrych ar yr amryw agweddau ar rannu swyddi a allai weithio—ac mae angen inni gofio hyn—at ddibenion cynyddu amrywiaeth. Mae hynny'n fy atgoffa, wrth gwrs, wrth ystyried y modd y gwnaethom ethol Cadeiryddion ddoe—ac rwy'n llongyfarch yr holl Gadeiryddion a etholwyd ddoe—roedd dwy ran o dair o'r Cadeiryddion a etholwyd ddoe yn ddynion, a 100 y cant ohonynt yn wyn, ac nid yw hynny'n adlewyrchu Cymru, na'r Senedd hon yn wir, ac felly, mae'n ein hatgoffa sut y mae angen inni weithio i sicrhau ein bod yn hyrwyddo amrywiaeth ym mhob agwedd ar ein gwaith.
3. A wnaiff y Comisiwn ddatganiad am dalu'r cyflog byw go iawn i weithwyr a chontractwyr y Senedd? OQ56689
3. Will the Commission make a statement on the payment of the real living wage to Senedd employees and contractors? OQ56689
Cyfradd y Living Wage Foundation yn y Deyrnas Gyfunol, ac eithrio Llundain, ar hyn o bryd, yw £9.50 yr awr. Yr isafswm cyflog mynediad ar gyfer gweithwyr y Comisiwn yw £10.50 yr awr ar hyn o bryd. A cytunodd y Comisiwn blaenorol, o fis Ebrill 2020, y dylid talu pob staff contract y Comisiwn yn unol â'r isafswm cyflog mynediad i staff y Comisiwn, ac felly, yr isafswm cyflog i bob contractwr yw £10.50 yr awr hefyd.
The Living Wage Foundation rate for the United Kingdom, excluding London is currently £9.50 per hour. The minimum entry pay for Commission employees is currently £10.50 per hour. The previous Commission agreed that, with effect from April 2020, all Commission contract staff should be paid in line with the minimum entry pay for Commission staff. Therefore, the minimum pay for all contractors is also £10.50 per hour.
I welcome that answer, and I pay tribute and acknowledge the work of other Members in the fifth Senedd who pushed this agenda very, very hard indeed there, because of the importance of our democratic heart here of Wales as a nation, leading by example.
I wonder if I could ask whether there is more now that we can and should do to lead by example, either in omissions that we might not currently be aware of that we can cast our mind to, or alternatively, by actually sharing the experience of an institution like this with others in how we do actually promote the real living wage, not simply to the employees, but further afield, deep down beyond the organisation to everybody who touches this organisation?
Rwy'n croesawu'r ateb hwnnw, ac rwy'n cydnabod ac yn talu teyrnged i waith Aelodau eraill yn y pumed Senedd a wthiodd yr agenda hon yn galed iawn, oherwydd pwysigrwydd ein calon ddemocrataidd yma yng Nghymru fel cenedl, ac arwain drwy esiampl.
Tybed a gaf fi ofyn a oes mwy yn awr y gallwn ac y dylem ei wneud i arwain drwy esiampl, naill ai drwy hepgoriadau y gallwn feddwl amdanynt nad ydym efallai'n ymwybodol ohonynt ar hyn o bryd, neu fel arall, drwy rannu profiad sefydliad fel hwn ag eraill o ran y ffordd rydym yn hyrwyddo'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol mewn gwirionedd, nid yn unig i'r gweithwyr, ond ymhellach, yn ddwfn y tu hwnt i'r sefydliad i bawb sy'n dod i gysylltiad â'r sefydliad hwn?
Yes, indeed, and I think we can be proud as an employer that we do now employ all our staff and our contracted staff above the real living wage, and I pay tribute in particular here to Joyce Watson who has championed this in the last Senedd, and in the Commission. And, I think that, hopefully, we can think about how our example here of working with our contractors to ensure that the real living wage, above the real living wage, is paid to contract employees shows that, by discussion, we can get to a place where nobody working for us, with us here in the Senedd, is at a disadvantage, whether they are directly employed, employed by Members of the Senedd, or employed by our contractors.
Ie, yn wir, a chredaf y gallwn fod yn falch fel cyflogwr ein bod bellach yn cyflogi ein holl staff a'n staff dan gontract uwchlaw'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol, ac rwy'n talu teyrnged yn arbennig yma i Joyce Watson sydd wedi hyrwyddo hyn yn y Senedd ddiwethaf, ac yn y Comisiwn. Ac rwy'n credu, gobeithio, y gallwn feddwl ynglŷn â sut y mae ein hesiampl ni yma o weithio gyda'n contractwyr i sicrhau bod y cyflog byw gwirioneddol, uwchlaw'r cyflog byw gwirioneddol, yn cael ei dalu i weithwyr dan gontract yn dangos, drwy drafodaeth, y gallwn gyrraedd man lle nad oes neb sy'n gweithio i ni, gyda ni yma yn y Senedd, o dan anfantais, boed wedi'u cyflogi'n uniongyrchol, wedi'u cyflogi gan Aelodau o'r Senedd, neu wedi'u cyflogi gan ein contractwyr.
4. Beth mae'r Comisiwn yn ei wneud i gefnogi'r ymgyrch rhuban gwyn? OQ56673
4. What is the Commission doing to support the white ribbon campaign? OQ56673
Yn y gorffennol, mae'r Comisiwn wedi cefnogi'r ymgyrch Rhuban Gwyn drwy gynnal digwyddiad blynyddol yn y Senedd, a thrwy godi arian drwy werthu rhubanau gwyn yn siopau Tŷ Hywel a'r Senedd. Mae cyfyngiadau'r coronafeirws yn parhau i effeithio ar ein gallu i gynnal digwyddiadau wyneb yn wyneb, ond byddwn yn parhau i ddangos cefnogaeth i'r ymgyrch Rhuban Gwyn drwy godi ymwybyddiaeth ar ein sianelau cyfryngau cymdeithasol, a thrwy bostio hysbysiadau ar fewnrwyd yr Aelodau a'r staff.
Yn ystod y pandemig, mae'r Comisiwn wedi bod yn ymwybodol o risg uwch o achosion o gam-drin domestig, gan mai gweithio gartref fu'r norm, ac rydym wedi rhoi mwy o fesurau cymorth ar waith a rhoi gwybod amdanynt i'n staff a'n Aelodau.
In the past, the Commission has supported the White Ribbon campaign by holding an annual event in the Senedd and by raising money through the sale of white ribbons in the Tŷ Hywel and Senedd shops. Coronavirus restrictions continue to impact our ability to host in-person events, but we will continue to show support for the White Ribbon campaign by raising awareness on our social media channels and by posting notices on the Member and staff intranets.
During the pandemic, the Commission has been mindful of the increased risk of incidences of domestic abuse as homeworking has been the norm, and has implemented and communicated increased measures of support.
Diolch, Llywydd, and Llywydd, you will know I'm a very proud White Ribbon ambassador, and I am passionate about spreading the message that all men should make, and importantly, mean the White Ribbon promise. I know that you yourself, and other members of the Commission, both past and present, are powerful champions for this cause, and, as you've said, you often support the cause and have done over many years.
In the last Senedd, the Commission were looking at the possibility of becoming White Ribbon-accredited, and I'm keen to understand the progress that has been made on that issue.
Diolch, Lywydd, ac fe fyddwch yn gwybod fy mod yn llysgennad Rhuban Gwyn balch iawn, ac rwy'n angerddol ynglŷn â lledaenu'r neges y dylai pob dyn wneud, ac yn bwysig, y dylai pob dyn gadw addewid y Rhuban Gwyn. Gwn eich bod chi eich hun, ac aelodau eraill o'r Comisiwn, yn y gorffennol a'r presennol, yn hyrwyddo'r achos hwn yn frwd, ac fel rydych wedi'i ddweud, rydych yn aml yn cefnogi'r achos ac wedi gwneud hynny dros flynyddoedd lawer.
Yn y Senedd ddiwethaf, roedd y Comisiwn yn edrych ar y posibilrwydd o gael achrediad Rhuban Gwyn, ac rwy'n awyddus i wybod pa gynnydd a wnaed mewn perthynas â hynny.
Yes, Jack Sargeant, thank you, and thank you for pursuing this with us as a Commission, and I hope that you feel that you're knocking at an open door when it comes to promoting White Ribbon.
After saying that, I am going to have to say that despite our interest in becoming White Ribbon-accredited, I'm sorry to have to hide behind the pandemic for the reasons for not having achieved this to date. But having put in place more practical support measures for our staff in the context of the pandemic and working from home, I think it is now right for the new Commission to look again at what you've proposed previously, and proposed again today, at White Ribbon accreditation, and we will do so, as a Commission.
Ie, Jack Sargeant, diolch, a diolch am fynd ar drywydd hyn gyda ni fel Comisiwn, ac rwy'n gobeithio eich bod yn teimlo eich bod yn curo ar ddrws agored mewn perthynas â hyrwyddo'r Rhuban Gwyn.
Wedi dweud hynny, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, er gwaethaf ein diddordeb mewn cael achrediad Rhuban Gwyn, mae'n ddrwg gennyf am orfod defnyddio'r pandemig fel rheswm dros beidio â chyflawni hyn hyd yma. Ond ar ôl rhoi mesurau cymorth mwy ymarferol ar waith ar gyfer ein staff yng nghyd-destun y pandemig a gweithio gartref, credaf ei bod yn awr yn amser i'r Comisiwn newydd edrych eto ar yr hyn rydych wedi'i gynnig o'r blaen, ac wedi'i gynnig eto heddiw, mewn perthynas ag achrediad Rhuban Gwyn, a byddwn yn gwneud hynny, fel Comisiwn.
5. A wnaiff y Comisiwn ddatganiad am ei bolisi TGCh ar gyfer y chweched Senedd? OQ56681
5. Will the Commission make a statement on its ICT policy for the sixth Senedd? OQ56681
Polisi'r Comisiwn yw darparu gwasanaethau technoleg gwybodaeth diogel ac addasadwy, sy'n caniatáu i Aelodau, eu staff a staff y Comisiwn i weithio'n effeithlon ac yn hyblyg. Er enghraifft, mae gan bob defnyddiwr yr opsiwn i ddewis dyfeisiadau symudol i'w helpu i weithio'n hyblyg ac i gael gafael ar raglenni a gwybodaeth y Comisiwn drwy wasanaeth cwmwl.
The Commission’s policy is to provide secure and adaptable ICT services that allow Members, their staff and Commission staff to work efficiently and flexibly. By way of example, all users have the option to select mobile devices to support flexible working and Commission applications and information can be accessed via a cloud service.
I'm grateful to the Presiding Officer for that. I was profoundly shocked to read section 2 of the policy, where it states very clearly that the Senedd Commission may without notice check and make and keep copies of all information, which includes, but is not limited to, telephone calls and any electronic communications, stored information, data sent, received created or contained within the Senedd ICT system. These are extraordinary intrusive powers that the Senedd Commission seems to have granted itself, and far more intrusive than would be available to either the police or the security services, if they were investigating criminality without seeking judicial approval. And, it appears to me, that this level of potential spying or snooping on elected Members, doing their work on behalf of the people of Wales, is wholly and completely unacceptable. I would ask this Senedd Commission to urgently withdraw this part of the policy, rewrite this policy, with the collaboration and cooperation of Members, and then we can have a policy that all of us feel a part of, and where we don't feel that we're being treated as criminals.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Llywydd am hynny. Cefais fy synnu'n fawr wrth ddarllen adran 2 o'r polisi, lle mae'n datgan yn glir iawn y gall Comisiwn y Senedd, heb rybudd, wirio a gwneud a chadw copïau o'r holl wybodaeth, sy'n cynnwys, ond heb fod yn gyfyngedig i, alwadau ffôn ac unrhyw gyfathrebiadau electronig, gwybodaeth wedi'i storio, a data a anfonwyd, a grëwyd neu a gynhwysir o fewn system TGCh y Senedd. Mae'r rhain yn bwerau ymwthiol eithriadol y mae Comisiwn y Senedd, i bob golwg, wedi'u rhoi iddo'i hun, ac yn llawer mwy ymwthiol na'r pwerau a fyddai ar gael i'r heddlu neu'r gwasanaethau diogelwch, pe baent yn ymchwilio i droseddau heb ofyn am gymeradwyaeth farnwrol. Ac mae'n ymddangos i mi, fod y lefel hon o ysbïo neu fusnesu posibl ar Aelodau etholedig, sy'n gwneud eu gwaith ar ran pobl Cymru, yn gwbl annerbyniol. Hoffwn ofyn i Gomisiwn y Senedd dynnu'r rhan hon o'r polisi yn ôl ar frys, ailysgrifennu'r polisi hwn, gyda chydweithrediad yr Aelodau, ac yna gallwn gael polisi y mae pob un ohonom yn teimlo'n rhan ohono, lle nad ydym yn teimlo ein bod yn cael ein trin fel troseddwyr.
I can assure Members of this Senedd that they are not treated as criminals, neither does the Commission use any of this guidance for the purposes of spying or snooping, and I'm comfortable then in working with Members and Commissioners to give the reassurance, and to review this policy, if needs be, and, therefore, we can do that. But this policy is in place to both protect Members and, also, to ensure, if investigations of abuse of any kind or criminal behaviour have been undertaken by any Member or member of staff, that there is the ability to look into that information. But the ability to do that is done in light of restrictions that we have placed on ourselves, and it's not, in any way, any fishing exercise that can happen by the Commission. But, as I said, I'm perfectly happy, now that it's been raised in questions here, to provide any reassurance and to review, if necessary.
Gallaf sicrhau'r Aelodau o'r Senedd hon nad ydynt yn cael eu trin fel troseddwyr, ac nid yw'r Comisiwn ychwaith yn defnyddio unrhyw un o'r canllawiau hyn at ddibenion ysbïo neu fusnesu, ac rwy'n hapus i weithio gydag Aelodau a Chomisiynwyr i ddarparu sicrwydd, ac i adolygu'r polisi hwn, os oes angen, ac felly, gallwn wneud hynny. Ond mae'r polisi hwn ar waith i ddiogelu Aelodau a hefyd i sicrhau, os oes ymchwiliadau i gamdriniaeth o unrhyw fath neu ymddygiad troseddol wedi'u cyflawni gan unrhyw Aelod neu aelod o staff, ein bod yn gallu ymchwilio i'r wybodaeth honno. Ond mae'r gallu i wneud hynny o fewn cyfyngiadau rydym wedi'u gosod arnom ni ein hunain, ac nid yw, mewn unrhyw ffordd, yn ymarfer pysgota a all ddigwydd gan y Comisiwn. Ond fel y dywedais, rwy'n berffaith hapus, gan ei fod bellach wedi cael ei godi mewn cwestiwn yma, i ddarparu unrhyw sicrwydd ac i adolygu, os oes angen.
6. A wnaiff y Comisiwn gadarnhau ei drefniadau ar gyfer cwrdd yn ystod y tymor sydd i ddod? OQ56705
6. Will the Commission confirm its meeting arrangements for the forthcoming term? OQ56705
Penodwyd y Comisiynwyr ar gyfer y Senedd yma ar 23 Mehefin, a'r bwriad yw y bydd eu cyfarfod ffurfiol cyntaf yn digwydd cyn diwedd y tymor. Mae'r Comisiwn fel arfer yn cwrdd rhyw ddwy, tair gwaith bob tymor, ac mae'n gallu cwrdd yn ôl yr angen yn ychwanegol hefyd. Cyhoeddir egwyddorion llywodraethiant y Comisiwn a'r darpariaethau ategol ar y wefan.
Commissioners were appointed for this Senedd on 23 June, and the intention is that their first formal meeting will take place before the end of term. The Commission meets two or three times each term usually, and is able to meet as demand needs. The Commission governance principles and supporting provisions are published on the website.
Thank you, Presiding Officer. Just reflecting, as a new Member into the Senedd on this intake, there seemed to me to be a bit of disconnect between some of the new proposals, which the Commission were bringing forward in rules and rule changes in our working, and what Members were actually seeking. So, just wondering, with that meeting arrangement and timetable in place, how will you be using those meetings and making sure we're engaging with Members, informing Members, as to any potential changes in the future?
Diolch i chi am eich ateb, Lywydd. Fel un o'r Aelodau newydd o'r Senedd hon, roedd yn ymddangos i mi fod diffyg cysylltiad braidd rhwng rhai o'r cynigion newydd roedd y Comisiwn yn eu cyflwyno mewn rheolau a newidiadau i reolau yn ein gwaith, a'r hyn roedd Aelodau'n ei geisio mewn gwirionedd. Felly, rwy'n meddwl tybed, gyda threfniadau cyfarfod ac amserlen ar waith, sut y byddwch yn defnyddio'r cyfarfodydd hynny ac yn sicrhau ein bod yn ymgysylltu ag Aelodau, yn hysbysu'r Aelodau, ynghylch unrhyw newidiadau posibl yn y dyfodol?