National Assembly for Wales

Y Cyfarfod Llawn

Plenary

20/11/2018

Cynnwys

Contents

1. Cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog 1. Questions to the First Minister
2. Datganiad a Chyhoeddiad Busnes 2. Business Statement and Announcement
3. Datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol: Diwygio Gwasanaethau Deintyddol 3. Statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services: Reforming Dental Services
4. Datganiad gan y Prif Weinidog: Cytundeb Drafft ar Ymadawiad y DU â’r UE 4. Statement by the First Minister: Draft Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU
5. Datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg: Symudedd Myfyrwyr Rhyngwladol 5. Statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education: International Student Mobility
6. Datganiad gan Weinidog y Gymraeg a Dysgu Gydol Oes: Yr Adolygiad o Gyllid Addysg Bellach 6. Statement by the Minister for Welsh Language and Lifelong Learning: The Review of Further Education Funding
7. Datganiad gan y Gweinidog Tai ac Adfywio: Buddsoddi mewn Ymyrraeth Gynnar a Dulliau Traws-Lywodraeth i fynd i'r afael â Digartrefedd ymysg Pobl Ifanc 7. Statement by the Minister for Housing and Regeneration: Investing in Early Intervention and Cross Government Approaches to Tackle Youth Homelessness
8. Dadl: Rheoliadau'r Ddeddf Cyfraith sy'n Deillio o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd (Cymru) 2018 (Diddymu) 2018 8. Debate: The Law Derived from the European Union (Wales) Act 2018 (Repeal) Regulations 2018
9. Dadl: Sut rydym yn cyflawni system ynni carbon isel i Gymru? 9. Debate: How do we achieve a low carbon energy system for Wales?
10. Datganiad gan Gadeirydd y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg: Diwrnod Byd-eang y Plant y Cenhedloedd Unedig 10. Statement by the Chair of the Children, Young People and Education Committee: United Nations Universal Children's Day
11. Cyfnod Pleidleisio 11. Voting Time

Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair. 

The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.

1. Cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog
1. Questions to the First Minister

Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein hagenda ni y prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Hefin David. 

The first item on our agenda this afternoon is questions to the First Minister, and the first question is from Hefin David. 

Ysgolion yr Unfed Ganrif ar Hugain
Twenty-first Century Schools

1. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer ariannu ysgolion sy'n rhan o fand B Ysgolion yr 21ain Ganrif? OAQ52976

1. Will the First Minister make a statement about Welsh Government plans for the funding of band B 21st Century Schools? OAQ52976

Yes. Band B of our twenty-first century schools and education programme will see a further £2.3 billion invested in our education estate from April of next year, and, subject to approval of business cases, all local authorities and colleges in Wales will benefit from those investments. 

Gwnaf. Bydd band B ein rhaglen addysg ac ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain yn arwain at fuddsoddiad ychwanegol o £2.3 biliwn yn ein hystâd addysg o fis Ebrill y flwyddyn nesaf, ac, yn amodol ar gymeradwyaeth achosion busnes, bydd holl awdurdodau lleol a cholegau Cymru yn elwa ar y buddsoddiadau hynny.

And it's the case that the Government has committed to use public-private funding through the mutual investment model of £500 million to partially fund the cost of the building of new schools. Last week, the Cabinet Secretary for Finance told me that individual school building schemes would not be of sufficient scale individually to qualify for funding, and instead schemes would be brought together in batches across Wales to be of sufficient scale to qualify. However, the Wales Audit Office produced a report in May 2017 in which they said that, to date, most councils had resisted procuring projects in batches, that protracted consultations on one or two controversial projects that involve merges or closures could potentially delay all the projects in a batch and that failure to collaborate would pose a significant risk to the revenue-funded element of the programme.

Having looked through previous discussions in this Chamber and in committee on the mutual investment model, I find the Government has provided inadequate information about how it's going to resolve these issues. With that in mind, would the First Minister, in the first instance, outline how the Government is addressing the batching problems, but, in the longer term, would he commit to a debate in Government time in order for all Members to scrutinise this funding model effectively?

Ac mae'n wir bod y Llywodraeth wedi ymrwymo i ddefnyddio cyllid cyhoeddus-preifat drwy'r model buddsoddi cydfuddiannol o £500 miliwn i ariannu'n rhannol y gost o adeiladu ysgolion newydd. Yr wythnos diwethaf, dywedodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid wrthyf na fyddai cynlluniau adeiladu ysgolion unigol yn ddigon mawr i fod yn gymwys i gael cyllid, ac yn hytrach byddai cynlluniau yn cael eu tynnu ynghyd mewn sypiau ledled Cymru i fod yn ddigon mawr i fod yn gymwys. Fodd bynnag, lluniwyd adroddiad gan Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru ym mis Mai 2017 pryd y dywedasant fod y rhan fwyaf o gynghorau wedi gwrthod, hyd yn hyn, caffael prosiectau mewn sypiau, y gallai ymgynghoriadau hirfaith ar un neu ddau o brosiectau dadleuol sy'n cynnwys uno neu gau o bosibl ohirio'r holl brosiectau sydd mewn swp ac y byddai methiant i gydweithredu yn peri risg sylweddol i'r elfen o'r rhaglen a ariennir gan refeniw.

Ar ôl edrych trwy drafodaethau blaenorol yn y Siambr hon ac yn y pwyllgor ar y model buddsoddi cydfuddiannol, rwy'n canfod bod y Llywodraeth wedi darparu gwybodaeth annigonol am sut y mae'n mynd i ddatrys y problemau hyn. Gyda hynny mewn golwg, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog, yn y lle cyntaf, amlinellu sut mae'r Llywodraeth yn mynd i'r afael â'r problemau o ran sypiau, ond, yn y tymor hwy, a wnaiff ef ymrwymo i ddadl yn amser y Llywodraeth fel y gall yr holl Aelodau graffu ar y model ariannu hwn yn effeithiol?

The reason why we've chosen strategic partnering to deliver MIM education projects is that it allows for the capital value of individual projects to be much lower than they would be under single procurement. So, we encourage, of course, bundling to happen in order for the cost to go down, amongst other reasons. The successful strategic partner is granted the opportunity to deliver the aggregated pipeline of MIM education schemes—that's up to £500 million in value—and that represents an efficient and agile way to deliver single or small batched schemes at a local level with values as low as £15 million, because, without that, every individual local authority or further education institution would need to run a full procurement for each of its individual MIM projects, which is impractical and time consuming. We would encourage local authorities, of course, to take a bundling approach so that their own costs are brought down and, secondly, of course, to make sure that they are able to deliver projects that otherwise probably wouldn't be delivered because they are smaller in scale. 

Y rheswm pam yr ydym ni wedi dewis partneriaeth strategol i ddarparu prosiectau addysg MIM yw ei fod yn caniatáu i werth cyfalaf prosiectau unigol fod yn is o lawer nag y byddent o dan gaffael unigol. Felly, rydym ni'n annog, wrth gwrs, bwndelu i ddigwydd er mwyn i'r gost ostwng, ymhlith rhesymau eraill. Rhoddir y cyfle i bartner strategol llwyddiannus ddarparu'r biblinell gyfanredol o gynlluniau addysg MIM—mae hynny hyd at £500 miliwn mewn gwerth—ac mae hynny'n cynrychioli ffordd effeithlon a hyblyg o ddarparu cynlluniau sengl neu mewn sypiau bach ar lefel leol sydd â gwerthoedd mor isel â £15 miliwn, oherwydd, heb hynny, byddai angen i bob awdurdod lleol neu sefydliad addysg bellach unigol gynnal proses gaffael llawn ar gyfer pob un o'i brosiectau MIM unigol, sy'n anymarferol ac yn cymryd llawer o amser. Byddem yn annog awdurdodau lleol, wrth gwrs, i fabwysiadu dull bwndelu fel bod eu costau eu hunain yn cael eu gostwng ac, yn ail, wrth gwrs, i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn gallu darparu prosiectau na fyddai'n cael eu darparu fel arall yn ôl pob tebyg, gan eu bod yn llai o ran maint.

Twenty-first century schools, First Minister, as we've heard you many times say, is about improving the school estate across Wales. In my own electoral region, the Vale of Glamorgan Council are proposing to shut a small rural school that has a good role to it, has a bright future ahead of it—Llancarfan school. I appreciate you can't talk about the specific case, but surely it is not right to use twenty-first century school money to shut a viable school that has a bright future, and, indeed, the argument the Vale council have put forward doesn't even talk of closure; it merely talks of relocation. That is not what twenty-first century schools is about, is it?

Diben ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, Prif Weinidog, fel yr ydym ni wedi eich clywed chi'n dweud droeon, yw gwella'r ystâd ysgolion ledled Cymru. Yn fy rhanbarth etholiadol fy hun, mae Cyngor Bro Morgannwg yn cynnig cau ysgol gefn gwlad fach sydd â chofrestr dda, sydd â dyfodol disglair o'i blaen—ysgol Llancarfan. Rwy'n sylweddoli na allwch chi drafod achos penodol, ond does bosib ei bod hi'n iawn i ddefnyddio arian ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain i gau ysgol hyfyw sydd â dyfodol disglair, ac, yn wir, nid yw'r ddadl y mae Cyngor y Fro wedi ei chyflwyno hyd yn oed yn sôn am gau; adleoli yw'r cwbl y mae'n sôn amdano. Nid dyna ddiben ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain, aie?

Well, as he puts it, the objective of twenty-first century schools is not to close schools; the objective of twenty-first schools is to provide the appropriate premises for children and young people to learn in. I know, of course, that in many parts of Wales that has meant that new schools have been built and that existing schools have been closed for any number of reasons. He's right to say, of course, that I can't comment on a particular proposal that's before the Vale of Glamorgan council, but we're proud of the fact that twenty-first century schools has delivered new buildings and refurbished buildings for so many children and young people across Wales. 

Wel, fel y mae ef yn ei ddweud, nid cau ysgolion yw amcan ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain; amcan ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain yw darparu safleoedd priodol i blant a phobl ifanc ddysgu ynddynt. Gwn, wrth gwrs, bod hynny wedi golygu mewn llawer o rannau o Gymru bod ysgolion newydd wedi cael eu hadeiladu a bod ysgolion presennol wedi cael eu cau am sawl rheswm. Mae'n iawn i ddweud, wrth gwrs, na allaf wneud sylwadau ar gynnig penodol sydd gerbron Cyngor Bro Morgannwg, ond rydym ni'n falch o'r ffaith bod ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain wedi darparu adeiladau newydd ac adeiladau wedi'u hailwampio i gynifer o blant a phobl ifanc ledled Cymru.

Mae galw mawr am yr arian cyfalaf ychwanegol sydd wedi'i glustnodi ar gyfer prosiectau ysgolion yr unfed ganrif ar hugain gan y sector cyfrwng Cymraeg, sydd yn newyddion ardderchog, wrth gwrs, ac yn dangos awydd i gefnogi uchelgais miliwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg y Llywodraeth yma. Ond nid oes yna ddigon o arian i ateb y galw, a hynny o bell ffordd. Mae gwerth dros £100 miliwn o geisiadau am arian wedi cael eu cyflwyno ar gyfer prosiectau i gynyddu addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg ar draws Cymru. A fydd yna fwy o fuddsoddiad ar gyfer ysgolion cyfrwng Cymraeg neu addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg yn y tymor Cynulliad hwn?

There is huge demand for the additional capital funding allocated for twenty-first century schools projects from the Welsh-medium sector, which is excellent news, of course, and demonstrates a desire to support the Government's ambition of a million Welsh speakers, but there isn’t sufficient funding to meet that demand by any stretch. Over £100 million-worth of applications for funding have been made for projects to increase Welsh-medium education across Wales. Will there be more investment for Welsh-medium schools or Welsh-medium education in this Assembly term?

Wel, wrth gwrs, rydym ni wedi buddsoddi yn fawr iawn mewn addysg ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni wedi cadw'r maint sy'n cael ei hala ar addysg yn uchel. Er enghraifft, os edrychwn ni ar beth rydym ni wedi ei wario ar addysg, rydym ni'n gallu gweld bod y gwario wedi mynd lan dros y blynyddoedd—1.8 y cant yn 2017-18, a hwnnw yw'r mwyaf o unrhyw un o'r pedair gwlad yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Ond mae'n wir i ddweud, wrth gwrs, fod yna fwy o alw am addysg Gymraeg, sy'n rhywbeth i'w groesawu. Wrth gwrs, mae'n rhaid i bob awdurdod lleol, drwy'r cynlluniau sydd gyda nhw, sicrhau bod y galw'n cael ei ateb, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n moyn sicrhau bod yr athrawon yna er mwyn i'r ysgolion allu ffynnu a thyfu yn y pen draw. Rydym ni'n mynd i fuddsoddi, wrth gwrs, mewn addysg Gymraeg ac rydym ni'n mynd i weithio gyda'r awdurdodau lleol er mwyn sicrhau bod y cynlluniau sydd gyda nhw yn gynlluniau sy'n gryf. 

Well, of course, we have made great investment in education and we’ve maintained the high level of education spend. For example, if you look at what we spend on education, you can see that the spending has increased over the years—1.8 per cent in 2017-18, and that’s more than any other country in the United Kingdom. But it’s true to say, of course, that there is more demand for Welsh-medium, which is to be welcomed. Of course, every local authority, through the plans that they have, should ensure that that demand is catered for, and we must also ensure that the teachers are in place so that the schools can grow and prosper. Of course, we will invest, of course, in Welsh-medium education and we’ll work with the LEAs to ensure that their plans are strong.

13:35
Y Goblygiadau i Gymru o'r Cytundeb Ymadael
The Implications for Wales of the Withdrawal Agreement

2. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am y goblygiadau i Gymru o'r cytundeb ymadael rhwng y DU a'r UE? OAQ52973

2. Will the First Minister make a statement on the implications for Wales of the withdrawal agreement between the UK and the EU? OAQ52973

Well, there is a statement later on, of course, this afternoon, but I think it's right to say that while  many aspects of the withdrawal agreement are needed, the political declaration on our future relationship needs to set out the intent of both sides to negotiate a long-term relationship that clearly reflects the position in 'Securing Wales' Future' before the Welsh Government would support any agreement. 

Wel, ceir datganiad yn ddiweddarach y prynhawn yma, wrth gwrs, ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n iawn i ddweud er bod angen llawer o agweddau ar y cytundeb ymadael, bod angen i'r datganiad gwleidyddol ar ein perthynas yn y dyfodol nodi bwriad y ddwy ochr i gytuno ar berthynas hirdymor sy'n adlewyrchu'n eglur y safbwynt yn 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru' cyn y byddai Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi unrhyw gytundeb.

I thank the First Minister for his answer. I wonder if he can provide his view and analysis on the Northern Ireland backstop in particular and its implications for Wales. As ever with the UK Government, the rhetoric and the reality do not appear to match even when we've got the detail of a 600-page withdrawal agreement. The UK Government is arguing that the Northern Ireland backstop will provide Northern Ireland with two open borders: one with the Republic and one with Britain. But if there is regulatory or non-regulatory divergence between Northern Ireland and Britain, surely that means that there'll be a hard border in the Irish sea. Is that the First Minister's understanding of the withdrawal agreement and the backstop in particular? And would he agree, therefore, that that would be bad news for Welsh ports and the Welsh economy generally? Or is he aware of any other proposal that the UK Government might have, such as unilaterally deciding not to check any goods that come from Northern Ireland, whether there's a backstop or not?  

Diolchaf i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ateb. Tybed a allai gynnig ei farn a'i ddadansoddiad ynghylch ôl-stop Gogledd Iwerddon yn arbennig a'i oblygiadau i Gymru. Fel sy'n wir erioed gyda Llywodraeth y DU, nid yw'n ymddangos bod y rhethreg a'r realiti yn cyfateb hyd yn oed pan fo gennym ni fanylion cytundeb ymadael 600 tudalen. Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn dadlau y bydd ôl-stop Gogledd Iwerddon yn rhoi dwy ffin agored i Ogledd Iwerddon: un gyda'r Weriniaeth ac un gyda Phrydain. Ond os oes gwahaniaeth rheoleiddiol neu nad yw'n rheoleiddiol rhwng Gogledd Iwerddon a Phrydain, does bosib nad yw hynny'n golygu y bydd ffin galed ym Môr Iwerddon. Ai dyna ddealltwriaeth y Prif Weinidog o'r cytundeb ymadael a'r ôl-stop yn arbennig? A yw'n cytuno, felly, y byddai hynny'n newyddion drwg i borthladdoedd Cymru ac economi Cymru yn gyffredinol? Neu a yw'n ymwybodol o unrhyw gynnig arall y gallai fod gan Lywodraeth y DU, fel penderfynu'n unochrog i beidio ag archwilio unrhyw nwyddau sy'n dod o Ogledd Iwerddon, pa un a oes ôl-stop ai peidio?

Well, there lies the issue. Of course, there are some checks now, particularly in terms of animals and food checks, but they've been there because the island of Ireland is one area as far as biosecurity is concerned. The concern I've always had, and it's not addressed in the withdrawal agreement, is that barriers would be put up, yes, through the middle of the Irish sea, but that affects Wales as well, because, clearly, what I don't want to see, as I've said many times in this Chamber, are any fresh barriers being put in place between Wales and the Republic of Ireland, particularly barriers that would lead to trade moving more easily through the Scottish ports into Northern Ireland. The withdrawal agreement is not clear as to how that would operate. The focus has been on the land border between Northern Ireland and the Republic but there is no focus on the maritime border between Wales—and England for that matter—and the Republic of Ireland, which is lacking in the agreement.    

Wel, dyna wraidd y mater. Wrth gwrs, ceir rhai archwiliadau nawr, yn enwedig o ran anifeiliaid ac archwiliadau bwyd, ond maen nhw wedi bod yno oherwydd bod ynys Iwerddon yn un ardal cyn belled ag y mae bioddiogelwch yn y cwestiwn. Y pryder fu gen i erioed, ac ni roddir sylw iddo yn y cytundeb ymadael, yw y byddai rhwystrau yn cael eu codi, byddai, trwy ganol môr Iwerddon, ond mae hynny'n effeithio ar Gymru hefyd, oherwydd, yn amlwg, yr hyn nad wyf i eisiau ei weld, fel yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud droeon yn y Siambr hon, yw unrhyw rwystrau newydd yn cael eu codi rhwng Cymru a Gweriniaeth Iwerddon, yn enwedig rhwystrau a fyddai'n arwain at fasnach yn symud yn rhwyddach trwy borthladdoedd yr Alban i Ogledd Iwerddon. Nid yw'r cytundeb ymadael yn eglur ynghylch sut y byddai hynny'n gweithio. Mae'r pwyslais wedi bod ar y ffin ar y tir rhwng Gogledd Iwerddon a'r Weriniaeth, ond nid oes unrhyw bwyslais ar y ffin forol rhwng Cymru—a Lloegr o ran hynny—a Gweriniaeth Iwerddon, sy'n absennol o'r cytundeb.

First Minister, while your Government has been playing politics frankly since June 2016—[Interruption.]—by grandstanding and attacking the Prime Minister, the truth is that Theresa May has been working very hard to negotiate a deal with the European Union, which delivers for Wales and which respects the outcome of the referendum—and I remind everybody—in which Wales voted to leave the EU. Now, I accept that the deal that was put forward by the Prime Minister last week is a compromise. I accept that it won't please everybody in this Chamber, but what it will do—. [Interruption.] What it will do is protect jobs, protect the interests of Welsh businesses, protect the environment and protect Welsh people's rights. Now, in spite of the support that has been shown for this deal from the CBI, from the Institute of Directors and from the various farming unions, including our own farming unions here in Wales, Jeremy Corbyn, of course, has ruled out supporting the deal, and he ruled it out without actually having read the detail of the deal. Have you read the deal, and will you assure us that you will do the right thing and support the deal that is in front of us, which is pragmatic and the only way to get an orderly exit from the EU? 

Prif Weinidog, tra bod eich Llywodraeth wedi bod yn chwarae gwleidyddiaeth ers mis Mehefin 2016, a dweud y gwir—[Torri ar draws.]—trwy ddangos eich hun ac ymosod ar Brif Weinidog y DU, y gwir amdani yw bod Theresa May wedi bod yn gweithio'n galed iawn i ddod i gytundeb gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, sy'n cyflawni dros Gymru ac yn parchu canlyniad y refferendwm—ac rwy'n atgoffa pawb—pan bleidleisiodd Cymru o blaid gadael yr UE. Nawr, rwy'n derbyn bod y cytundeb a gyflwynwyd gan Brif Weinidog y DU yr wythnos diwethaf yn gyfaddawd. Rwy'n derbyn na fydd yn bodloni pawb yn y Siambr hon, ond yr hyn y bydd yn ei wneud—. [Torri ar draws.] Yr hyn y bydd yn ei wneud fydd amddiffyn swyddi, diogelu buddiannau busnesau Cymru, diogelu'r amgylchedd a diogelu hawliau pobl Cymru. Nawr, er gwaethaf y gefnogaeth a ddangoswyd i'r cytundeb hwn gan y CBI, gan sefydliad y Cyfarwyddwyr a chan y gwahanol undebau ffermio, gan gynnwys ein hundebau ffermio ein hunain yma yng Nghymru, mae Jeremy Corbyn, wrth gwrs, wedi diystyru cefnogi'r cytundeb, a diystyriwyd hynny ganddo heb ddarllen manylion y cytundeb. A ydych chi wedi darllen y cytundeb, ac a wnewch chi ein sicrhau y byddwch yn gwneud y peth iawn a chefnogi'r cytundeb sydd o'n blaenau, sydd yn ymarferol ac yn cynrychioli'r unig ffordd i ni ymadael â'r UE yn drefnus?

Well, there is no point asking me; he needs to ask his own colleagues in London. It's not a question of this being a Labour versus Conservative debate. There are many, many of his colleagues in London who are dead against this deal. That's the reality of it. He needs to convince Jacob Rees-Mogg first, with respect, as he's a member of his party. David Jones—on his own doorstep, he can try and convince David Jones. The problem is this, isn't it: the withdrawal agreement does address some of the issues, but not in a way that is secure enough or permanent enough. There are some other issues that need to be resolved as well, particularly with regard to the backstop. The real problem is that I can't see any way that this is going to get through the Commons. That's the problem, and the Conservative Party needs to examine whether or not it has the votes to get the deal through the Commons. So, the problem is not so much the deal, even though I have issues with the deal, particularly in terms of how long it will last, but that we don't know whether this deal will get through the Commons, and therein lies the problem within the Conservative Party and the massive splits that are within it.

Wel, nid oes unrhyw bwynt gofyn i mi; mae angen iddo ofyn i'w gydweithwyr ei hun yn Llundain. Nid yw'n gwestiwn bod hon yn ddadl Llafur yn erbyn y Ceidwadwyr. Mae llawer iawn o'i gydweithwyr yn Llundain sy'n gwrthwynebu'r cytundeb hwn yn llwyr. Dyna yw'r gwir amdani. Mae angen iddo argyhoeddi Jacob Rees-Mogg yn gyntaf, gyda pharch, gan ei fod ef yn aelod o'i blaid. David Jones—ar ei garreg drws ei hun, gall geisio darbwyllo David Jones. Y broblem yw hon, ynte: mae'r cytundeb ymadael yn roi sylw i rai o'r materion, ond nid mewn ffordd sy'n ddigon diogel nac yn ddigon parhaol. Ceir materion eraill y mae angen eu datrys hefyd, yn enwedig o ran yr ôl-stop. Y broblem wirioneddol yw na allaf weld unrhyw ffordd bod hwn yn mynd i lwyddo i fynd drwy Tŷ'r Cyffredin. Dyna'r broblem, ac mae angen i'r Blaid Geidwadol ystyried pa un a yw'r pleidleisiau ganddi ai peidio i gael cymeradwyaeth i'r cytundeb. Felly, nid y cytundeb yw'r broblem fel y cyfryw, er bod gen i ddadleuon ynghylch y cytundeb, yn enwedig o ran pa mor hir y bydd yn para, ond nad ydym yn gwybod pa un a fydd y cytundeb hwn yn llwyddo i fynd drwy Tŷ'r Cyffredin, a dyna ble mae'r broblem o fewn y Blaid Geidwadol a'r rhaniadau enfawr sydd ynddi.

13:40

First Minister, as well as the withdrawal agreement, as you've regularly pointed out, there was also the political declaration on the future relationship that was published at the same time. Whilst we cannot change the withdrawal agreement, because we're unlikely to get any changes and amendments through the EU in that situation, this can actually still be changed, and the council aren't meeting until Sunday. Are you having discussions with the Prime Minister to ensure that the Welsh voice is actually going to be heard in any changes to this declaration? Because as you've pointed out many times before our committee, the Welsh voice hasn't been listened to very often in London. It's time now it should be listened to in this future declaration on future interests.

Prif Weinidog, yn ogystal â'r cytundeb ymadael, fel yr ydych chi wedi tynnu sylw ato'n rheolaidd, cafwyd y datganiad gwleidyddol ar y berthynas yn y dyfodol a gyhoeddwyd ar yr un pryd. Er na allwn ni newid y cytundeb ymadael, gan ein bod ni'n annhebygol o gael unrhyw newidiadau a gwelliannau drwy'r UE yn y sefyllfa honno, gellir newid hyn o hyd mewn gwirionedd, ac nid yw'r Cyngor yn cyfarfod tan ddydd Sul. A ydych chi'n cael trafodaethau gyda Phrif Weinidog y DU i sicrhau bod llais Cymru yn mynd i gael ei glywed mewn unrhyw newidiadau i'r datganiad hwn? Oherwydd fel yr ydych chi wedi tynnu sylw ato droeon gerbron ein pwyllgor, ni wrandawyd ar lais Cymru yn aml iawn yn Llundain. Mae'n amser erbyn hyn y dylid gwrando arno yn y datganiad hwn yn y dyfodol ar fuddiannau yn y dyfodol.

I can inform the Chamber that I'll be meeting with the Prime Minister tomorrow to discuss that and other issues.

Gallaf hysbysu'r Siambr y byddaf yn cyfarfod â Phrif Weinidog y DU yfory i drafod hynny a materion eraill.

Cwestiynau Heb Rybudd gan Arweinwyr y Pleidiau
Questions Without Notice from the Party Leaders

Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau, ac ar ran arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Questions now from the party leaders, and on behalf of the leader of Plaid Cymru, Rhun ap Iorwerth.

Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, mi fydd gwladwriaethau eraill yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn penderfynu mewn uwchgynhadledd y penwythnos yma os ydy'r cytundeb drafft ar adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn gweithio iddyn nhw. A ydych chi'n credu ei fod o'n gweithio i Gymru?

Thank you, Llywydd. First Minister, other nation states within the European Union will decide at a summit this weekend whether the draft agreement on exiting the European Union works for them. Do you think it works for Wales?

Na, o achos y ffaith rydw i'n wastad wedi bod o blaid sefyll tu fewn i'r farchnad sengl ac, wrth gwrs, tu fewn i'r undeb tollau.

No, because I’ve always been in favour of remaining within the single market and within the customs union.

Mi ydym ni, wrth gwrs, ymhell iawn o beth gafodd ei gynnig yn y refferendwm ddwy flynedd a hanner yn ôl.

We are a very long way from what was proposed in the referendum two and a half years ago.

The agreement on offer is miles away, actually, from the promises made and voted on in June 2016. It probably doesn't please anybody at this point. I think we're agreed on that. Where we don't agree is how to protect Wales's interests in the event of the UK ceasing to be a member of the EU, however that happens. Now, the Supreme Court is busy considering whether a Scottish continuity Bill is within the competence of the Scottish Parliament. If the court agrees that it is, the Scots will have a powerful legislative shield against the Westminster power grab. Yet, while you have raised concerns about the nature of UK withdrawal as is being proposed at the moment, at the same time you're proposing this afternoon that we repeal the Welsh continuity Bill—the only thing preventing the Tories from legislating in devolved areas without this Assembly's consent. Now, given that the Supreme Court will come to its decision on Scotland within a matter of weeks, why not delay withdrawing the Welsh continuity Bill until we understand the lay of the land at the Supreme Court?

Mae'r cytundeb sydd ar gael filltiroedd i ffwrdd, a dweud y gwir, o'r addewidion a wnaed ac y pleidleisiwyd arnynt ym mis Mehefin 2016. Mae'n debyg nad yw'n bodloni neb ar hyn o bryd. Rwy'n credu ein bod ni'n cytuno ar hynny. Yr hyn nad ydym yn cytuno arno yw sut i ddiogelu buddiannau Cymru os na fydd y DU yn aelod o'r UE mwyach, sut bynnag y bydd hynny'n digwydd. Nawr, mae'r Goruchaf Lys yn brysur yn ystyried pa un a yw Bil parhad yr Alban o fewn cymhwysedd Senedd yr Alban. Os bydd y llys yn cytuno ei fod, bydd gan yr Albanwyr amddiffyniad deddfwriaethol grymus yn erbyn camau i gydio grym gan San Steffan. Ac eto, er eich bod chi wedi codi pryderon ynghylch natur ymadawiad y DU fel y'i cynigir ar hyn o bryd, ar yr un pryd rydych chi'n cynnig y prynhawn yma y dylem ni ddiddymu Bil parhad Cymru—yr unig beth sy'n atal y Torïaid rhag deddfu mewn meysydd datganoledig heb gydsyniad y Cynulliad hwn. Nawr, o gofio y bydd y Goruchaf Lys yn gwneud ei benderfyniad ar yr Alban o fewn mater o wythnosau, beth am oedi diddymiad Bil parhad Cymru tan ein bod ni'n deall y sefyllfa yn y Goruchaf Lys?

Well, of course any ruling by the Supreme Court will have an effect on Wales. Let's say, for example, the Supreme Court were to say that the Scots have that power, then that would cover us as well. But if they say that there's no power to do it, the Scots have nothing, and we have an agreement. That's the issue here. We have an inter-governmental agreement that was reached by two parties. Part of that agreement was to withdraw the continuity Act. If we don't do that, we will have breached the agreement, and that means of course that we have shown bad faith as far as the UK Government is concerned and as far as we are concerned. It's also worth, of course, bearing in mind that that agreement was reached after many, many months of negotiation, and that agreement is something that cannot lightly be thrown away. Now, I know he takes the view that he doesn't like the agreement. I understand that; it's been made clear in the past in this Chamber. But we have an agreement as a Government to protect Wales, and we intend to make sure that that agreement is honoured, at least on our side.

Wel, bydd unrhyw ddyfarniad gan y Goruchaf Lys yn cael effaith ar Gymru wrth gwrs. Gadewch i ni ddweud, er enghraifft, pe byddai'r Goruchaf Lys yn dweud bod gan yr Albanwyr y pŵer hwnnw, yna byddai hynny'n ein cynnwys ninnau hefyd. Ond os bydd yn dweud nad oes unrhyw bŵer i wneud hynny, nid oes gan yr Albanwyr ddim, ac mae gennym ni gytundeb. Dyna'r mater yn y fan yma. Mae gennym ni gytundeb rhynglywodraethol y daethpwyd iddo gan ddau barti. Rhan o'r cytundeb hwnnw oedd diddymu'r Ddeddf parhad. Os na fyddwn yn gwneud hynny, byddwn wedi torri'r cytundeb, ac mae hynny'n golygu wrth gwrs ein bod ni wedi dangos ewyllys drwg cyn belled ag y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn y cwestiwn a chyn belled ag yr ydym ni yn y cwestiwn. Mae'n werth cofio hefyd, wrth gwrs, y daethpwyd i gytundeb ar ôl misoedd lawer iawn o drafod, ac nid yw'r cytundeb hwnnw'n rhywbeth y gellir ei daflu i ffwrdd yn ddi-hid. Nawr, gwn ei fod ef o'r farn nad yw'n hoffi'r cytundeb. Rwy'n deall hynny; fe'i gwnaed yn eglur yn y Siambr hon yn y gorffennol. Ond mae gennym ni gytundeb fel Llywodraeth i amddiffyn Cymru, ac rydym ni'n bwriadu gwneud yn siŵr bod y cytundeb hwnnw'n cael ei anrhydeddu, ar ein hochr ni o leiaf.

Wales has too few levers as it is, and what happens in taking away the potential powers of the continuity Bill for Wales is that you weaken those powers that we do have. The legal argument is that Wales had a stronger case in the Supreme Court than Scotland did.

But, moving on, just over a week ago your party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, told the German newspaper Der Spiegel that Brexit cannot been stopped. Since then, we've been told that what he actually meant was that Labour on its own can't stop Brexit. Now, opposition parties on the 'remain' side of the argument have been very open to the notion of working in a cross-party manner to halt Brexit. Rather than prevaricatin—and, to be honest, I'm done guessing what's going on in Jeremy Corbyn's mind—don't you think that the Labour Party now should be entering into urgent talks with us, the SNP and other parties at Westminster to co-ordinate efforts to secure a fresh vote with 'remain' on the ballot paper? I know you've been advocating going down the general election route instead, but surely you can see now that what we really need is a people's vote?

Mae gan Gymru rhy ychydig o ysgogiadau fel y mae hi, a'r hyn sy'n digwydd o gael gwared ar bwerau posibl Bil parhad Cymru yw eich bod chi'n gwanhau'r pwerau hynny sydd gennym ni. Y ddadl gyfreithiol yw bod gan Gymru achos cryfach yn y Goruchaf Lys nag oedd gan yr Alban.

Ond, i symud ymlaen, ychydig dros wythnos yn ôl, dywedodd Jeremy Corbyn, arweinydd eich plaid, wrth bapur newydd Der Spiegel yn yr Almaen na ellir atal Brexit. Ers hynny, fe'n hysbyswyd mai'r hyn yr oedd yn ei olygu mewn gwirionedd oedd na all Llafur atal Brexit ar ei phen ei hun. Nawr, mae'r gwrthbleidiau ar ochr 'aros' y ddadl wedi bod yn agored iawn i'r syniad o weithio mewn modd trawsbleidiol i atal Brexit. Yn hytrach nag osgoi ateb—ac, a bod yn onest, rwyf i wedi cael llond bol ar ddyfalu beth sy'n digwydd ym meddwl Jeremy Corbyn—onid ydych chi'n credu y dylai'r Blaid Lafur fod yn cychwyn trafodaethau brys nawr gyda ni, yr SNP a phleidiau eraill yn San Steffan i gydgysylltu ymdrechion i sicrhau pleidlais newydd gydag 'aros' ar y papur pleidleisio? Gwn eich bod chi wedi bod yn hyrwyddo mynd ar drywydd etholiad cyffredinol yn hytrach, ond siawns y gallwch chi weld nawr mai'r hyn sydd wir ei angen arnom yw pleidlais y bobl?

13:45

Let me explain where I think we are. First of all, I think there's been a complete failure of politics in Westminster. We know that, because we had a referendum in 2016 on an idea. People now can see what the outcome is, and I do think that there is every justification in saying to people, 'Now you know what the realityis, what do you now want to do?' That could be done either through a general election or a public vote. But what's clear is, that public vote would have to offer the option of whether to leave, on what basis to leave, or, indeed, whether to remain, on the basis of what we know now. I can't see, where politicians in Westminster have failed, or a Government in Westminster has failed, that there is anything wrong with going back to people and saying, 'The circumstances have now changed, what do you now want to do?' If they still want to leave, then, of course, they have the opportunity to say so. But I do think we need trust the people on this.

Gadewch i mi esbonio'r sefyllfa yr wyf i'n credu yr ydym ni ynddi. Yn gyntaf oll, rwy'n credu y bu methiant llwyr o ran gwleidyddiaeth yn San Steffan. Rydym ni'n gwybod hynny, gan ein bod ni wedi cael refferendwm yn 2016 ar syniad. Gall pobl weld nawr beth yw'r canlyniad, ac rwy'n credu bod pob cyfiawnhad dros ddweud wrth bobl, 'Nawr eich bod chi'n gwybod beth yw'r realiti, beth ydych chi eisiau ei wneud nawr?' Gellid gwneud hynny naill ai drwy etholiad cyffredinol neu bleidlais gyhoeddus. Ond yr hyn sy'n eglur yw y byddai'n rhaid i'r bleidlais gyhoeddus honno gynnig y dewis i adael, ar ba sail i adael, neu, yn wir, i aros, ar sail yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei wybod nawr. Ni allaf weld, lle mae gwleidyddion yn San Steffan wedi methu, neu y mae Llywodraeth yn San Steffan wedi methu, bod unrhyw beth o'i le ar fynd yn ôl at bobl a dweud, 'Mae'r amgylchiadau wedi newid erbyn hyn, beth ydych chi eisiau ei wneud nawr?' Os byddant yn dal i fod eisiau gadael, yna, wrth gwrs, mae ganddyn nhw'r cyfle i ddweud hynny. Ond rwy'n credu bod angen i ni ymddiried yn y bobl yn hyn o beth.

Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Paul Davies.

Leader of the opposition, Paul Davies.

Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, how do you consider the early stages of the new rail franchise to be progressing?

Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, sut ydych chi'n meddwl y mae camau cynnar y fasnachfraint rheilffyrdd newydd yn mynd rhagddynt?

With great difficulty, because there have been enormous problems, as we can see. I'm glad that Transport for Wales has issued the apologies that is has. It had been affected by storm Callum and it has inherited quite an elderly fleet. But we did say—we were honest at the start—it would take some time to replace the trains that we wanted and to get the kind of service that we want to provide to the people of Wales.

Gyda chryn anhawster, oherwydd bu problemau enfawr, fel y gallwn weld. Rwy'n falch bod Trafnidiaeth Cymru wedi gwneud yr ymddiheuriadau y mae wedi eu gwneud. Roedd wedi cael ei effeithio gan storm Callum ac mae wedi etifeddu fflyd braidd yn hen. Ond fe wnaethom ddweud—roeddem ni'n onest ar y dechrau—y byddai'n cymryd cryn amser i newid y trenau yr oeddem ni eu heisiau a chael y math o wasanaeth yr ydym ni eisiau ei ddarparu i bobl Cymru.

First Minister, only a number of months ago, your transport Secretary stated that the new rail franchise would be transformational. We are now just over one month since Transport for Wales—[Interruption.]—since Transport for Wales took over the Welsh rail franchise, and already—

Prif Weinidog, dim ond ychydig fisoedd yn ôl, dywedodd eich Ysgrifennydd trafnidiaeth y byddai'r fasnachfraint rheilffyrdd newydd yn drawsnewidiol. Rydym ni ychydig dros fis erbyn hyn ers i Drafnidiaeth Cymru—[Torri ar draws.]—ers i Drafnidiaeth Cymru gymryd masnachfraint rheilffyrdd Cymru drosodd, ac eisoes—

I can't hear the leader of the opposition, and I don't think the First Minister can as well, so can you please be quiet and allow the leader of the opposition to be heard?

Ni allaf glywed arweinydd yr wrthblaid, ac nid wyf i'n credu y gall y Prif Weinidog ychwaith, felly allwch chi fod yn dawel os gwelwch yn dda a chaniatáu i arweinydd yr wrthblaid gael ei glywed?

Diolch, Llywydd. We are now just over one month since Transport for Wales took over the Welsh rail franchise, and already we have a public full-newspaper-page-spread apology that you've referred to. Now, the apology states, and I quote:

'We know that you, our customers, deserve better from your rail services in Wales and the Borders, and this is not what you expected from your new operator.'

Unquote. And do you know why, First Minister, this is not what people expected? I'll tell you why. Because, yet again, it is your Government who is responsible for these services, and you are, once again, failing to deliver on your promises. You promised a high-quality, affordable and accessible train network in Wales, but the reality for passengers is that Transport for Wales's morning commuter train from Chepstow and Caldicot to Newport and Cardiff has been cancelled 16 times in the last 20 weekdays. Blaenau Ffestiniog, Betws y Coed and Llanrwst have had no trains all day on seven of the last 20 weekdays. And the 08:40 train from Aberystwyth to Shrewsbury was cancelled on four days last week. This is an absolute shambles by your Government. So, First Minister, instead of public relations-inspired apologies, what measurable action is Transport for Wales taking to address this appalling start to the franchise?

Diolch, Llywydd. Rydym ni ychydig dros fis erbyn hyn ers i Drafnidiaeth Cymru gymryd masnachfraint rheilffyrdd Cymru drosodd, ac mae gennym ni ymddiheuriad cyhoeddus tudalen lawn papur newydd eisoes, yr ydych chi wedi cyfeirio ato. Nawr, mae'r ymddiheuriad yn dweud, a dyfynnaf:

Rydym ni'n gwybod eich bod chi, ein cwsmeriaid, yn haeddu gwell gan eich gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru a'r Gororau, ac nid dyma yr oeddech chi'n ei ddisgwyl gan eich gweithredwr newydd.

Diwedd y dyfyniad. A ydych chi'n gwybod pam, Prif Weinidog, nad dyma yr oedd pobl yn ei ddisgwyl? Fe ddywedaf wrthych chi pam. Oherwydd, unwaith eto, mai eich Llywodraeth chi sy'n gyfrifol am y gwasanaethau hyn, ac rydych chi, unwaith eto, yn methu â chyflawni eich addewidion. Addawyd rhwydwaith trenau fforddiadwy, hygyrch, o ansawdd uchel gennych chi yng Nghymru, ond y realiti i deithwyr yw bod trên cymudwyr boreol Trafnidiaeth Cymru o Gas-gwent a Caldicot i Gasnewydd a Chaerdydd wedi cael ei ganslo 16 o weithiau yn ystod yr 20 diwrnod gwaith diwethaf. Nid yw Blaenau Ffestiniog, Betws-y-coed a Llanrwst wedi cael unrhyw drenau drwy'r dydd yn ystod saith o'r 20 diwrnod gwaith diwethaf. A chafodd y trên 08:40 o Aberystwyth i Amwythig ei ganslo ar bedwar diwrnod yr wythnos diwethaf. Mae hyn yn llanastr llwyr gan eich Llywodraeth. Felly, Prif Weinidog, yn hytrach na ymddiheuriadau wedi'u hysbrydoli gan gysylltiadau cyhoeddus, pa gamau mesuradwy y mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i fynd i'r afael â'r dechrau trychinebus hwn i'r fasnachfraint?

I have to say, this is weak ground for him. How does he justify the fact that Wales only gets 1 per cent of rail infrastructure investment? Nothing from him about that. How does he explain—? Yes, I know it's difficult, but it's true. How does he explain the fact that it was his own party that cancelled electrification west of Cardiff, despite the promise that was actually made? So, this is very weak ground for him.

But, we did say that we would transform the rail network in Wales. We didn't say we'd do it in a month. After 15 years of a franchise that was let before, after many, many years of underinvestment in the track, by a Conservative Government, we said that we would transform the network, but we were upfront and said it would take time to do it. Of course it would. Some of the problems on the trains are to do with the track, which we have no control over, and some of them are to do with the fact that 30 per cent of the rolling stock was impacted by storm Callum.

But I have to say to him, I don't think people will find it realistic when he says, after 15 years of rolling stock being used, that everything was going to change in a month. Really. We said that that wouldn't happen, but we have, of course, outlined a plan for the future and we will deliver a train Service for the people of Wales and keep our promises, unlike his party.

Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, mae hwn yn dir sigledig iddo fe. Sut mae'n cyfiawnhau'r ffaith bod Cymru yn cael dim ond 1 y cant o fuddsoddiad mewn seilwaith rheilffyrdd? Dim ganddo ef am hynny. Sut mae'n esbonio—? Ie, gwn ei bod hi'n anodd, ond mae'n wir. Sut mae'n esbonio'r ffaith mai ei blaid ei hun wnaeth ganslo trydaneiddio i'r gorllewin o Gaerdydd, er gwaethaf yr addewid a wnaed mewn gwirionedd? Felly, mae hwn yn dir sigledig iawn iddo fe.

Ond, dywedasom y byddem yn gweddnewid y rhwydwaith rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru. Ni ddywedasom y byddem ni'n gwneud hynny mewn mis. Ar ôl 15 mlynedd o fasnachfraint a osodwyd o'r blaen, ar ôl blynyddoedd lawer iawn o danfuddsoddi yn y trac gan Lywodraeth Geidwadol, dywedasom y byddem yn gweddnewid y rhwydwaith, ond roeddem ni'n onest a dywedasom y byddai'n cymryd amser i wneud hynny. Wrth gwrs y byddai. Mae rhai o'r problemau ar y trenau yn ymwneud â'r trac, nad oes gennym ni reolaeth drosto, ac mae rhai ohonynt yn ymwneud â'r ffaith yr effeithiwyd ar 30 y cant o'r stoc gerbydau gan storm Callum.

Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud wrtho fe, nid wyf i'n credu y bydd pobl yn ei weld yn realistig pan ei fod yn dweud, ar ôl 15 mlynedd o ddefnyddio cerbydau, bod popeth yn mynd i newid mewn mis. Yn wir. Dywedasom na fyddai hynny'n digwydd, ond, wrth gwrs, amlinellwyd cynllun ar gyfer y dyfodol gennym a byddwn yn darparu gwasanaeth rheilffyrdd ar gyfer pobl Cymru ac yn cadw ein haddewidion, yn wahanol i'w blaid ef.

Since your Government has taken over this franchise, services have got worse, and that's just in a month, First Minister. Now, the previous franchise agreement made no allowance for growth in passenger numbers and no provisions for extra train capacity. Since that franchise was first let in 2003, passenger numbers have increased by around 75 per cent. This created chronic congestion, a lack of appropriate rolling stock and years of underinvestment in relation to rail services across Wales.

You were asked repeatedly to publish the tender specification against which the potential rail operators were to bid in order to win the current contract. You have repeatedly refused to make that document public. Transparency is, of course, a key component in ensuring that the Welsh public have faith in Transport for Wales going forward. First Minister, in light of these deteriorating services, will you now release that tender specification in full. in order to help restore the public's confidence in your Government's oversight of rail services in Wales, and so that we can fully assess your Government's role in this continuation of failing of Welsh commuters?

Ers i'ch Llywodraeth gymryd y fasnachfraint hon drosodd, mae gwasanaethau wedi gwaethygu, ac mae hynny mewn dim ond mis, Prif Weinidog. Nawr, nid oedd y cytundeb masnachfraint blaenorol yn gadael unrhyw le ar gyfer twf i niferoedd teithwyr a dim darpariaethau ar gyfer capasiti trenau ychwanegol. Ers gosod y fasnachfraint honno gyntaf yn 2003, mae niferoedd y teithwyr wedi cynyddu gan tua 75 y cant. Creodd hyn dagfeydd cronig, diffyg cerbydau priodol a blynyddoedd o danfuddsoddi o ran gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd ledled Cymru.

Gofynnwyd i chi dro ar ôl tro gyhoeddi manyleb y tendr y byddai'r darpar weithredwyr rheilffordd yn gwneud cais yn ei herbyn er mwyn ennill y contract presennol. Rydych chi wedi gwrthod dro ar ôl tro gwneud y ddogfen honno yn gyhoeddus. Mae tryloywder, wrth gwrs, yn elfen allweddol o ran sicrhau bod gan gyhoedd Cymru ffydd yn Nhrafnidiaeth Cymru yn y dyfodol. Prif Weinidog, yng ngoleuni'r gwasanaethau hyn sy'n dirywio, a wnewch chi gyhoeddi'r fanyleb dendro honno'n llawn nawr, er mwyn helpu i adfer ffydd y cyhoedd yn nhrosolwg eich Llywodraeth o wasanaethau rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru, ac fel y gallwn asesu swyddogaeth eich Llywodraeth o ran y parhad hwn o siomi cymudwyr Cymru?

13:50

The document will be published. We always said it would be—suitably redacted, of course. But, I mean, really, four weeks into the franchise, he is critical—after 15 years of the franchise being run from Whitehall, after eight years of a Conservative Government when no extra money was put into rail investment in Wales, no extra money was put into infrastructure, no extra money was put into rolling stock, no money was allocated for electrification. We've seen the shambles in England with some of the franchises there. Chris Grayling has been hauled over the coals for it. There's no vision in England. There's no money being set to one side. Despite that fact that we have called for rail infrastructure to be devolved, with an appropriate Barnett consequential, which will be 6.2 per cent, the Tories have refused, because they're happy with a situation, it seems, where Wales gets 1 per cent of rail infrastructure investment. That is absolutely wrong given the fact that Scotland gets a far, far better deal. What we've offered the people of Wales is a vision for the future. We've said that by the end of next year, the pacer trains will go, there will be partial electrification, there will be new trains, they will all be air conditioned, and people will be able to experience a service that's far, far superior than the service the Tories tolerated for so long from 2010 onwards. 

Bydd y ddogfen yn cael ei chyhoeddi. Dywedwyd gennym erioed y byddai—â rhannau priodol wedi eu dileu, wrth gwrs. Ond, hynny yw, mewn gwirionedd, pedair wythnos i mewn i'r fasnachfraint, mae e'n feirniadol—ar ôl 15 mlynedd o redeg y fasnachfraint o Whitehall, ar ôl wyth mlynedd o Lywodraeth Geidwadol pan na roddwyd unrhyw arian ychwanegol i mewn i fuddsoddiad rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru, ni roddwyd unrhyw arian ychwanegol ar gyfer seilwaith, ni roddwyd unrhyw arian ychwanegol ar gyfer cerbydau, ni ddyrannwyd unrhyw arian ar gyfer trydaneiddio. Rydym ni wedi gweld y llanastr yn Lloegr gyda rhai o'r masnachfreintiau yno. Mae Chris Grayling wedi cael ei feirniadu'n hallt am hynny. Nid oes unrhyw weledigaeth yn Lloegr. Nid oes unrhyw arian yn cael ei neilltuo. Er gwaethaf y ffaith ein bod ni wedi galw am i seilwaith rheilffyrdd gael ei ddatganoli, gyda swm canlyniadol Barnett priodol, a fydd yn 6.2 y cant, mae'r Torïaid wedi gwrthod, gan eu bod nhw'n hapus â'r sefyllfa, mae'n debyg, lle mae Cymru yn cael 1 y cant o fuddsoddiad mewn seilwaith rheilffyrdd. Mae hynny'n gwbl anghywir o ystyried y ffaith bod yr Alban yn cael bargen well o lawer. Yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei gynnig i bobl Cymru yw gweledigaeth ar gyfer y dyfodol. Rwyf i wedi dweud y bydd y trenau pacer wedi mynd erbyn diwedd y flwyddyn nesaf, y bydd trydaneiddio rhannol, y bydd trenau newydd, byddant i gyd wedi eu haerdymheru, a bydd pobl yn gallu cael gwasanaeth sy'n llawer iawn gwell na'r gwasanaeth a oddefwyd gan y Torïaid am gyhyd o 2010 ymlaen.

Arweinydd grŵp UKIP—Gareth Bennett. 

Leader of the UKIP group—Gareth Bennett.

Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, there is an ever-increasing list of building projects in Cardiff dealing, supposedly, with student accommodation. In the last three years, there have been 23 separate developments opened, approved or put under construction in Cardiff. If you stand on the junction of City Road and Newport Road in Cardiff, you can see eight separate developments, either under construction or newly opened. There are also now instances in both Newport and Cardiff of blocks of so-called student accommodation where the flats are being rented out commercially. The flats inside these blocks do not go to students because there isn't a big enough demand from students. Do you think that a suspicious pattern may be developing whereby universities and private developers are gaining planning permission for so-called student developments and then deliberately changing their use afterwards?

Diolch, Llywydd. Prif Weinidog, ceir rhestr sy'n tyfu'n barhaus o brosiectau adeiladu yng Nghaerdydd yn ymdrin, mae'n debyg, â llety myfyrwyr. Agorwyd, cymeradwywyd neu dechreuwyd adeiladu 23 o ddatblygiadau ar wahân yn y tair blynedd diwethaf yng Nghaerdydd. Os gwnewch chi sefyll ar gyffordd City Road a Heol Casnewydd yng Nghaerdydd, gallwch chi weld wyth gwahanol datblygiad, naill ai'n cael eu hadeiladu neu newydd agor. Ceir enghreifftiau hefyd erbyn hyn yng Nghasnewydd a Chaerdydd o flociau a elwir yn llety myfyrwyr lle mae fflatiau yn cael eu gosod yn fasnachol. Nid yw'r fflatiau y tu mewn i'r blociau hyn yn mynd i fyfyrwyr oherwydd nad oes digon o alw ymhlith myfyrwyr. A ydych chi'n meddwl y gallai patrwm amheus fod yn datblygu lle mae prifysgolion a datblygwyr preifat yn cael caniatâd cynllunio ar gyfer datblygiadau sydd i fod ar gyfer myfyriwr ac yna'n newid eu defnydd yn fwriadol wedyn?

Of course, a change of use requires an application to the local authority. If he has any evidence at all to back up what he's saying, I'd be glad to hear it. 

Mae'n rhaid gwneud cais i'r awdurdod lleol ar gyfer newid defnydd, wrth gwrs. Os oes ganddo unrhyw dystiolaeth o gwbl i gefnogi'r hyn y mae'n ei ddweud, byddwn yn falch o'i chlywed.

Well, it is, as you say, a matter for the relevant local authority in part, but I feel that this is an area where the Welsh Government should be concerned. I think you do have an important role to play in monitoring this. I have raised this issue with your housing Minister, who said she's keeping an eye on this, but she did point out that it may fall close to the remit of your planning Minister. So, there is a danger, in my view, that this could fall through the cracks. We do need to look at why there has been such an increase in this so-called student accommodation.

Currently, student accommodation is exempt from business rates. This is because the student flats are classed as domestic dwellings and therefore fall under the council tax regime rather than business rates. Business owners on Maindy Road in Cardiff recently found out that they will have to leave their business units to make way for a six-storey building comprising 143 student flats. There's a motor repair garage that has been at this site for 40 years. Not only will this change have a detrimental effect on the local community, but the taxpayer will lose thousands of pounds due to business rates not being paid by the owners of the student flats. Is this not a case, First Minister, of universities and developers exploiting loopholes in the planning rules simply to maximize their profits?

Wel, fel y dywedwch, mae'n fater i'r awdurdod lleol perthnasol yn rhannol, ond teimlaf fod hwn yn faes y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn bryderus yn ei gylch. Rwy'n credu bod gennych chi ran bwysig i'w chwarae o ran monitro hyn. Rwyf i wedi codi'r mater hwn gyda'ch Gweinidog Tai, a ddywedodd ei bod hi'n cadw llygad ar hyn, ond dywedodd y gallai fod yn agos at fod yn rhan o gylch gwaith eich Gweinidog cynllunio. Felly, ceir perygl, yn fy marn i, y gallai hyn syrthio drwy'r rhwyd. Mae angen i ni ystyried pam y bu cymaint o gynnydd yn y llety sydd i fod ar gyfer myfyrwyr .

Ar hyn o bryd, mae llety myfyrwyr wedi'i eithrio o ardrethi busnes. Mae hyn oherwydd bod y fflatiau myfyriwr yn cael eu dosbarthu fel anheddau domestig ac felly'n dod o dan y gyfundrefn treth gyngor yn hytrach nag ardrethi busnes. Canfu perchnogion busnesau ar Heol Maendy yng Nghaerdydd yn ddiweddar y bydd yn rhaid iddyn nhw adael eu hunedau busnes i wneud lle ar gyfer adeilad chwe llawr yn cynnwys 143 o fflatiau myfyriwr. Ceir garej trin ceir sydd wedi bod ar y safle hwn ers 40 mlynedd. Nid yn unig y bydd y newid hwn yn cael effaith andwyol ar y gymuned leol, ond bydd y trethdalwr yn colli miloedd o bunnoedd gan nad yw ardrethi busnes yn cael eu talu gan berchnogion y fflatiau myfyrwyr. Onid yw hwn yn achos, Prif Weinidog, o brifysgolion a datblygwyr yn camfanteisio ar elfennau amwys yn y rheolau cynllunio dim ond i sicrhau'r elw mwyaf posibl?

He seems to think that people who live in private flats pay business rates. They don't. They pay council tax, just as students do. There's no difference. So, I can't see what point he's trying to make there. If somebody purchases a flat in a block of flats that has just been built, they pay council tax, not business rates. 

Mae'n ymddangos ei fod yn credu bod pobl sy'n byw mewn fflatiau preifat yn talu ardrethi busnes. Dydyn nhw ddim. Maen nhw'n talu treth gyngor, yn union fel y mae myfyrwyr yn ei wneud. Nid oes unrhyw wahaniaeth. Felly, ni allaf weld y pwynt y mae'n ceisio ei wneud yn y fan yna. Os bydd rhywun yn prynu fflat mewn bloc o fflatiau sydd newydd gael ei adeiladu, maen nhw'n talu treth gyngor, nid ardrethi busnes.

I thank you for your answer, but there has been a certain amount of concern about this, even within Cardiff council. Cardiff council's planning officer, Lawrence Dowdall, has recently stated that Cardiff may now have an oversupply of student accommodation. Planning committee member Wendy Congreve, who is a Lib Dem member, described one recent development as 

'a cynical use of the planning process. It's nothing less than a commercial development through the back door and must be resisted. 

'We developed too many of this type of accommodation, and surprise, surprise they are now being turned into commercial, lucrative developments.' 

I think you do need to be concerned about this, because this possible flouting of the rules may affect your ambitions for affordable housing in Wales. Commercial developers, when they build new housing estates, have a legal obligation to provide an element of affordable housing. Developers building so-called student blocks are under no such obligation. So, you could have universities working with private developers to get their properties on the commercial market by the back door, while all the time avoiding the need to provide affordable housing. Do you think your Government should be having a word with the developers or monitoring this situation in any way?

Diolchaf i chi am eich ateb, ond bu cryn dipyn o bryder ynglŷn â hyn, hyd yn oed o fewn cyngor Caerdydd. Dywedodd swyddog cynllunio cyngor Caerdydd, Lawrence Dowdall, yn ddiweddar y gallai fod gan Gaerdydd or-gyflenwad o lety myfyrwyr erbyn hyn. Disgrifiodd aelod o'r pwyllgor cynllunio, Wendy Congreve, sy'n aelod o'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, un datblygiad diweddar fel

defnydd sinigaidd o'r broses gynllunio. Nid yw'n ddim llai na datblygiad masnachol drwy'r drws cefn ac mae'n rhaid ei wrthsefyll.

Datblygwyd gormod o'r math hwn o lety gennym, ac nid yw'n ddim syndod eu bod nhw'n cael eu troi'n ddatblygiadau masnachol, proffidiol erbyn hyn.

Rwy'n credu bod angen i chi fod yn bryderus am hyn, oherwydd gallai'r achos posibl hwn o ddiystyru'r rheolau effeithio ar eich uchelgeisiau ar gyfer tai fforddiadwy yng Nghymru. Mae gan ddatblygwyr masnachol, pan fyddant yn adeiladu ystadau tai newydd, rwymedigaeth gyfreithiol i ddarparu elfen o dai fforddiadwy. Nid oes unrhyw rwymedigaeth o'r fath ar ddatblygwyr sy'n adeiladu blociau myfyriwr tybiedig. Felly, gallech chi gael prifysgolion yn gweithio gyda datblygwyr preifat i gael eu heiddo ar y farchnad fasnachol drwy'r drws cefn, gan osgoi'r angen i ddarparu tai fforddiadwy ar yr un pryd. A ydych chi'n credu y dylai eich Llywodraeth fod yn cael gair gyda'r datblygwyr neu fod yn monitro'r sefyllfa hon mewn unrhyw ffordd?

13:55

Well, I think he should be careful here, because he's effectively accusing universities of being part of a scam, in effect, without any evidence. I come back to the point I made earlier on: he has made suggestions, and I've not seen any evidence from him to back up any of his suggestions, apart from what he says, but nothing to back it up. But I'm pretty sure our universities are not engaged in commercial property development when they have many, many thousands of students to house anyway. We should celebrate the fact that Cardiff and other universities across Wales have been so successful in attracting students from around the world, because they add to the research and learning capacity of those universities and, ultimately, add to our economy. Universities are huge drivers of the economy because they attract so many students, and I've not seen any evidence that suggests that universities are deliberately trying to build student accommodation with a view to then changing the use of that accommodation to make money through commercial property. 

Wel, rwy'n credu y dylai fod yn ofalus yn y fan yma, oherwydd i bob pwrpas mae'n cyhuddo prifysgolion o fod yn rhan o dwyll, i bob pwrpas, heb unrhyw dystiolaeth. Dychwelaf at y pwynt a wneuthum yn gynharach: mae wedi gwneud awgrymiadau, ac nid wyf i wedi gweld unrhyw dystiolaeth ganddo i gefnogi unrhyw un o'i awgrymiadau, ac eithrio'n hyn y mae'n ei ddweud, ond dim byd i'w gefnogi. Ond rwy'n eithaf siŵr nad yw ein prifysgolion yn ymgymryd â datblygu eiddo masnachol pan fo ganddyn nhw filoedd lawer iawn i ganfod llety ar eu cyfer beth bynnag. Dylem ddathlu'r ffaith bod Caerdydd a phrifysgolion eraill ledled Cymru wedi bod mor llwyddiannus o ran denu myfyrwyr o bedwar ban byd, gan eu bod nhw'n ychwanegu at allu ymchwil a dysgu'r prifysgolion hynny ac, yn y pen draw, yn ychwanegu at ein heconomi. Mae prifysgolion yn ysgogwyr enfawr o'r economi gan eu bod nhw'n denu cynifer o fyfyrwyr, ac nid wyf i wedi gweld unrhyw dystiolaeth sy'n awgrymu bod prifysgolion yn ceisio adeiladu llety myfyrwyr yn fwriadol gyda'r bwriad o newid defnydd y llety hwnnw wedyn i wneud arian trwy eiddo masnachol.

Prosiectau Ynni Cymunedol Hydro
Community Hydro Energy Projects

3. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am y gefnogaeth sydd ar gael i helpu prosiectau ynni cymunedol hydro gyda’u hardrethi busnes? OAQ52935

3. Will the First Minister make a statement on the support available to assist community hydro energy projects with their business rates? OAQ52935

Ym mis Ebrill, fe gyflwynom ni gynllun i roi grantiau i brosiectau ynni dŵr yng Nghymru i’w helpu â’u biliau ardrethi annomestig. Mae’r cynllun yn darparu 100 y cant o ryddhad adrethi i brosiectau ynni dŵr cymunedol ac mae’n rhoi cap ar y cynnydd mewn ardrethi i ddatblygiadau ynni dŵr eraill.

In April, we introduced a grant scheme to provide hydropower project in Wales with grants towards their non-domestic rates bills. The scheme provides 100 per cent rates relief to community hydro projects and caps the increase in rates for other hydropower developments.

Ac roedd Plaid Cymru'n falch iawn o sicrhau'r cynllun rhyddhad ardrethi busnes yna ar gyfer prosiectau ynni cymunedol fel rhan o'r cytundeb ar y gyllideb ar gyfer y flwyddyn ariannol yma efo'r Llywodraeth. Ond nid oes yna ddim sicrwydd hyd yma y bydd y cynllun rhyddhad ar gael ar gyfer y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf, na chwaith ar gyfer blynyddoedd i ddod. Mae'r prosiectau yma yn amlwg angen sicrwydd hirdymor er mwyn iddyn nhw fedru cynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol. Heb y sicrwydd yna, mae'n anodd iddyn nhw gynllunio a chydweithio efo grwpiau cymunedol ac elusennau lleol, ac, yn wir, mae'n anodd i fentrau newydd roi cychwyn arni. Felly, a wnewch chi ymrwymo i wneud y cynlluniau rhyddhad busnes yma ar gyfer prosiectau ynni cymunedol yn rhai parhaol?

And Plaid Cymru was very pleased to ensure that business rates relief for community energy projects as part of the budget agreement for this financial year with the Government, but there is no assurance to date that the business rate relief will be available for the next financial year or for ensuing years. These projects clearly need long-term assurances so that they can plan for their future, and without that assurance, it’s difficult for them to plan and to collaborate with community groups and local charities, and, indeed, it’s difficult for new initiatives to be set up. So, will you commit to ensuring that these business rate relief schemes are available permanently for these hydroenergy schemes?

Wel, mae'n anodd gwneud hynny, wrth gwrs. Mae hynny'n rhywbeth i'r Llywodraeth nesaf ei ystyried, ac mae'n dibynnu ar yr arian sy'n dod o San Steffan. Ond, rydym ni'n deall, wrth gwrs, faint o gymorth mae hwn wedi bod i ynni hydro, a byddwn ni'n ystyried y sefyllfa pan ydym yn gwybod mwy am y sefyllfa ariannol yn y flwyddyn ariannol nesaf ymlaen. 

Well, it’s difficult to do that, of course. That is something for the next Government to consider and it depends on the amount of funding we receive from Westminster, but, of course, we understand how much of a help this has been for hydropower, and we will consider the situation when we know more about the financial position in the next financial year onwards.

First Minister, I think it's fair to say that we could be using the business rate regime far more imaginatively to target support, whether that be for hydroenergy projects, as Siân Gwenllian has alluded to, other renewable projects or, indeed, our high streets, and we know full well the problems that have afflicted some high street businesses in areas such as Monmouth in my constituency in the wake of revaluation. 

You mentioned your successor; will you leave a note for your successor, whoever that might be—I think that's the way it's done in Labour circles—to look again at this whole area of business rates and ways that the tax could be reformed to actually help rather than hinder the economy over the longer term, not just the next budget or next two budgets?

Prif Weinidog, rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n deg i ddweud y gallem ni fod yn defnyddio'r drefn ardrethi busnes gyda llawer mwy o ddychymyg i dargedu cymorth, boed hynny ar gyfer prosiectau ynni dŵr, fel y mae Siân Gwenllian wedi cyfeirio atyn nhw, prosiectau adnewyddadwy eraill neu, yn wir, ein strydoedd mawr, ac rydym ni'n gwybod yn iawn y problemau sydd wedi effeithio ar rai busnesau stryd fawr mewn ardaloedd fel Trefynwy yn fy etholaeth i yn sgil ailbrisio.

Soniasoch am eich olynydd; a wnewch chi adael nodyn i'ch olynydd, pwy bynnag y gallai fod—rwy'n credu mai dyna'r ffordd y mae'r blaid Lafur yn gwneud pethau—i edrych eto ar yr holl faes ardrethi busnes hwn a'r ffyrdd y gellid diwygio treth i helpu yn hytrach na rhwystro'r economi dros y tymor hwy, nid y gyllideb nesaf neu'r ddwy gyllideb nesaf yn unig?

I think in the Conservative Party it's a gangplank that's used mainly, isn't it, to deal with changes of leadership? Any note or notes that I leave will, of course, be electronic. We are, of course, moving towards being a paperless Government. 

From our perspective, we will always try and use the non-domestic rates regime in innovative and imaginative ways. We've done it, of course, with the small business rate relief scheme, which helped so many businesses across Wales, and we will look to see what might be possible in the future, depending, of course, on what moneys are made available through the block grant.

Rwy'n credu mai pompren a ddefnyddir yn bennaf yn y Blaid Geidwadol, onid e, i ymdrin â newidiadau mewn arweinydd? Bydd unrhyw nodyn neu nodiadau y byddaf i'n eu gadael yn electronig, wrth gwrs. Rydym ni, wrth gwrs, yn symud tuag at fod yn Llywodraeth ddi-bapur.

O'n safbwynt ni, byddwn bob amser yn ceisio defnyddio'r gyfundrefn ardrethi annomestig mewn ffyrdd arloesol a llawn dychymyg. Rydym ni wedi gwneud hynny, wrth gwrs, gyda'r cynllun rhyddhad ardrethi busnesau bach, a gynorthwyodd cynifer o fusnesau ledled Cymru, a byddwn yn edrych i weld beth allai fod yn bosibl yn y dyfodol, yn dibynnu, wrth gwrs, ar ba gyllid sy'n cael ei roi ar gael drwy'r grant bloc.

14:00
Diogelu Swyddi yn Ffatri Schaeffler yn Llanelli
Protecting Jobs at the Schaeffler Plant in Llanelli

4. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y camau mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i ddiogelu swyddi yn ffatri Schaeffler yn Llanelli? OAQ52977

4. Will the First Minister provide an update on action the Welsh Government is taking to protect jobs at the Schaeffler plant in Llanelli? OAQ52977

First of all, can I thank the Member for the work that he has done on behalf of those workers? We have held discussions with Schaeffler, and an offer of a two-tier approach to support the company has been accepted. A meeting will be held in early December to develop a taskforce with members of the Schaeffler management team, and the consultation period is still in operation, of course, until early January. What the support is aimed at doing, of course, is to help those who work there at the moment and to see what beneficial uses for employment the site could be put to in the future.

Yn gyntaf oll, a gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am y gwaith y mae wedi ei wneud ar ran y gweithwyr hynny? Rydym ni wedi cynnal trafodaethau gyda Schaeffler, a derbyniwyd cynnig o ddull dwy haen i gynorthwyo'r cwmni. Bydd cyfarfod yn cael ei gynnal ddechrau mis Rhagfyr i ddatblygu tasglu gydag aelodau o dîm rheoli Schaeffler, ac mae'r cyfnod ymgynghori yn dal i fod yn weithredol, wrth gwrs, tan ddechrau mis Ionawr. Bwriad y cymorth, wrth gwrs, yw helpu'r rhai sy'n gweithio yno ar hyn o bryd ac i weld pa ddefnyddiau manteisiol ar gyfer cyflogaeth a allai fod i'r safle yn y dyfodol.

Thank you, First Minister. I warmly welcome that news. I met with the economy Secretary last week to urge the Government to engage with the plant, so I'm delighted that that has now happened. When I met with the UK managing director of Schaeffler, they made it clear that their decision to begin the process of closure had nothing to do with the workforce, which, they stressed, had been excellent. But, it's essential that they now properly engage with the consultation process. Would the Welsh Government make clear to them that if they decide they no longer want to continue the plant, we will not put up with them cutting and running? This town has provided nearly 50 years of building the profits of this business, and they owe an obligation to us to work with us constructively to see if we can keep manufacturing in that plant.

Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Rwy'n croesawu'r newyddion hynny'n frwd. Cefais gyfarfod gydag Ysgrifennydd yr economi yr wythnos diwethaf i annog y Llywodraeth i ymgysylltu â'r gwaith, felly rwyf i wrth fy modd bod hynny wedi digwydd nawr. Pan gefais gyfarfod â rheolwr gyfarwyddwr Schaeffler yn y DU, fe'i gwnaed yn eglur ganddynt nad oedd gan eu penderfyniad i gychwyn y broses o gau ddim i'w wneud â'r gweithlu, a oedd, pwysleisiwyd ganddynt, wedi bod yn ardderchog. Ond, mae'n hanfodol eu bod nhw'n ymgysylltu'n briodol â'r broses ymgynghori nawr. A wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru ei gwneud hi'n eglur iddyn nhw os byddant yn penderfynu nad ydyn nhw eisiau parhau'r gwaith mwyach, na fyddwn yn derbyn penderfyniad ganddyn nhw i ddiflannu heb ddangos cyfrifoldeb? Mae'r dref hon wedi darparu bron i 50 mlynedd o gynyddu elw'r busnes hwn, ac mae rhwymedigaeth yn ddyledus ganddyn nhw i ni i weithio gyda ni yn adeiladol i weld a allwn ni gadw gweithgynhyrchu yn y gwaith hwnnw.

Yes, the conversation so far has been positive. I would expect that to continue in the future—there's no reason for them to change their minds. They've been working with us, as a Government, and the emphasis will be very strongly on finding a new use for the site, providing employment for all those who've worked there and others in future, and, of course, to provide support for those workers who will now, possibly, be looking elsewhere. But, as we have always done when situations like this have arisen, we will be there to support the workers involved.

Ie, mae'r sgwrs wedi bod yn gadarnhaol hyd yn hyn. Byddwn yn disgwyl i hynny barhau yn y dyfodol—nid oes unrhyw reswm iddyn nhw newid eu meddyliau. Maen nhw wedi bod yn gweithio gyda ni, fel Llywodraeth, a bydd y pwyslais yn gryf iawn ar ddod o hyd i ddefnydd newydd i'r safle, gan ddarparu cyflogaeth i bawb sydd wedi gweithio yno ac eraill yn y dyfodol, ac, wrth gwrs, i ddarparu cymorth i'r gweithwyr hynny a fydd nawr, o bosibl, yn edrych mewn mannau eraill. Ond, fel yr ydym ni wedi ei wneud erioed pan fo sefyllfaoedd fel hyn wedi codi, byddwn yno i gefnogi'r gweithwyr dan sylw.

Can I associate myself with what Lee Waters has said about the commitment that the workforce has shown over a period of very many years to that company, and how much they've contributed to their success? I hope that the discussions that you're having will have a positive outcome, but I have to say there's a faint sense here of shutting the stable door after the horse has already gone, and it may be that it's too late to change Schaeffler's mind—I hope that I'll be proved wrong in that, and I'm pleased to see the efforts that are going in.

But, in terms of other manufacturing businesses that may feel that their future is greatly jeopardised by the possibility of Brexit, what more can your Government do to engage with them proactively before they reach the point that Schaeffler has done and they've actually made the decision to leave? As has already been put to you again this afternoon, the most effective way, of course, to deal with these situations would be a people's vote and a decision for us to remain. But, in the meantime, and in the absence of that, what more can you do to engage proactively with particularly international companies in the hope that we can prevent them from getting to the position that Schaeffler has got to?

A gaf i gysylltu fy hun a'r hyn y mae Lee Waters wedi ei ddweud am yr ymrwymiad y mae'r gweithlu wedi ei ddangos dros gyfnod o flynyddoedd lawer iawn i'r cwmni hwnnw, a faint maen nhw wedi ei gyfrannu at ei lwyddiant? Gobeithiaf y bydd y trafodaethau yr ydych chi'n eu cael yn arwain at ganlyniad cadarnhaol, ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud bod rhyw synnwyr braidd yma o godi pais ar ôl piso, ac efallai'n wir ei bod yn rhy hwyr i newid meddwl Schaeffler—rwy'n gobeithio y byddaf yn cael fy mhrofi'n anghywir yn hynny o beth, ac rwy'n falch o weld yr ymdrechion sy'n cael eu gwneud.

Ond, o ran busnesau gweithgynhyrchu eraill sydd efallai'n teimlo bod eu dyfodol yn cael ei beryglu'n fawr gan y posibilrwydd o Brexit, beth arall all eich Llywodraeth ei wneud i ymgysylltu â nhw'n rhagweithiol cyn iddyn nhw gyrraedd y pwynt y mae Schaeffler wedi ei gyrraedd a'u bod mewn gwirionedd wedi gwneud y penderfyniad i adael? Fel yr awgrymwyd i chi eisoes y prynhawn yma, y ffordd fwyaf effeithiol, wrth gwrs, o ymdrin â'r sefyllfaoedd hyn fyddai pleidlais y bobl a phenderfyniad i ni aros. Ond, yn y cyfamser, ac yn absenoldeb hynny, beth arall allwch chi ei wneud i ymgysylltu'n rhagweithiol â chwmnïau rhyngwladol yn arbennig yn y gobaith y gallwn ni eu hatal rhag cyrraedd y sefyllfa y mae Schaeffler wedi ei chyrraedd?

There are occasions when we get notice of potential closures and we're able to help those companies, and have done in the past—Tata being, I suppose, the most obvious example. But, there are occasions when we get no notice, and this was one such occasion. If we'd known that there were issues there, we could have obviously looked to help the company, but they'd already taken the decision.

As far as the way we operate goes and what we can do in the future, we have the EU transition fund, of course, of £50 million, which is there to help businesses to transition, helping them with training so that they are competitive when Britain leaves the EU. Of course, we continue to work on other ways, working with the business community, in which we can help them to overcome the incredible uncertainty that they're facing at the moment.

Ceir adegau pan fyddwn ni'n cael rhybudd o achosion posibl o gau ac rydym ni'n gallu helpu'r cwmnïau hynny, ac rydym wedi gwneud hynny yn y gorffennol—Tata, mae'n debyg, yw'r enghraifft fwyaf amlwg. Ond, ceir adegau pan na fyddwn ni'n cael unrhyw rybudd, ac roedd hon yn un adeg o'r fath. Pe byddem ni wedi gwybod bod problemau yno, mae'n amlwg y gallem ni fod wedi ceisio helpu'r cwmni, ond roedden nhw wedi gwneud y penderfyniad eisoes.

O ran y ffordd yr ydym ni'n gweithredu a'r hyn y gallwn ni ei wneud yn y dyfodol, mae gennym ni gronfa bontio'r UE, wrth gwrs, o £50 miliwn, sydd yno i helpu busnesau i bontio, i'w helpu gyda hyfforddiant fel eu bod yn gystadleuol pan fydd Prydain yn gadael yr UE. Wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n parhau i weithio ar ffyrdd eraill, gan weithio gyda'r gymuned fusnes, fel y gallwn eu helpu nhw i oresgyn yr ansicrwydd anhygoel y maen nhw'n ei wynebu ar hyn o bryd.

Cefnogi'r Sector Gweithgynhyrchu yng Nghymru
Supporting the Manufacturing Sector in Wales

5. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gefnogi'r sector gweithgynhyrchu yng Nghymru? OAQ52975

5. What action is the Welsh Government taking to support the manufacturing sector in Wales? OAQ52975

Since 2011, the Welsh Government has supported over 16,200 jobs in manufacturing. Through the economic action plan, we will support futureproofing business investment to help companies sustain, compete and grow.

Ers 2011, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cefnogi dros 16,200 o swyddi gweithgynhyrchu. Drwy'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd, byddwn yn cefnogi diogelu buddsoddiad busnes yn y dyfodol er mwyn helpu cwmnïau i gynnal, cystadlu a thyfu.

Thank you for that answer, First Minister. Clearly, the advanced materials and manufacturing sector discussed in the economic action plan is one of the areas where we're going in the future—very modern technologies. But, we still have many manufacturing sectors that are still relying on older technologies that need updating—Tata being an example of one of those plants. The Welsh Government committed millions of pounds of investment into the power plant. Can you give us an update as to where that money is? Can you also look at what other actions you might be able to take to help companies like Tata, which want to improve productivity and efficiency, but are having difficulties, perhaps, in sometimes getting that extra support?

Diolch am yr ateb yna, Prif Weinidog. Yn amlwg, mae'r sector deunyddiau a gweithgynhyrchu uwch a drafodir yn y cynllun gweithredu economaidd yn un o'r meysydd yr ydym ni'n mynd iddyn nhw yn y dyfodol—technolegau modern iawn. Ond, mae gennym ni lawer o sectorau gweithgynhyrchu sy'n dal i ddibynnu ar dechnolegau hŷn y mae angen eu diweddaru—mae Tata yn enghraifft o un o'r gweithfeydd hynny. Ymrwymodd Llywodraeth Cymru filiynau o bunnoedd o fuddsoddiad yn yr orsaf bŵer. A allwch chi roi diweddariad i ni ynghylch ble mae'r arian hwnnw? A allwch chi hefyd ystyried pa gamau eraill y gallech chi eu cymryd i helpu cwmnïau fel Tata, sydd eisiau gwella cynhyrchiant ac effeithlonrwydd, ond sy'n cael anawsterau, efallai, o ran cael y cymorth ychwanegol hwnnw weithiau?

Well, the investment in Tata is going well. Of course, Tata themselves have invested in blast furnace 5. We continue to talk to them about what kind of package would help and what would be lawful, of course, under state-aid rules. In fact, I had a meeting some 10 days ago with a representative of Tata as we look to take things forward. Tata are definitely keen, of course, to stay in Wales, and particularly in Port Talbot and the other plants around Wales, and we will continue to work with Tata, as we always have done, to secure Welsh jobs. 

Wel, mae'r buddsoddiad yn Tata yn mynd yn dda. Mae Tata eu hunain wedi buddsoddi yn ffwrnais chwyth rhif 5, wrth gwrs. Rydym ni'n parhau i siarad â nhw am y math o becyn a fyddai'n helpu a'r hyn fyddai'n gyfreithlon, wrth gwrs, o dan reolau cymorth gwladwriaethol. A dweud y gwir, cefais gyfarfod tua 10 diwrnod yn ôl gyda chynrychiolydd o Tata wrth i ni geisio bwrw ymlaen â phethau. Mae Tata yn sicr yn awyddus i aros yng Nghymru, wrth gwrs, ac ym Mhort Talbot a'r gweithfeydd eraill ledled Cymru yn arbennig, a byddwn yn parhau i weithio gyda Tata, fel yr ydym ni wedi ei wneud erioed, i ddiogelu swyddi Cymru.

14:05

In June, the annual Barclays and SPTS Technologies' Voice of Welsh Manufacturing event was held in Newport. One of the topics of discussion was skills shortages and the shift from vocational qualifications to university degrees. First Minister, what is the Welsh Government doing to tackle the misperception that exists regarding the well-paid and rewarding roles that careers in engineering and manufacturing offer in Wales?  

Ym mis Mehefin, cynhaliwyd digwyddiad Llais Gweithgynhyrchu Cymru blynyddol Barclays ac SPTS Technologies yng Nghasnewydd. Un o'r pynciau trafod oedd prinder sgiliau a'r newid o gymwysterau galwedigaethol i raddau prifysgol. Prif Weinidog, beth mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â'r camargraff sy'n bodoli ynghylch y swyddi â chyflogau da sy'n llawn boddhad y mae gyrfaoedd ym meysydd peirianneg a gweithgynhyrchu yn eu cynnig yng Nghymru?

We are seeing the growth of apprenticeship schemes. I think in the 1990s the UK lost interest in apprenticeships, and concentrated overly on academic courses. We now see, of course, not just bigger companies but smaller companies offering apprenticeships. Jobs Growth Wales was an example of that to give people the training they needed to get a job and, of course, we have a commitment to create 100,000 apprenticeships for all ages across Wales. It's through creating those apprenticeships that we create the opportunities for people, and show them that there is a worthwhile alternative to the academic route and, of course, in ensuring that, making sure that people have the skills they need to be employable in the future. 

Rydym ni'n gweld twf cynlluniau prentisiaeth. Rwy'n credu bod y DU wedi colli diddordeb mewn prentisiaethau yn y 1990au, ac wedi canolbwyntio gormod ar gyrsiau academaidd. Rydym ni'n gweld nawr, wrth gwrs, nid yn unig cwmnïau mwy ond cwmnïau llai yn cynnig prentisiaethau. Roedd Twf Swyddi Cymru yn enghraifft o hynny i roi'r hyfforddiant i bobl yr oeddent ei angen i gael swydd ac, wrth gwrs, mae gennym ni ymrwymiad i greu 100,000 o brentisiaethau i bob oedran ledled Cymru. Trwy greu'r prentisiaethau yr ydym ni'n creu'r cyfleoedd i bobl, ac yn dangos iddyn nhw bod dewis arall gwerth chweil yn hytrach na'r llwybr academaidd ac, wrth gwrs, wrth sicrhau hynny, gwneud yn siŵr bod pobl yn cael y sgiliau sydd eu hangen arnynt i fod yn gyflogadwy yn y dyfodol.

First Minister, my region has lost far too many manufacturing jobs in recent decades, and while I welcome your Government's actions in securing new manufacturing investment, such as the Aston Martin deal, this doesn't replace the loss of manufacturing output in South Wales West. First Minister, how will your Government ensure my region benefits from such investment, particularly as the region has excelled in the automotive supply chain in the past?  

Prif Weinidog, mae fy rhanbarth i wedi colli llawer gormod o swyddi gweithgynhyrchu yn ystod y degawdau diwethaf, ac er fy mod i'n croesawu camau eich Llywodraeth i sicrhau buddsoddiad gweithgynhyrchu newydd, fel cytundeb Aston Martin, nid yw hyn yn disodli'r golled o allbwn gweithgynhyrchu yng Ngorllewin De Cymru. Prif Weinidog, sut gwnaiff eich Llywodraeth sicrhau bod fy rhanbarth i yn elwa ar fuddsoddiad o'r fath, yn enwedig gan fod y rhanbarth wedi rhagori yn y gadwyn gyflenwi fodurol yn y gorffennol?

Tata is one example, of course, and Ford is another one. We've work very, very closely with the companies through some very difficult times, at times, to make sure that Ford with its 1,700 jobs in Bridgend is still there and looking to the future. What we have done, I believe, is replace many jobs that were low paid, low skilled, with jobs that are higher paid and higher skilled. That's where we need to be. Competing with those who have low labour costs is not Wales's future. It was tried in the 1980s and 1990s, and unless you are willing to pursue lower and lower wages, then that is not something that is an option to you. That has meant an emphasis on skills. It's meant an emphasis on attracting high-quality investment and high-quality jobs, and that will continue to be the aim of the Government. 

Mae Tata yn un enghraifft, wrth gwrs, ac mae Ford yn un arall. Rydym ni wedi gweithio'n agos dros ben gyda'r cwmnïau trwy gyfnod anodd iawn, ar adegau, i wneud yn siŵr bod Ford â'i 1,700 o swyddi ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr yn dal yno ac yn edrych i'r dyfodol. Yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei wneud, rwy'n credu, yw disodli llawer o swyddi â chyflogau isel a sgiliau isel, gyda swyddi sy'n talu mwy ac yn gofyn am fwy o sgiliau. Dyna lle mae angen i ni fod. Nid cystadlu gyda'r rhai sydd â chostau llafur isel yw dyfodol Cymru. Rhoddwyd cynnig ar hynny yn y 1980au a'r 1990au, ac oni bai eich bod chi'n barod i fynd ar drywydd cyflogau fwyfwy isel, yna nid yw hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n ddewis i chi. Mae hynny wedi golygu pwyslais ar sgiliau. Mae wedi golygu pwyslais ar ddenu buddsoddiad o ansawdd uchel a swyddi o ansawdd uchel, a dyna fydd nod y Llywodraeth o hyd.

Mynediad i Lawfeddygon Orthopedig
Access to Orthopaedic Surgeons

6. Sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn sicrhau bod gan gleifion yng Nghymru fynediad i lawfeddygon orthopedig? OAQ52936

6. How does the Welsh Government ensure that patients in Wales have access to orthopaedic surgeons? OAQ52936

We expect health boards to have suitable resources in place, including staffing, to provide services to meet the needs of their local population.

Rydym ni'n disgwyl i fyrddau iechyd fod ag adnoddau addas ar waith, gan gynnwys staffio, i ddarparu gwasanaethau i ddiwallu anghenion eu poblogaeth leol.

On a number of occasions over the years of devolution, Welsh Government has produced pots of money to reduce waiting times if they've become excessive. In 2017-18, the median waiting time for knee surgery in Betsi Cadwaladr University Local Health Board was 339 days, up 95 days on the previous year. Over 61 per cent of those currently waiting for trauma and orthopaedic operations are waiting over a year. How do you respond to my constituent, let's say Mr LB, who's been on a waiting list since 8 December 2016 for bilateral total knee replacements? The health board wrote to me this month, saying, 'We estimate we won't be able to offer him a date for surgery now until May 2019'—over 500 days. Mr LB says he has nothing but the greatest support from his GP and his consultant, but he's a virtual cripple at 63, in constant, excruciating pain.   

Ar sawl achlysur yn ystod blynyddoedd datganoli, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cynhyrchu potiau o arian i leihau amseroedd aros os ydynt wedi mynd yn rhy hir. Yn 2017-18, 339 o ddiwrnodau oedd yr amser aros canolrifol am lawdriniaeth pen-glin ym Mwrdd Iechyd Lleol Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr, cynnydd o 95 o ddiwrnodau o'r flwyddyn cynt. Mae dros 61 y cant o'r rhai sy'n aros am lawdriniaethau trawma ac orthopedig ar hyn o bryd yn aros am fwy na blwyddyn. Sut ydych chi'n ymateb i'm hetholwr, gadewch i ni ddweud Mr LB, sydd wedi bod ar restr aros ers 8 Rhagfyr 2016 am ben-gliniau newydd llwyr dwyochrog? Ysgrifennodd y bwrdd iechyd ataf y mis hwn, gan ddweud, 'Rydym ni'n amcangyfrif na fyddwn yn gallu cynnig dyddiad ar gyfer llawdriniaeth iddo tan fis Mai 2019 erbyn hyn'—dros 500 o ddiwrnodau. Mae Mr LB yn dweud nad yw'n cael dim ond y gefnogaeth fwyaf gan ei feddyg teulu a'i feddyg ymgynghorol, ond mae mwy neu lai yn gripl yn 63 oed, ac mewn poen echrydus yn gyson.

It's very difficult, of course, to pass comment on an individual. I have no doubt that where somebody's waiting for an operation they are in pain, and they will be anxious to know when that operation will take place. They'll also be anxious to know what resources are being made available in order that the time waiting for an operation is expedited. What I can say is that the number of whole-time trauma and orthopaedic surgery consultants at BCU increased from 23 in 2009 to 29.2 in 2017. That's reflected in an increase across the whole of Wales. At the end of August this year, there was an 11 per cent reduction in the number of people waiting over 36 weeks for orthopaedic treatment in the BCU area, and that is reflected across the whole of Wales. So, additional resources have been made available to appoint more consultants and surgeons, and we are seeing that reflected in the reduction in the number of people waiting. And as far as Mr LB is concerned, I can give him the assurance that we will continue to look at how we can provide more resources and I hope that he gets his operation soon.

Mae'n anodd iawn, wrth gwrs, gwneud sylwadau ar unigolyn. Nid oes gen i unrhyw amheuaeth bod rhywun mewn poen pan fydd yn aros am lawdriniaeth, ac y bydd yn awyddus i wybod pryd y bydd y llawdriniaeth honno'n cael ei chyflawni. Bydd hefyd yn awyddus i wybod pa adnoddau sy'n cael eu rhoi ar gael fel bod yr amser aros am lawdriniaeth yn cael ei leihau. Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw bod nifer y meddygon ymgynghorol llawdriniaeth trawma ac orthopedig amser llawn yn PBC wedi cynyddu o 23 yn 2009 i 29.2 yn 2017. Adlewyrchir hynny mewn cynnydd ar draws Cymru gyfan. Ddiwedd mis Awst eleni, cafwyd gostyngiad o 11 y cant i nifer y bobl sy'n aros dros 36 wythnos am driniaeth orthopedig yn ardal PBC, ac adlewyrchir hynny ar draws Cymru gyfan. Felly, mae adnoddau ychwanegol wedi cael eu rhoi ar gael i benodi mwy o feddygon ymgynghorol a llawfeddygon, ac rydym ni'n gweld hynny'n cael ei adlewyrchu yn y gostyngiad i nifer y bobl sy'n aros. A chyn belled ag y mae Mr LB yn y cwestiwn, gallaf roi'r sicrwydd iddo y byddwn yn parhau i ystyried sut y gallwn ddarparu mwy o adnoddau, a gobeithiaf y bydd yn cael ei lawdriniaeth yn fuan.

14:10

First Minister, we often hear in the winter period of orthopedic operations and other planned surgery being cancelled because of winter pressures. How confident are you that the arrangements that have been put in place by the local health boards and by the Cabinet Secretary for health for this winter will avoid those levels of cancellation that we have seen in the past? 

Prif Weinidog, rydym ni'n aml yn clywed yn ystod cyfnod y gaeaf am lawdriniaethau orthopedig a llawdriniaethau eraill a drefnwyd yn cael eu canslo oherwydd pwysau'r gaeaf. Pa mor ffyddiog ydych chi y bydd y trefniadau a roddwyd ar waith gan y byrddau iechyd lleol a chan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd ar gyfer y gaeaf hwn yn osgoi'r lefelau hynny o ganslo yr ydym ni wedi eu gweld yn y gorffennol?

Well, there's always a level of cancellation that takes place beforehand in order to create the spare capacity for the winter period, given the winter pressures that we've seen over the last few years, although I would argue that certainly last year and the year before, those pressures were dealt with even though they were substantial and took up a lot of staff resources and time. Of course, health boards have to have in place their winter plans, which over the past few years have proven to be durable and I've no reason to suspect that that won't be the case this year. 

Wel, ceir lefel o ganslo sy'n digwydd bob amser ymlaen llaw er mwyn creu'r capasiti dros ben ar gyfer cyfnod y gaeaf, o ystyried y pwysau yn ystod y gaeaf yr ydym ni wedi ei weld dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf, er y byddwn yn dadlau yn sicr y llynedd a'r flwyddyn cynt, yr ymdriniwyd â'r pwysau hynny er eu bod yn sylweddol ac wedi cymryd llawer o adnoddau ac amser staff. Wrth gwrs, mae'n rhaid bod gan fyrddau iechyd eu cynlluniau ar gyfer y gaeaf ar waith, sydd wedi bod yn gadarn dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf ac nid oes gen i unrhyw reswm i amau na fydd hynny'n wir eleni.

Diwrnod y Rhuban Gwyn
White Ribbon Day

7. Sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi diwrnod y rhuban gwyn mewn perthynas â dileu trais yn erbyn menywod? OAQ52947

7. How does the Welsh Government support White Ribbon Day in relation to eliminating violence against women? OAQ52947

Yes. I've just realised I'm not wearing one, so I apologise for that first of all. To promote the UN’s International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and White Ribbon Day, we are holding a Facebook live webinar, Ending VAWDASV in Wales; funding four community communication activities; and encouraging more of our male staff to become White Ribbon ambassadors.

Ie. Rwyf i newydd sylweddoli nad wyf i'n gwisgo un, felly ymddiheuraf am hynny yn gyntaf oll. I hyrwyddo Diwrnod Rhyngwladol Diddymu Trais yn erbyn Menywod y Cenhedloedd Unedig a Diwrnod y Rhuban Gwyn, rydym ni'n cynnal gweminar fyw ar Facebook, Rhoi Terfyn ar Drais yn erbyn Menywod, Cam-drin Domestig a Thrais Rhywiol yng Nghymru; yn ariannu pedwar o weithgareddau cyfathrebu cymunedol; ac yn annog mwy o'n staff gwrywaidd i ddod yn llysgenhadon y Rhuban Gwyn.

Thank you, First Minister. I'm attending the White Ribbon event today, sponsored by Joyce Watson, and will attend the Black Association of Women Step Out's Light a Candle event at Llandaff cathedral next week. As the First Minister is aware, for the past eight years BAWSO has led the Light a Candle multifaith event, bringing together more than 250 individuals to commemorate international White Ribbon Day.

But the horrific statistics still prevail. In Wales and England two women a week are killed by a current or former partner and 10,000 women a week experience sexual abuse. Will the First Minister join me in acknowledging the UN rapporteur Professor Philip Alston's report last week, in which he states that single household payments and delays of five to 12 weeks before universal credit is paid out gives more leverage to a controlling and violent partner? And will he join me today in encouraging the new Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, Amber Rudd, to halt universal credit and address this punitive policy that so adversely affects women facing violence and sexual abuse?

Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Rwy'n mynd i'r digwyddiad Rhuban Gwyn heddiw, wedi ei noddi gan Joyce Watson, a byddaf yn bresennol yn nigwyddiad Goleuo Canwyll y Black Association of Women Step Out yn eglwys gadeiriol Llandaf yr wythnos nesaf. Fel y mae'r Prif Weinidog yn ymwybodol, mae BAWSO wedi arwain digwyddiad Goleuo Cannwyll aml-ffydd yn ystod yr wyth mlynedd diwethaf, gan ddod â mwy na 250 o unigolion ynghyd i goffáu Diwrnod rhyngwladol y Rhuban Gwyn.

Ond mae'r ystadegau erchyll yn dal i fodoli. Yng Nghymru a Lloegr mae dwy fenyw yr wythnos yn cael eu lladd gan bartner presennol neu gyn-bartner ac mae 10,000 o fenywod yr wythnos yn dioddef cam-drin rhywiol. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ymuno â mi i gydnabod adroddiad adroddwr y Cenhedloedd Unedig, yr Athro Philip Alston, yr wythnos diwethaf, lle mae'n datgan bod taliadau sengl i aelwydydd ac oedi o bum i 12 wythnos cyn talu credyd cynhwysol yn rhoi mwy o ddylanwad i bartner sy'n rheoli ac yn dreisgar? Ac a wnaiff ef ymuno â mi heddiw i annog yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol newydd dros Waith a Phensiynau, Amber Rudd, i atal credyd cynhwysol a mynd i'r afael â'r polisi cosbol hwn sy'n cael effaith mor andwyol ar fenywod sy'n wynebu trais a cham-drin rhywiol?

Yes. She will see that, as if by magic, I now have a white ribbon attached. But she raises a hugely important issue and can I commend her as well for all the work that she's done in raising awareness and in combating violence against women over the years? We of course condemn all forms of abuse and violence. We work with specialist violence against women services in Wales to raise awareness of violence against women. And, of course, we support third sector organisations to deliver direct service provision to support and protect victims. It also supports preventative work—hugely important and of course that formed part of the legislation we passed a few years ago. Much work has been done to raise the issue of domestic violence to make it more visible in the public mind, but there is still work to be done in order to prevent physical and mental abuse and, sadly, those deaths that she mentioned. 

Gwnaf. Bydd yn gweld fy mod i, fel pe bai trwy wyrth, yn gwisgo rhuban gwyn erbyn hyn. Ond mae'n codi mater hynod bwysig ac a gaf i ei chymeradwyo hefyd am yr holl waith y mae hi wedi ei wneud i godi ymwybyddiaeth a mynd i'r afael â thrais yn erbyn menywod dros y blynyddoedd? Rydym ni'n condemnio pob math o gam-drin a thrais, wrth gwrs. Rydym ni'n gweithio gyda gwasanaethau trais yn erbyn menywod arbenigol yng Nghymru i godi ymwybyddiaeth o drais yn erbyn menywod. Ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n cynorthwyo sefydliadau trydydd sector i gyflenwi darpariaeth uniongyrchol o wasanaethau i gynorthwyo a diogelu dioddefwyr. Mae hefyd yn cynorthwyo gwaith ataliol—hynod bwysig ac wrth gwrs roedd hynny'n rhan o'r ddeddfwriaeth a basiwyd gennym ychydig flynyddoedd yn ôl. Gwnaed llawer o waith i godi'r mater o drais yn y cartref i'w wneud yn fwy amlwg ym meddyliau'r cyhoedd, ond mae gwaith i'w wneud o hyd i atal cam-drin corfforol a meddyliol ac, yn anffodus, y marwolaethau hynny y cyfeiriodd hi atynt.

First Minister, there's always more that can be done and I recognise totally the commitment of the Welsh Government to this issue, and indeed the commitment of most of the parties in this Chamber to the fact that too many women, too many young girls, too many teenagers are being beaten up. I have two particular bugbears and I would like to know what you think you as a Government, and we as an Assembly, could do to try to alleviate this. 

The first is the endlessly grim storylines of dramas, thrillers, soaps and films, where almost all of the victims are women, all young girls, all teenagers, who are constantly the ones being beaten up, being threatened, being violated, being raped and being killed in horrific ways. And it sends out a pernicious message that actually that's what happens to women, and it isn't acceptable.

And my other big bugbear is with the, at times, asinine judiciary system that says because a 17-year-old is wearing a pair of lacy knickers, 'Hey, it's okay to go and rape her.' These are terrible and until we stop this, this story of victimhood and fear will transmit all around our young girls.

And I have two teenage daughters and I resent them growing up in this culture that they have to take changes, they have to wear the dark clothes, they have to not be bright and sparkly in case some guy comes along and says, 'Oh, I'll 'ave a bit of that.' And, of course, it sends out the wrong message to our boys, because they're not bad, but there's a casualness, there's that, sort of, 'Hey, it's okay, everybody does it, let's do it.' So, the media, and I don't mean newspapers per se—I'm talking about the entertainment industry; what a great word, 'entertainment'—and the judiciary have got to get real, and they are a real part of the jigsaw puzzle to stop us having to constantly campaign to protect our women, our teenagers and our girls, and it's disgraceful.

Prif Weinidog, mae bob amser mwy y gellid ei wneud ac rwy'n cydnabod yn llwyr ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i'r mater hwn, ac yn wir ymrwymiad y rhan fwyaf o bleidiau yn y Siambr hon i'r ffaith bod gormod o fenywod, gormod o ferched ifanc, gormod o blant yn eu harddegau yn cael eu curo. Mae gen i ddau o gasbethau penodol a hoffwn wybod beth ydych chi'n ei gredu fel Llywodraeth, ac y gallem ni fel Cynulliad, ei wneud i geisio lleddfu hyn.

Y cyntaf yw straeon arswydus, diddiwedd dramâu, dramâu ias a chyffro, operâu sebon a ffilmiau, lle mae bron pob un o'r dioddefwyr yn fenywod, i gyd yn ferched ifanc, i gyd yn eu harddegau, sef y rhai sy'n cael eu curo, eu bygwth, eu treisio a'u lladd mewn ffyrdd erchyll yn gyson. Ac mae'n anfon neges niweidiol mai dyna mewn gwirionedd sy'n digwydd i fenywod, ac nid yw'n dderbyniol.

A fy nghasbeth mawr arall gyda'r system farnwriaeth hurt, ar adegau, sy'n dweud oherwydd bod merch 17 oed yn gwisgo pâr o nicers â lês, 'Hei, mae'n iawn ei threisio hi.' Mae'r rhain yn ofnadwy a than y byddwn ni'n rhoi terfyn ar hyn, bydd y stori hon o ddioddef ac ofn yn cael ei throsglwyddo i'n holl ferched ifanc.

Ac mae gen i ddwy ferch yn eu harddegau ac rwy'n gresynu'r ffaith eu bod nhw'n tyfu i fyny yn y diwylliant hwn bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw fynd â dillad i newid, bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw wisgo dillad tywyll, mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw beidio â bod yn llachar a disglair rhag ofn y bydd rhyw ddyn yn dod ac yn dweud, 'O, mi gymeraf i dipyn o hynna.' Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'n anfon y neges anghywir i'n bechgyn, oherwydd dydyn nhw ddim yn ddrwg, ond ceir difaterwch, ceir y math hwnnw o 'Hei, mae'n iawn, mae pawb yn ei wneud, beth am i ni ei wneud.' Felly, mae'n rhaid i'r cyfryngau, ac nid wyf i'n golygu papurau newydd fel y cyfryw—rwy'n sôn am y diwydiant adloniant; dyna air gwych, 'adloniant'—a'r farnwriaeth gallio, ac maen nhw'n rhan wirioneddol o'r jig-so i'n hatal rhag gorfod ymgyrchu'n barhaus i amddiffyn ein menywod, ein merched yn eu harddegau a'n merched iau, ac mae'n warthus.

14:15

I don't think I can add much to what the Member has said. She puts it so powerfully herself. When she mentioned the fact that women and young girls are particularly portrayed as victims, I started to rack my mind as to some of the programmes that I've seen recently, and she's right. I hadn't actually spotted it, so I'm grateful to her for raising that issue, and she's absolutely right that the promotion of victimhood encourages people to make people victims, and I think that is certainly a strong issue there and it's something that I think will need to be examined in the future.

Secondly, she's partially right, I think, to say that about the judiciary. I think that, in their defence, younger judges particularly are very well aware of the world around them and, of course, what is appropriate to say and what is not appropriate to say. I think that, certainly, when I was in practice, some of the older judges at that time perhaps were of a different era. But the judges that I know would be very, very much aware of the need to be sensitive and appropriate, and certainly they wouldn't, I'm sure, say anything like that in a summing up.

But I do wonder whether we've gone backwards. I do, because it seemed until quite recently that the issue of gender equality and the issue of respect were something that was a never-ending journey towards a more positive outcome. I'm not sure it is. I don't believe that Wales is a safe place for women to come forward with allegations, I have to say, and that is something that we all recognise as political parties, and we all recognise that steps have to be taken with regard to that. So, there's much work to be done. But that work, of course, is driven forward very strongly by the kind of representations that she has made and others in this Chamber have made, and the representation that she has made and those of my friend from the Vale of Glamorgan and others in this Chamber will always be strongly supported by me.

Nid wyf i'n credu y gallaf i ychwanegu llawer at yr hyn a ddywedodd yr Aelod. Mae hi'n ei ddweud mor rymus ei hun. Pan soniodd am y ffaith bod menywod a merched ifanc yn arbennig yn cael eu portreadu fel dioddefwyr, dechreuais feddwl am rai o'r rhaglenni yr wyf i wedi eu gweld yn ddiweddar, ac mae hi'n iawn. Nid oeddwn i wedi sylwi ar hynny, felly rwy'n ddiolchgar iddi am godi'r mater hwnnw, ac mae hi'n hollol iawn bod hyrwyddo dioddefaint yn annog pobl i wneud mwy o bobl yn ddioddefwyr, ac rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n sicr yn fater cryf yn y fan yna ac mae'n rhywbeth y credaf y bydd angen ei archwilio yn y dyfodol.

Yn ail, mae'n rhannol iawn, rwy'n credu, i ddweud hynna am y farnwriaeth. Rwy'n credu, i'w hamddiffyn, bod barnwyr iau yn arbennig yn gwbl ymwybodol o'r byd o'u cwmpas ac, wrth gwrs, yr hyn y mae'n briodol ei ddweud a'r hyn nad yw'n briodol ei ddweud. Rwy'n credu, yn sicr, pan oeddwn i'n ymarfer, bod rhai o'r barnwyr hŷn ar y pryd o gyfnod gwahanol efallai. Ond byddai'r barnwyr yr wyf i'n eu hadnabod yn ymwybodol dros ben o'r angen i fod yn sensitif ac yn briodol, ac yn sicr ni fyddent, rwy'n siŵr, yn dweud dim o'r fath wrth grynhoi.

Ond rwyf i'n meddwl tybed a ydym ni wedi mynd tuag at yn ôl. Mi wyf i'n meddwl hynny, oherwydd roedd yn ymddangos tan yn ddiweddar iawn bod y mater o gydraddoldeb rhwng y rhywiau a'r mater o barch yn rhywbeth a oedd yn daith ddiddiwedd tuag at ganlyniad mwy cadarnhaol. Nid wyf yn siŵr bod hynny'n wir. Nid wyf i'n credu bod Cymru yn lle diogel i fenywod wneud honiadau, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr ydym ni i gyd yn ei gydnabod fel pleidiau gwleidyddol, ac rydym ni i gyd yn cydnabod bod yn rhaid cymryd camau yn hynny o beth. Felly, mae llawer o waith i'w wneud. Ond caiff y gwaith hwnnw, wrth gwrs, ei yrru ymlaen yn gryf iawn gan y math o sylwadau y mae hi ac eraill yn y Siambr hon wedi eu gwneud, a bydd y sylwadau y mae hi wedi eu gwneud a rhai fy nghyfaill o Fro Morgannwg ac eraill yn y Siambr hon bob amser yn cael eu cefnogi'n gryf gennyf i.

First Minister, there's no doubt in my mind that we've gone backwards on this agenda, and I fully support what's been said by Angela and by Jane Hutt, and I'd like to focus on what you can actually do about this. You could improve education on this front so that every child is absolutely clear what is and what isn't acceptable. You could do something about the welfare benefit system. The fact that this area isn't devolved is something that you could do something about, if you were prepared to take responsibility for welfare benefits. The best way to tackle violence against women would be to ensure that demand for support services is met. Shrinking budgets have meant that this isn't always happening. In 2016-17, the latest statistics available from Women's Aid show that 249 survivors of domestic abuse could not be accommodated by refuges in Wales because there was no space available in the service that was contacted when help was needed. Now, that same report found that there had been an overall loss of up to 5 per cent of funding for the violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence specialist sector in this country.

Apart from launching yet another review, how do you intend to tackle this grim picture and become the feminist Government that you aspire to be?

Prif Weinidog, nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth yn fy meddwl i ein bod ni'n mynd tuag at yn ôl ar yr agenda hon, a chefnogaf yn llwyr yr hyn a ddywedwyd gan Angela a chan Jane Hutt, a hoffwn ganolbwyntio ar yr hyn y gallwch chi ei wneud am hyn mewn gwirionedd. Gallech wella addysg yn y maes hwn fel bod pob plentyn yn gwbl eglur am yr hyn sy'n dderbyniol ac nad yw'n dderbyniol. Gallech wneud rhywbeth am y system budd-daliadau lles. Mae'r ffaith nad yw'r maes hwn wedi ei ddatganoli yn rhywbeth y gallech chi wneud rhywbeth yn ei gylch, pe byddech chi'n barod i gymryd cyfrifoldeb am fudd-daliadau lles. Y ffordd orau o fynd i'r afael â thrais yn erbyn menywod fyddai sicrhau bod galw am wasanaethau cymorth yn cael ei fodloni. Mae cyllidebau sy'n lleihau wedi golygu nad yw hyn yn digwydd bob amser. Yn 2016-17, mae'r ystadegau diweddaraf sydd ar gael gan Cymorth i Fenywod yn dangos na allwyd rhoi llety i 249 o oroeswyr cam-drin domestig mewn llochesau yng Nghymru gan nad oedd lle ar gael yn y gwasanaeth y cysylltwyd ag ef pan oedd angen cymorth. Nawr, canfu'r un adroddiad hwnnw y bu colled gyffredinol o hyd at 5 y cant o'r cyllid ar gyfer y sector trais yn erbyn menywod, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol arbenigol yn y wlad hon.

Ar wahân i lansio adolygiad arall eto, sut ydych chi'n bwriadu mynd i'r afael â'r darlun digalon hwn a datblygu i fod y Llywodraeth ffeministaidd yr ydych chi'n dymuno ei fod?

Well, we have provided, of course, funding to local authorities and third sector organisations for the implementation of the 2015 Act. We fund the Live Fear Free helpline and of course £969,000 of capital funding grant to acquire, maintain or upgrade fixed assets, such as buildings and equipment. But I take the point that what we need to be doing is making sure—well, two things: first of all that there is consistent coverage across Wales of refuges, but also, and I was struck by this when I visited an organisation in Cardiff last week where I talked to women who had horrific stories of what they had been through—the point that they made to me was that you need a safe place to live but you also need help to get your confidence back and help needs to come from people who are familiar, not general counselling but counselling that is specific to that person. So, it's massively important that we take that on board in the future to provide that consistency as well, so that it's not simply a question of, 'Let's move someone to a safe place'—that's important—but 'How can we help that individual who has gone through the most horrific experience to help to rebuild themselves and their lives?' I saw an example of it in Cardiff, and that, I think, will be a challenge for the next Government: how can we make sure that that consistency is achieved?

Wel, rydym ni wedi darparu, wrth gwrs, cyllid i awdurdodau lleol a sefydliadau trydydd sector ar gyfer gweithredu Deddf 2015. Rydym ni'n ariannu llinell gymorth Byw Heb Ofn ac, wrth gwrs, £969,000 o grant cyllid cyfalaf i gaffael, cynnal neu uwchraddio asedau sefydlog, fel adeiladau ac offer. Ond rwy'n derbyn y pwynt mai'r hyn y mae angen i ni fod yn ei wneud yw gwneud yn siŵr—wel, dau beth: yn gyntaf oll bod darpariaeth gyson ledled Cymru o lochesi, ond hefyd, a chefais fy nharo gan hyn pan ymwelais â sefydliad yng Nghaerdydd yr wythnos diwethaf lle y siaradais â menywod â straeon erchyll am yr hyn yr oedden nhw wedi bod drwyddo—y pwynt a wnaethant i mi oedd bod angen lle diogel arnoch i fyw, ond rydych chi hefyd angen cymorth i gael eich hyder yn ôl ac mae angen i gymorth ddod gan bobl sy'n gyfarwydd, nid cwnsela cyffredinol ond cwnsela sy'n benodol i'r unigolyn hwnnw. Felly, mae'n hynod bwysig ein bod ni'n rhoi ystyriaeth i hynny yn y dyfodol i gynnig y cysondeb hwnnw hefyd, fel nad yw'n fater syml o, 'Gadewch i ni symud rhywun i fan diogel'—mae hynny'n bwysig—ond 'Sut gallwn ni helpu'r unigolyn yna sydd wedi bod drwy'r profiad mwyaf erchyll i helpu i ailadeiladu ei hun a'i bywyd?' Gwelais enghraifft o hynny yng Nghaerdydd, a bydd hynny, rwy'n creu, yn her i'r Llywodraeth nesaf: sut gallwn ni wneud yn siŵr bod y cysondeb hwnnw'n cael ei gyflawni?

14:20

I want to thank the National Federation of Women's Institutes, who, as an organisation, have really helped to take this message about standing up and calling on men to stand up to never commit, condone or remain silent about violence against women and girls. They reach the parts that others can't, their organisation reaches every aspect of people's lives where they live, and they have a huge part and huge influence in changing this agenda. But one of the things I think that we really need to focus on, and it was brought up this morning, is the gender stereotyping from an early age and the role that the Government can play, and is playing, in doing something about that. It isn't always the case that girls must be girls and boys must be boys. That feeds into actions, sometimes very negative actions, perpetrated on one by the other in later life.

So, I suppose my question to you, First Minister, is that, moving forward, we spread those messages—and I know we already are doing it—more forcefully and more evenly across Wales so that there isn't pressure put to bear on boys behaving in a particular way and girls behaving in a particular way.

Hoffwn ddiolch i Ffederasiwn Cenedlaethol Sefydliadau'r Merched, sydd, fel sefydliad, wir wedi helpu i gyfleu'r neges hon am sefyll i fyny a galw ar ddynion i sefyll i fyny i byth gyflawni, esgusodi nac aros yn dawel am drais yn erbyn menywod a merched. Maen nhw'n cyrraedd y rhannau na all eraill eu cyrraedd, mae eu sefydliad yn cyrraedd pob agwedd ar fywydau pobl lle y maen nhw'n byw, ac mae ganddyn nhw ran enfawr a dylanwad enfawr o ran newid yr agenda hon. Ond un o'r pethau yr wyf i'n meddwl y mae wir angen i ni ganolbwyntio arno, ac fe'i codwyd y bore yma, yw stereoteipio ar sail rhyw o oedran cynnar a'r rhan y gall y Llywodraeth ei chwarae, ac mae yn ei chwarae, i wneud rhywbeth ynghylch hynny. Nid yw bob amser yn wir bod yn rhaid i ferched fod yn ferched ac i fechgyn fod yn fechgyn. Mae hynny'n cyfrannu at ymddygiadau, ymddygiadau negyddol iawn weithiau, y gall un ei gyflawni ar y llall yn ddiweddarach mewn bywyd.

Felly, mae'n debyg mai fy nghwestiwn i chi, Prif Weinidog, yw, yn y dyfodol, rydym ni'n rhannu'r negeseuon hynny—a gwn ein bod ni eisoes yn ei wneud—yn fwy grymus ac yn fwy cyson ledled Cymru fel na roddir pwysau ar fechgyn i ymddwyn mewn ffordd benodol ac ar ferched i ymddwyn mewn ffordd benodol.

Yes. This is reflected, of course, in the This is Me campaign. I don't think we should go, as the Member said, to a situation where boys and girls are expected to behave differently. There should be respect on both sides because that suggests that girls should behave in a specific way—and the Member for Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire alluded to this—in order not to put themselves in danger, which is a profoundly offensive position to be in. Why on earth should women be in that position where they feel that they're not able to dress in a particular way or not able to behave in a particular way, otherwise they've brought something on themselves. That clearly is not where we want to be, so it's absolutely right to say that we need to look—and the new curriculum, of course, will be looking at this—at how we promote healthy relationships in schools—that's important—and, of course, to make the point that respect is all around: that when people are out, when they're out at night, that the respect is there for every individual and that nobody should fear being judged or treated in a particular way because of the way they behave or dress.

Ie. Adlewyrchir hyn, wrth gwrs, yn yr ymgyrch Dyma Fi. Nid wyf i'n credu y dylem ni symud, fel y dywedodd yr Aelod, i sefyllfa lle disgwylir i fechgyn a merched ymddwyn yn wahanol. Dylai fod parch ar y ddwy ochr oherwydd mae hynny'n awgrymu y dylai merched ymddwyn mewn ffordd benodol—a chyfeiriodd yr Aelod dros Orllewin Caerfyrddin a De Sir Benfro at hyn—er mwyn peidio â rhoi eu hunain mewn perygl, sy'n sefyllfa hynod sarhaus i fod ynddi. Pam ar y ddaear y dylai menywod fod yn y sefyllfa honno, lle maen nhw'n teimlo na allant wisgo mewn ffordd benodol neu ymddwyn mewn ffordd benodol, neu fel arall eu bod nhw wedi achosi eu hanffawd eu hunain. Nid dyna'r sefyllfa yr ydym ni eisiau bod ynddi, yn amlwg, felly mae'n hollol gywir dweud bod angen i ni edrych—a bydd y cwricwlwm newydd, wrth gwrs, yn edrych ar hyn—ar sut yr ydym ni'n hyrwyddo cysylltiadau iach mewn ysgolion—mae hynny'n bwysig—ac, wrth gwrs, i wneud y pwynt bod parch ym mhobman: pan fydd pobl allan, pan fyddant allan yn y nos, bod y parch  yno i bob unigolyn ac na ddylai neb ofni cael ei farnu neu ei drin mewn modd arbennig oherwydd y ffordd y mae'n ymddwyn neu'n gwisgo.

Cyflwyno Credyd Cynhwysol yng Nghwm Cynon
The Roll-out of Universal Credit in the Cynon Valley

8. Pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o gyflwyno credyd cynhwysol yng Nghwm Cynon? OAQ52939

8. What assessment has the Welsh Government made of the roll-out of universal credit in the Cynon Valley? OAQ52939

Well, I'm extremely concerned about the fact that many of our most vulnerable people, in the Cynon Valley and elsewhere, are struggling to deal with the complexities of universal credit. The UK Government must urgently address these issues before they move existing benefit claimants to universal credit.

Wel, rwy'n bryderus iawn am y ffaith bod llawer o'n pobl fwyaf agored i niwed, yng Nghwm Cynon ac mewn mannau eraill, yn cael trafferth i ymdopi â chymhlethdodau credyd cynhwysol. Mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth y DU roi sylw brys i'r materion hyn cyn iddyn nhw symud hawlwyr budd-daliadau presennol i gredyd cynhwysol.

Thank you, First Minister. I share all of your concerns and also the concerns raised by my colleague Jane Hutt in relation to victims of domestic violence and the impact of universal credit upon them. But so many vulnerable groups are set to suffer as a result of this roll-out, and Citizens Advice have published new research showing that some single, working disabled people will be more than £300 a month worse off because of flaws in the design of UC. In addition, those without a carer and unable to work could be £180 a month worse off when they make a new claim.

With the recently departed work and pensions Secretary having acknowledged the damage that universal credit is causing, but also having made big promises on protecting the most vulnerable, will the Welsh Government make representations to her successor to ensure that these are not just more empty words from Tory Ministers in Westminster?

Diolch, Prif Weinidog. Rwy'n rhannu eich pryderon, a hefyd y pryderon a godwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod, Jane Hutt, o ran dioddefwyr trais domestig ac effaith credyd cynhwysol arnyn nhw. Ond mae cynifer o grwpiau agored i niwed yn mynd i ddioddef o ganlyniad i'r cyflwyniad hwn, ac mae Cyngor ar Bopeth wedi cyhoeddi gwaith ymchwil newydd yn dangos y bydd rhai pobl anabl sengl sy'n gweithio yn fwy na £300 y mis yn waeth eu byd oherwydd diffygion yn nyluniad credyd cynhwysol. Hefyd, gallai'r rhai nad oes ganddynt ofalwr ac na allant weithio fod £180 y mis yn waeth eu byd pan fyddant yn gwneud hawliad newydd.

Ar ôl i'r Ysgrifennydd gwaith a phensiynau a adawodd yn ddiweddar gydnabod y niwed y mae credyd cynhwysol yn ei achosi, ond gan hefyd fod wedi gwneud addewidion mawr o ran diogelu'r mwyaf agored i niwed, a wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru wneud sylwadau i'w holynydd i sicrhau nad mwy o eiriau gwag yn unig yw'r rhain gan Weinidogion Torïaidd yn San Steffan?

Well, we've repeatedly written to the UK Government, and will continue to do so, urging them to reconsider this damaging policy and to commit to targeting more support to help lift people out of poverty. We all see, of course, the flaws of universal credit, and the Member will be aware of the representations we have made.

Wel, rydym ni wedi ysgrifennu dro ar ôl tro at Lywodraeth y DU, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud hynny, gan eu hannog i ailystyried y polisi niweidiol hwn ac ymrwymo i dargedu mwy o gymorth i helpu i godi pobl allan o dlodi. Rydym ni i gyd yn gweld, wrth gwrs, diffygion credyd cynhwysol, a bydd yr Aelod yn ymwybodol o'r sylwadau yr ydym ni wedi eu gwneud.

First Minister, I agree with many Members here that more should've been done to learn from the roll-out process and to do that as quickly as possible. I welcome Amber Rudd's decision that that will now be speeded up, especially by listening to expert advice and experience of those who have now moved to the new system. But the new system is one that has been widely welcomed in making it simpler and ending the cliff edge between benefits and working, and that is the vision that I think we should all share—to have a benefits system that really does enable people to reach their full potential.

Prif Weinidog, rwy'n cytuno â llawer o Aelodau yn y fan yma y dylai mwy fod wedi  ei wneud i ddysgu o'r broses gyflwyno ac i wneud hynny cyn gynted â phosibl. Rwy'n croesawu penderfyniad Amber Rudd y bydd hynny'n cael ei gyflymu nawr, yn enwedig trwy wrando ar gyngor arbenigol a phrofiad y rhai sydd wedi symud i'r system newydd erbyn hyn. Ond mae'r system newydd yn un sydd wedi cael croeso eang o ran ei gwneud yn haws a rhoi terfyn ar y dibyn rhwng budd-daliadau a gweithio, a dyna'r weledigaeth yr wyf i'n credu y dylem ni i gyd ei rhannu—i fod â system budd-daliadau sydd wir yn galluogi pobl i wireddu eu potensial llawn.

14:25

I think the problem lies not necessarily in the idea, but in the implementation. And we know that there are design flaws in universal credit—that was highlighted in a recent Citizen's Advice report on the impact of universal credit on single, disabled people. So, for example, the work allowance can only be accessed through the work capability allowance. This means that someone must be assessed as not fit for work to receive targeted in-work support. Well, that's one example of where the system breaks down. It's hugely important that people don't suffer because a system is not working as it should.

Nid wyf yn credu mai yn y syniad y mae'r broblem o reidrwydd, ond yn y gweithredu. Ac rydym ni'n gwybod bod diffygion cynllunio mewn credyd cynhwysol—tynnwyd sylw at hynny mewn adroddiad Cyngor ar Bopeth diweddar ar effaith credyd cynhwysol ar bobl sengl, anabl. Felly, er enghraifft, nid yw'n bosibl cael lwfans gwaith heblaw drwy'r lwfans gallu gweithio. Mae hyn yn golygu bod rhaid asesu rhywun fel heb fod yn ddigon iach i weithio er mwyn cael cymorth sydd wedi ei dargedu yn y gwaith. Wel, dyna un enghraifft o ble mae'r system yn torri i lawr. Mae'n bwysig dros ben nad yw pobl yn dioddef oherwydd nad yw system yn gweithio fel y dylai.

2. Datganiad a Chyhoeddiad Busnes
2. Business Statement and Announcement

Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes. Rydw i'n galw ar arweinydd y tŷ, Julie James.

The next item, therefore, is the business statement and announcement. I call on the leader of the house, Julie James.

Diolch, Llywydd. There are two changes to today's agenda. The First Minister will make a statement shortly on the draft agreement on the withdrawal of the UK from the European Union, and as a result the oral statement on reforming dental services has been postponed until 11 December. Draft business for the next three weeks is set out in the business statement and announcement, which can be found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.

Diolch, Llywydd. Mae yna ddau newid i agenda heddiw. Bydd y Prif Weinidog yn gwneud datganiad cyn bo hir ar y cytundeb drafft ar gyfer ymadawiad y DU o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac o ganlyniad mae'r datganiad llafar ar ddiwygio gwasanaethau deintyddol wedi ei ohirio tan 11 Rhagfyr. Nodir busnes drafft ar gyfer y tair wythnos nesaf yn y datganiad a'r cyhoeddiad busnes, y gellir eu gweld ymhlith papurau'r cyfarfod sydd ar gael i'r Aelodau yn electronig.

Leader of the house, just a couple of weeks ago, I met with Adrian Farey, one of my constituents who runs a long-term sustainable woodland project in the Elwy valley region of my constituency. It was visited by the Minister for Environment just last week, and I was very pleased that she enjoyed her visit there to learn more about the organisation that he runs. But this is precisely the sort of model, I think, that will help to make our rural communities sustainable, and help to encourage and promote the use of local and sustainable wood products in the future. I would be grateful if the Minister for Environment could bring forward a statement on the support that she might be able to offer to projects like Adrian Farey's and others across Wales in terms of promoting the use of local timber in local construction projects.

Can I also call, leader of the house, for a statement on the future of business rates for independent schools in Wales? There's been quite a bit of concern amongst independent schools across the country. There are 20 in Wales at the moment, with thousands of students in them. They add around £87 million to the Welsh economy and generate £22 million-worth of taxes here in Wales. You'll be aware that there have been some concerns about the prospects of business rates being charged on independent schools. Now, clearly, I understand that we will want to have a debate, perhaps, on these things, but I do think that it's incumbent upon the Welsh Government to give some clarity to the sector, given the significant numbers of people who are employed in it and the significant numbers of pupils who rely on the excellent education that is provided in independent schools across the country.

Arweinydd y tŷ, dim ond ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, cyfarfûm ag Adrian Farey, un o'm hetholwyr sy'n rhedeg prosiect coetir cynaliadwy tymor hir yn rhanbarth Dyffryn Elwy o'm hetholaeth. Ymwelodd y Gweinidog Amgylchedd â mi yr wythnos diwethaf, ac roeddwn yn falch iawn ei bod hi wedi mwynhau ei hymweliad i ddysgu mwy am y sefydliad y mae'n ei redeg. Ond dyma'r union fath o fodel, yn fy marn i, a fydd yn helpu i wneud ein cymunedau gwledig yn gynaliadwy, a helpu i annog a hyrwyddo defnyddio cynhyrchion coed lleol a chynaliadwy yn y dyfodol. Byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallai Gweinidog yr Amgylchedd gyflwyno datganiad ynglŷn â'r cymorth y byddai'n gallu ei gynnig i brosiectau fel prosiect Adrian Farey a rhai eraill ledled Cymru o ran hyrwyddo defnyddio coed lleol ar gyfer prosiectau adeiladu lleol.

A gaf i hefyd alw, arweinydd y tŷ, am ddatganiad ar ddyfodol ardrethi busnes ar gyfer ysgolion annibynnol yng Nghymru? Bu cryn dipyn o bryder ymhlith ysgolion annibynnol ledled y wlad. Ceir 20 yng Nghymru ar hyn o bryd, gyda miloedd o fyfyrwyr ynddynt. Maen nhw'n ychwanegu tua £87 miliwn i economi Cymru ac yn cynhyrchu gwerth £22 miliwn o drethi yma yng Nghymru. Byddwch yn ymwybodol y bu rhai pryderon ynghylch y rhagolygon o godi trethi busnes ar ysgolion annibynnol. Nawr, yn amlwg, rwyf yn deall y byddwn yn dymuno cael trafodaeth, ar y pethau hyn, efallai, ond rwyf yn credu ei bod hi'n ddyletswydd ar Lywodraeth Cymru i roi rhywfaint o eglurder i'r sector, o ystyried y nifer sylweddol o bobl sy'n cael eu cyflogi ynddo a nifer sylweddol y disgyblion sy'n dibynnu ar yr addysg ardderchog y mae ysgolion annibynnol yn ei ddarparu ledled y wlad.

On the woodland project, the Minister has mentioned that she very much enjoyed her visit there, and I think is very happy to bring forward a general statement on woodland management in Wales and the contribution of our woodlands in particular to climate change and adaptation thereof.

In terms of business rates, we've had several roundabouts on the subject of business rates for independent schools and I think that's much more likely to come up in terms of a debate from the opposition parties than it is likely to be the subject of a business statement from the Government.

Ynglŷn â'r prosiect coetir, crybwyllodd y Gweinidog ei bod hi wedi mwynhau ei hymweliad yno yn fawr iawn, a chredaf ei bod hi'n hapus iawn i gyflwyno datganiad cyffredinol ar reoli coetiroedd yng Nghymru a chyfraniad arbennig ein coetiroedd i'r hinsawdd ac addasiadau oherwydd hynny.

O ran ardrethi busnes, rydym wedi cael llawer o newidiadau ar y testun o ardrethi busnes ar gyfer ysgolion annibynnol ac rwyf yn credu bod hynny'n llawer mwy tebygol o gael ei godi mewn dadl gan y gwrthbleidiau nag sy'n debygol o fod yn destun datganiad busnes gan y Llywodraeth.

Leader of the house, can I ask for a Government statement on screening services, particularly as I've had representations recently concerning Bowel Screening Wales? It operates as a bespoke screening service, as you know, yet is sort of vaguely part of the NHS, but basically stand-alone as well. Bowel Screening Wales does excellent work, however if someone who has had a previous bowel problem, and a negative bowel screen as part of the bowel screening programme, then develops a new bowel symptom, this cannot be dealt with by Bowel Screening Wales, as they only do stand-alone screening at pre-determined intervals, despite the fact that it's a surveillance service. So, the situation at the moment is that if people then develop a new bowel symptom, despite being under surveillance by Bowel Screening Wales, they're directed back to their general practitioner, who then has the binary choice of urgent referral or routine referral that can take months. Surely, could there be a third way in such a situation of a fast-track referral if a new problem arises when a patient is already under Bowel Screening Wales surveillance? Thank you.

Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn i'r Llywodraeth am ddatganiad ar wasanaethau sgrinio, yn enwedig gan fy mod i wedi cael sylwadau ynghylch Sgrinio Coluddion Cymru yn ddiweddar? Mae'n gweithredu fel gwasanaeth sgrinio pwrpasol, fel y gwyddoch, ond eto mae'n rhan o'r GIG mewn rhyw ffordd, ond yn y bôn mae'n annibynnol hefyd. Mae Sgrinio Coluddion Cymru yn gwneud gwaith rhagorol, fodd bynnag, os oes rhywun sydd wedi cael problem goluddyn yn flaenorol, ac wedi cael sgriniad coluddyn negyddol yn rhan o'r rhaglen, ac yna'n datblygu symptom coluddyn newydd, nid yw Sgrinio Coluddion Cymru yn gallu ymdrin â hyn gan mai sgrinio annibynnol ar adegau penodol y maen nhw'n ei wneud, er gwaethaf y ffaith mai gwasanaeth gwyliadwriaeth ydyw. Felly, y sefyllfa ar hyn o bryd yw, fod pobl sy'n datblygu symptom coluddyn newydd, er eu bod o dan wyliadwriaeth Sgrinio Coluddion Cymru, yn cael eu cyfeirio yn eu holau at eu meddyg teulu, sydd â'r dewis deuaidd wedyn o atgyfeiriad brys neu atgyfeiriad arferol a all gymryd misoedd. Does bosib nad oes trydedd ffordd yn y fath sefyllfa o atgyfeirio'n gyflym be byddai problem newydd yn codi pan fo claf eisoes o dan wyliadwriaeth Sgrinio Coluddion Cymru? Diolch.

14:30

The Member raises a very important point, and, Llywydd, I'm very pleased to say that, on my sixtieth birthday, I received a bowel screening kit from NHS Wales. It was amongst the less expected presents that I received on my sixtieth birthday, but was possibly the most important one. I think it's very important that people take part in that screening; it's a very important thing that we should all do. 

I'm not familiar with the issue that he raises. I suggest he writes to the Cabinet Secretary, and, if that raises an issue of more significance than that, I will arrange for a statement. Otherwise, I'll make sure that the reply is available to all AMs. 

Mae'r Aelod yn codi pwynt pwysig iawn, a, Llywydd, rwyf yn falch iawn o ddweud, ar fy mhen-blwydd yn drigain oed, fy mod wedi cael pecyn sgrinio coluddyn oddi wrth GIG Cymru. Roedd ymhlith fy anrhegion lleiaf disgwyliedig ar fy mhen-blwydd yn drigain, ond mae'n bosibl mai dyna'r pwysicaf. Rwyf yn meddwl ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn bod pobl yn cymryd rhan yn y sgrinio hwnnw; mae'n beth bwysig iawn y dylem i gyd ei wneud.

Nid wyf yn gyfarwydd â'r mater y mae'n ei godi. Rwyf yn awgrymu ei fod yn ysgrifennu at Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ac, os bydd hynny'n codi mater sy'n fwy sylweddol na hynny, byddaf yn gwneud trefniadau ar gyfer datganiad. Fel arall, byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr bod yr ateb ar gael i holl Aelodau'r Cynulliad.

I wanted to raise two issues with the leader of the house. The first is the Which report, which came out last week, revealing the fact that two thirds of banks have now closed—over the last 30 years, two thirds of banks have closed—and this has left communities without access to a local bank, and leaving high streets empty. In Cardiff North, we've lost banks from Rhiwbina, Whitchurch, Birchgrove—nearly every community. And, in fact, one bank is still empty—in the centre of a shopping centre—that had closed years ago. I know we have debated in the past in this Chamber the issue of banks and bank closures, but perhaps—. Would it be possible for the Government to have another look at this issue and just see if any more can be done to help some of these communities?

And, secondly, I wondered if it might be possible to have a debate on Lyme disease. One of my constituents from Cardiff North is campaigning on this issue, and, in fact, we held a meeting in the Pierhead today about Lyme disease, wanting to raise the profile of the disease, the fact that it is little known and that there are many different complications from it. And there have been debates in the Scottish Parliament, the House of Commons and the House of Lords, and will be in the European Parliament, but it does seem it is a little-known disease that causes a huge amount of misery for those people who are afflicted with it. 

Roeddwn yn dymuno codi dau fater gydag arweinydd y tŷ. Y cyntaf yw'r adroddiad Which, a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos diwethaf, sy'n datgelu'r ffaith fod dwy ran o dair o'r banciau bellach wedi cau erbyn hyn—yn ystod y 30 mlynedd diwethaf, mae dwy ran o dair o'r banciau wedi cau—ac mae hyn wedi gadael cymunedau heb fanc lleol, sydd hefyd yn gadael y Stryd Fawr yn wag. Yng Ngogledd Caerdydd, rydym wedi colli banciau o Riwbeina, yr Eglwys Newydd, Llwynfedw—pob cymuned bron. Ac, yn wir, mae un banc yn dal yn wag—yng nghanol canolfan siopa—a oedd wedi cau flynyddoedd yn ôl. Gwn ein bod wedi trafod y mater o fanciau a chau banciau yn y Siambr hon yn y gorffennol, ond efallai—. A fyddai'n bosibl i'r Llywodraeth gael golwg arall ar y mater hwn a gweld a oes unrhyw beth arall y gellir ei wneud i helpu rhai o'r cymunedau hyn?

Ac, yn ail, tybed a fyddai modd cael dadl ar glefyd Lyme. Mae un o'm hetholwyr yng Ngogledd Caerdydd yn ymgyrchu ar y mater hwn, ac, yn wir, fe wnaethom ni gynnal cyfarfod am glefyd Lyme yn y Pierhead heddiw gyda'r bwriad o godi proffil y clefyd; y ffaith yw mai ychydig sy'n hysbys a bod llawer o gymhlethdodau gwahanol sy'n deillio ohono. Ac mae llawer o ddadleuon wedi eu cynnal yn Senedd yr Alban, yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin ac yn Nhŷ'r Arglwyddi, a byddant hefyd yn Senedd Ewrop, ond mae'n ymddangos bod hwn yn glefyd nad oes llawer o wybodaeth amdano sy'n achosi llawer iawn o drallod i'r bobl hynny sydd yn dioddef oddi wrtho.

Two very important points indeed. In terms of the banks, it is something, as she's already acknowledged, that we've discussed frequently in the Assembly, and it is very disappointing that, despite affected communities and political representatives challenging the decisions—across the Chamber, actually; I think it's something we've all expressed concern about—the banks do continue to press ahead with their closure programme. And there's no doubt at all that many citizens, older citizens in particular, are not comfortable with online banking, and also small businesses in rural areas have a need for cash and there's a big problem about how long they travel and where they might get the cash from, and there's also a problem with the ATMs starting to close down as well, as people move to cashless systems. 

Ideally, we would like to see businesses and individuals across Wales having access to the banking facilities they want, and, where possible, mitigate the loss of any branch and cashpoint facility in Wales closing. But, unfortunately, we have some limited powers in this regard. However, we have been in discussion on the role of the post office in addressing banking needs. We recognise there are issues around that, and we've been working with them to discuss them, around the capacity, privacy, disability access and so on at the post office, but that's very much an ongoing part of the discussion about whether they can substitute for some bank branch services. And the other thing is that we're investigating the possibility of establishing a community banking model for Wales. We're in early dialogue with a range of stakeholders, promoting the idea of a community mutual bank for Wales, and that would be able to offer support appropriate to the level of development around Wales. I'll keep the Member informed as the proposals for that develop. 

In terms of Lyme disease, in Wales, as well as everywhere else in the UK, cases of laboratory-confirmed Lyme disease have been increasing in recent years. This is partly as a result of better reporting, increased testing and increased awareness by the public and healthcare professionals. The Member will be pleased to know that we've recently communicated a comprehensive guidance on Lyme disease to healthcare professionals across Wales, and the NHS has developed appropriate public awareness materials. And I'm very pleased to say that that's an ongoing programme of public awareness and medical awareness across the piece. 

Dau bwynt pwysig iawn yn wir. O ran y banciau, fel y mae hi eisoes wedi ei gydnabod, mae'n rhywbeth yr ydym wedi ei drafod yn aml yn y Cynulliad, ac mae'n siomedig iawn, er gwaethaf y cymunedau yr effeithir arnynt a chynrychiolwyr gwleidyddol sy'n herio'r penderfyniadau—ar draws y Siambr, mewn gwirionedd; credaf ei fod yn rhywbeth yr ydym ni i gyd wedi mynegi pryder amdano—mae'r banciau'n parhau i fwrw ymlaen â rhaglen i gau. Ac nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth bod llawer o ddinasyddion, dinasyddion hŷn yn enwedig, nad ydyn nhw'n gyfforddus â bancio ar-lein, a hefyd mae angen arian parod ar fusnesau bach mewn ardaloedd gwledig a cheir problem fawr o ran pa mor bell maen nhw'n teithio ac o ble maen nhw'n cael yr arian, a cheir problem gyda'r peiriannau ATM yn cau hefyd, wrth i bobl symud i systemau di-arian.

Yn ddelfrydol, byddem ni'n hoffi gweld busnesau ac unigolion ledled Cymru yn gallu cael gafael ar y cyfleusterau bancio y maen nhw'n eu dymuno, gan liniaru'r golled o unrhyw gyfleuster peiriant ATM neu gangen yng Nghymru rhag pan fo hynny'n bosibl. Ond, yn anffodus, pwerau cyfyngedig sydd gennym ni yn hyn o beth. Er hynny, rydym wedi bod yn trafod rhan swyddfa'r post mewn mynd i'r afael ag anghenion bancio. Rydym ni'n cydnabod bod problemau ynghylch hynny, ac rydym wedi bod yn gweithio gyda nhw i'w trafod, o ran gallu, preifatrwydd, mynediad i bobl anabl ac ati yn swyddfa'r post, ond i raddau helaeth mae hynny'n rhan barhaus o'r drafodaeth ynghylch pa un a allan nhw gymryd lle rhai o wasanaethau'r gangen banc. A'r peth arall yw ein bod ni'n ymchwilio i'r posibilrwydd o sefydlu model bancio cymunedol ar gyfer Cymru. Rydym yn cynnal deialog cynnar gydag amrywiaeth o randdeiliaid, gan hyrwyddo'r syniad o fanc cydfuddiannol cymunedol i Gymru, a fyddai'n gallu cynnig cymorth priodol i lefel y datblygiad o amgylch Cymru. Byddaf yn hysbysu'r Aelod wrth i'r cynigion ddatblygu ar gyfer hynny.

O ran clefyd Lyme, yng Nghymru, yn ogystal â phob man arall yn y DU, mae achosion o glefyd Lyme sy'n cael eu cadarnhau gan labordy wedi cynyddu yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf. Mae hyn yn rhannol o ganlyniad i well cofnodi, mwy o brofion a mwy o ymwybyddiaeth ymhlith y cyhoedd a gweithwyr gofal iechyd proffesiynol. Bydd yr Aelod yn falch o wybod ein bod ni wedi cyflwyno canllawiau cynhwysfawr ar glefyd Lyme i weithwyr gofal iechyd proffesiynol ledled Cymru yn ddiweddar, ac mae'r GIG wedi datblygu deunyddiau ymwybyddiaeth priodol i'r cyhoedd. Ac rwyf yn falch iawn o ddweud bod honno'n rhaglen barhaus o ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd ac ymwybyddiaeth feddygol yn gyffredinol.

Leader of the house, may I ask for a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs on WWF Cymru's claim that one in 15 wildlife species in Wales is at risk of disappearing altogether? They say that global threats to wildlife and habitats identified in the 'Living Planet Report 2018' are echoed in Wales. Species under threat include hen harriers and water voles. We have seen a comeback in red kite numbers in Wales, thanks to better protection and dedicated conservation programmes. So, may we have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary on what action she will take to halt wildlife decline and to protect the habitats of threatened species in our beautiful country? 

Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig ar honiad WWF Cymru bod un o bob 15 rhywogaeth o fywyd gwyllt yng Nghymru mewn perygl o ddiflannu yn gyfan gwbl? Maen nhw'n dweud bod bygythiadau byd-eang i fywyd gwyllt a chynefinoedd a nodwyd yn 'Living Planet Report 2018' yn cael eu hadleisio yng Nghymru. Mae bodaod tinwyn a llygod pengrwn y dŵr ymhlith y rhywogaethau sydd o dan fygythiad. Rydym wedi gweld niferoedd y barcut coch yn codi yng Nghymru, diolch i amddiffyn gwell a rhaglenni cadwraeth penodol. Felly, a gawn ni ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ar y camau y bydd hi'n eu cymryd i atal dirywiad bywyd gwyllt a diogelu cynefinoedd rhywogaethau sydd o dan fygythiad yn ein gwlad fendigedig?

14:35

This is very much a central plank of most of our land management systems and indeed most of the support in the rural development fund, around what we can do to increase biodiversity and wildlife habitats. It's a very important function to understand how bioservices, biosystems, can be monetised in that way so that people can be encouraged to do it. We have fallen behind in the UK in terms, for example, of tree planting, and we have very low amounts of tree planting in Wales. We are looking to see if there are systems in place that can increase the range of habitats and biodiversity available across Wales. It is something we're very concerned about. The Minister for Environment is shortly going to be consulting on a climate change adaptation plan, which will include looking at the loss of biodiversity and habitat change, and I encourage all Members to respond to the consultation on that plan as early as possible, making the points that Mohammad Asghar has pointed out to us. 

Mae hon yn elfen ganolog o'r rhan fwyaf o'n systemau rheoli tir ac yn wir y rhan fwyaf o'r cymorth yn y gronfa ddatblygu wledig, ynglŷn â'r hyn y gallwn ei wneud i gynyddu bioamrywiaeth a chynefinoedd bywyd gwyllt. Mae'n swyddogaeth bwysig iawn deall sut y gellir pennu gwerth biowasanaethau, biosystemau, yn y ffordd honno mewn termau ariannol fel y gellir annog pobl i wneud hynny. Rydym wedi syrthio y tu ôl i'r DU o ran, er enghraifft, plannu coed, a nifer fach iawn o goed sy'n cael eu plannu yng Nghymru. Rydym yn edrych i weld a oes systemau ar waith a all gynyddu'r ystod o gynefinoedd a bioamrywiaeth sydd ar gael ledled Cymru. Mae'n rhywbeth yr ydym yn bryderus iawn yn ei gylch. Cyn bo hir, bydd Gweinidog yr Amgylchedd yn ymgynghori ar gynllun addasu newid yn yr hinsawdd, a fydd yn cynnwys edrych ar golli bioamrywiaeth a newid cynefinoedd, ac rwyf yn annog yr holl Aelodau i ymateb i'r ymgynghoriad ar y cynllun hwnnw cyn gynted ag y bo modd, gan wneud y pwyntiau y mae Mohammad Asghar wedi tynnu ein sylw atynt.

Leader of the house, I've got three matters that I'd like to raise with you this afternoon. You'll be aware of the interim report of the UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty. It was a very hard-hitting report pointing out that cuts and austerity are a political choice, that Wales faces the highest relative poverty in the UK, and that 25 per cent of jobs pay below the minimum wage. The report says, and I quote:

'In the absence of devolved power over social security benefits, the Welsh Government’s capacity to directly mitigate the reduction in benefits is limited...benefit changes are one of the structural causes behind the increase in poverty, rough sleeping, and homelessness in Wales.... Universal Credit may exacerbate the problem, particularly in light of the Welsh Government’s inability to introduce flexibilities in its administration, unlike its Scottish counterpart.'

This strongly says that you could help people if you were prepared to take over control and responsibility of the administration of benefits. So far, the Government has resisted that, despite the difficulties that we've heard about just this afternoon in this Chamber. So, can we have a debate in Government time on this UN report, with specific focus on the devolution of the administration of welfare? 

I also wanted to flag up the homophobic attack on Gareth Thomas. Now, I am sure I speak for most of us, if not all of us, in this Chamber when I say, 'Diolch yn fawr iawn, Alfie' for taking a stand and for seeking an educative restorative response from those responsible. Restorative justice can be very effective, especially when we're talking about young people. So, I'd like to see a statement from Government outlining its approach to hate crimes in general, like the homophobic attack on Gareth Thomas, and also to tell us what it's doing to fund and support restorative justice opportunities.

The final matter I'd like to see in Government time is an apology. We've already heard this afternoon that rail services since this new franchise have got worse, and the company issued a full apology to its customers today. While your Government has responsibility for this, we had no such apology from the First Minister today. He still seems to be in denial. The most concerning line in the company's apology was in relation to extra buses that they are putting on, saying, 'This will continue for as long as is needed.' There are real health and safety issues now, and this simply cannot carry on. So, we need a statement from the Cabinet Secretary as a matter of urgency to say what extra action he can take to alleviate these problems. Customers are not prepared to take any more.  

Arweinydd y tŷ, mae gen i dri mater yr hoffwn eu codi gyda chi y prynhawn yma. Byddwch yn ymwybodol o adroddiad dros dro adroddwr arbennig y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar dlodi eithafol. Roedd yn adroddiad deifiol iawn a oedd yn nodi bod toriadau a chyni yn ddewis gwleidyddol, bod Cymru'n wynebu'r tlodi cymharol uchaf yn y DU, a bod 25 y cant o swyddi'n talu llai na'r isafswm cyflog. Dywed yr adroddiad, a dyfynnaf:

Yn absenoldeb pŵer datganoledig dros fudd-daliadau cymdeithasol, mae gallu Llywodraeth Cymru i liniaru'r gostyngiad mewn budd-daliadau yn uniongyrchol yn gyfyngedig... newidiadau mewn budd-dal yw un o'r achosion strwythurol y tu ôl i'r cynnydd mewn tlodi, cysgu ar y stryd, a digartrefedd yng Nghymru...efallai y bydd Credyd Cynhwysol yn gwaethygu'r broblem, yn enwedig yn sgil anallu Llywodraeth Cymru i gyflwyno hyblygrwydd i'w gweinyddiaeth, yn wahanol i'w chyfatebydd yn yr Alban.'

Dywed hyn yn gryf y gallech chi helpu'r bobl pe byddech yn barod i gymryd rheolaeth a chyfrifoldeb dros weinyddu budd-daliadau. Hyd yma, mae'r Llywodraeth wedi gwrthod hynny, er gwaethaf yr anawsterau yr ydym wedi clywed amdanynt y prynhawn yma yn y Siambr hon. Felly, a gawn ni drafodaeth yn amser y Llywodraeth ar yr adroddiad Cenhedloedd Unedig hwn, gyda phwyslais penodol ar ddatganoli gweinyddu lles?

Roeddwn hefyd eisiau tynnu sylw at yr ymosodiad homoffobig ar Gareth Thomas. Nawr, rwyf i'n siŵr fy mod yn siarad dros y rhan fwyaf ohonom, os nad pob un ohonom yn y Siambr hon wrth ddweud, 'Diolch yn fawr iawn, Alfie' am wneud safiad ac am geisio ymateb adferol addysgiadol gan y sawl sy'n gyfrifol. Gall cyfiawnder adferol fod yn effeithiol iawn, yn enwedig pan ein bod ni'n sôn am bobl ifanc. Felly, hoffwn weld datganiad gan y Llywodraeth sy'n amlinellu ei dull gweithredu ar gyfer troseddau casineb yn gyffredinol, megis yr ymosodiad homoffobig ar Gareth Thomas, gan ddweud wrthym hefyd beth y mae'n ei wneud i ariannu a chefnogi cyfleoedd am gyfiawnder adferol.

Y mater olaf yr hoffwn ei weld yn amser y Llywodraeth yw ymddiheuriad. Rydym eisoes wedi clywed y prynhawn yma fod gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd wedi gwaethygu ers y fasnachfraint newydd hon, a chyhoeddodd y cwmni ymddiheuriad llawn i'w gwsmeriaid heddiw. Er bod gan eich Llywodraeth gyfrifoldeb am hyn, ni chawson unrhyw ymddiheuriad o'r fath gan y Prif Weinidog heddiw. Ymddengys ei fod yn dal i wadu. Roedd y llinell a oedd yn peri'r pryder mwyaf yn ymddiheuriad y cwmni yn ymwneud â'r bysiau ychwanegol y maen nhw'n eu trefnu gan ddweud, 'Bydd hyn yn parhau cyn hired â bod ei angen.' Ceir materion iechyd a diogelwch gwirioneddol nawr, ac yn syml, ni all hyn barhau. Felly, mae angen datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet arnom fel mater o frys i ddweud pa gamau ychwanegol y gall ef eu cymryd i leihau'r problemau hyn. Nid yw cwsmeriaid yn barod i ddioddef ddim mwy.

Thank you for raising those three issues. Just in terms of the homophobic hate crime, I also want to add my voice in acknowledging the courage and the dignity with which Gareth Thomas met the situation he found himself in and the courage in coming forward in highlighting and tackling the issue of homophobia and his experience. I thought his piece that I heard on the radio about the restorative justice process was deeply moving and very interesting indeed. We have actually just recently talked in this Chamber about the hate crime awareness that we do.  We do continue to encourage victims of hate crime to report their experiences and build on the strong partnerships we've developed across the piece with the police, the Crown Prosecution Service, Victim Support Cymru and other agencies to reduce that kind of hate crime, and to hold perpetrators to account, and to enable victims to receive support and redress.

This is a key conversation on White Ribbon Day, the event that my colleague Joyce Watson AM was sponsoring earlier, and the issues that Jane Hutt raised in her question to the First Minister are still germane in this piece. Hate crimes are hate crimes no matter how they arise or which section of the population is experiencing them, and we are looking to work with our partners and Victim Support and hate crime awareness to see what we can do with restorative justice, and my colleague the Cabinet Secretary for public services has been looking into this as well with a view to looking at what we can do in this regard. So, I'd be very happy to see if I can bring forward a statement to that effect. Actually, I think, given where we are in the cycle of Government, there's going to be a statement, I hope, on human rights towards the end of this Government's term, and I will make sure that I put that issue into that statement, because otherwise we'll be out of Government time. So, I'll make sure that that's included in that as part of that, because I do think the Member raises a very, very interesting point. 

On the other two points, the UN rapporteur's report is harrowing reading, I think, and says a lot of things that a lot of us agree with around the benefits system and the difficulties of living in poverty. I think this Government has done a great deal in its programme for government and its 'Prosperity for All' policy platforms in order to do what we can, but the Member will know that I and the Government completely disagree with her take on the welfare benefits regime, and my own particular view is that the UK is better to be redistributive, and the idea that Wales can stand alone in terms of welfare benefits is not one that I would cherish or relish in any way.

In terms of rail services, the First Minister, in answer to Darren Millar, gave quite a good run-through of where we are on rail services, Llywydd, and I don't think it requires any more addition from me.

Diolch ichi am godi'r tri mater yna. O ran y troseddau casineb homoffobig, rwyf i hefyd yn dymuno ychwanegu fy llais i gydnabod y dewrder a'r urddas a ddangoswyd gan Gareth Thomas wrth ymdrin â'r sefyllfa y canfu ei hun ynddi, a'r dewrder wrth ddod ymlaen i amlygu a mynd i'r afael â'r broblem homoffobia a'i brofiad ef. Roeddwn i'n meddwl bod ei ddarn a glywais ar y radio am y broses gyfiawnder adferol yn cyffwrdd rhywun i'r byw ac yn ddiddorol iawn, yn wir. Fel mae'n digwydd, newydd sôn yn ddiweddar yr ydym ni yn y Siambr hon am yr ymwybyddiaeth o droseddau casineb a wnawn. Rydym yn parhau i annog dioddefwyr troseddau casineb i adrodd am eu profiadau ac adeiladu ar y partneriaethau cryf yr ydym ni wedi eu datblygu yn gyffredinol gyda'r heddlu, Gwasanaeth Erlyn y Goron, Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr Cymru ac asiantaethau eraill i leihau'r math hwnnw o drosedd casineb, a dwyn troseddwyr i gyfrif, a galluogi dioddefwyr i gael cymorth a chamau unioni.

Dyma sgwrs allweddol ar Ddiwrnod y Rhuban Gwyn, y digwyddiad yr oedd fy nghyd-Aelod, Joyce Watson yn ei noddi yn gynharach, ac mae'r materion a gododd Jane Hutt yn ei chwestiwn i'r Prif Weinidog yn dal i fod yn berthnasol yn y darn hwn. Mae troseddau casineb yn droseddau casineb ni waeth sut maen nhw'n codi na pha adran o'r boblogaeth sy'n eu profi nhw, ac rydym yn ceisio gweithio gyda'n partneriaid a Chymorth i Ddioddefwyr ac ymwybyddiaeth o droseddau casineb i weld beth y gallwn ei wneud gyda chyfiawnder adferol, ac mae fy nghyd-Aelod yr Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Wasanaethau Cyhoeddus wedi bod yn edrych i mewn i hyn hefyd gyda'r bwriad o edrych ar yr hyn y gallwn ni ei wneud yn hyn o beth. Felly, byddwn yn hapus iawn i weld a allaf gyflwyno datganiad i'r perwyl hwnnw. Mewn gwirionedd, credaf, o ystyried ein bod yng nghylchdro'r Llywodraeth, y bydd datganiad, rwyf yn gobeithio, ar hawliau dynol tuag at ddiwedd tymor hwn y Llywodraeth, a byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr fy mod yn cynnwys y mater hwnnw yn y datganiad, neu fel arall, byddwn y tu allan i amser y Llywodraeth. Felly, byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr bod hynny'n cael ei gynnwys yn rhan o hynny, gan fy mod i'n credu bod yr Aelod yn codi pwynt hynod o ddiddorol.

Ar y ddau bwynt arall, mae adroddiad adroddwr y Cenhedloedd Unedig yn waith darllen hynod anodd, yn fy marn i, ac mae'n dweud llawer o bethau y mae llawer ohonom yn cytuno arnynt ynglŷn â'r system fudd-daliadau ac anawsterau byw mewn tlodi. Rwyf yn credu bod y Llywodraeth hon wedi gwneud llawer iawn yn ei rhaglen ar gyfer llywodraethu a'i rhaglenni polisi 'Ffyniant i Bawb' er mwyn gwneud yr hyn y gallwn ei wneud, ond bydd yr Aelod yn gwybod fy mod i a'r Llywodraeth yn anghytuno'n llwyr ar ei fersiwn hi o'r drefn budd-daliadau lles, ac fy marn benodol i yw ei bod hi'n well i'r DU ailddosbarthu, ac nid yw'r syniad y gall Cymru sefyll ar ei phen ei hun o ran budd-daliadau lles yn un y byddwn i'n ei goleddu nac yn ymhyfrydu ynddo mewn unrhyw ffordd.

O ran gwasanaethau rheilffyrdd, rhoddodd y Prif Weinidog, mewn ateb i Darren Millar, grynhoad eithaf da o ble yr ydym ni ar wasanaethau rheilffyrdd, Llywydd, ac nid wyf yn credu bod angen unrhyw ychwanegiad arall oddi wrthyf i.

14:40

On that very last point, I was going to ask for a statement; I'm quite surprised at how dismissive the leader of the house has been on that. Many constituents, over the last week, certainly, have contacted me, and it has been evidenced here today with the leader of the opposition's comments and the Member from Plaid Cymru's comments and hard evidence of trains just not turning up. I think in 16 cases there were no trains on one particular line—north, south, mid or west Wales, you can find examples of that. When the franchise was launched, Ministers were all over the press, and rightly so, because it promises much, and, if delivered correctly, will see an improvement. But Members in this house are getting berated, time and time again, by their constituents about the level of service that has happened over the last month. It surely is incumbent on the Cabinet Secretary to come to this house before the Christmas recess and highlight what action is being taken to address, hopefully, shortcomings that are in the short term, not the medium to long term. And I would hope that the Cabinet Secretary would welcome that opportunity to put on record what pressure he is putting on Transport for Wales and their contractors to up their game. Otherwise, it will be a dereliction of duty on behalf of the Government. I do hope that the leader of the house will reflect on the answer she just gave and make time for a statement for the Cabinet Secretary to come here before the Christmas recess to address these failings within the transport system here in Wales.

Ar y pwynt olaf un yna, roeddwn i'n mynd i ofyn am ddatganiad; rwyf yn synnu braidd pa mor ddiystyriol y mae arweinydd y tŷ wedi bod ar hynny. Mae llawer o etholwyr, yn ystod yr wythnos diwethaf, yn sicr, wedi cysylltu â mi, ac mae hynny wedi ei weld yma heddiw gyda sylwadau arweinydd yr wrthblaid a sylwadau'r Aelod Plaid Cymru a thystiolaeth gadarn o drenau nad ydynt yn cyrraedd. Mewn 16 o achosion, rwyf yn credu, nid oedd trenau ar un rheilffordd benodol—y gogledd, y de, y canolbarth neu'r gorllewin, gallwch ddod o hyd i enghreifftiau o hynny. Pan lansiwyd y fasnachfraint, roedd Gweinidogion ym mhob man yn y wasg, ac yn briodol felly, gan fod hyn yn addo llawer, ac, os caiff ei weithredu'n gywir, bydd yn golygu gwelliant. Ond mae Aelodau yn y tŷ hwn yn cael eu beio, dro ar ôl tro, gan eu hetholwyr ynghylch lefel y gwasanaeth a gafwyd yn ystod y mis diwethaf. Yn sicr, mae'n ddyletswydd ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet i ddod i'r tŷ hwn cyn toriad y Nadolig ac amlygu pa gamau a gymerir i fynd i'r afael â diffygion sydd, gobeithio, yn y tymor byr, yn hytrach na'r tymor canolig neu hir. A byddwn yn gobeithio y bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn croesawu'r cyfle hwnnw i gofnodi pa bwysau y mae'n ei roi ar Drafnidiaeth Cymru a'u contractwyr i berfformio'n well. Fel arall, bydd yn golygu bod y Llywodraeth yn esgeuluso ei dyletswydd. Rwyf yn gobeithio'n wir y bydd arweinydd y tŷ yn adlewyrchu ar yr ateb y mae hi newydd ei roi gan wneud amser ar gyfer datganiad fel y gall Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ddod yma cyn toriad y Nadolig i fynd i'r afael â'r methiannau hyn o fewn y system drafnidiaeth yma yng Nghymru.

I wasn't being dismissive. I said that I didn't have anything to add to the comprehensive answer that the First Minister gave; I don't see how that's dismissive. The Cabinet Secretary will be answering oral Assembly questions as part of the cycle over the next few weeks, and there will be ample opportunity for Members to question him on specifics, but I'm afraid I think the idea that after one month of running a franchise we should have solved all the problems and all the rest of it is just not credible. We've been in charge of the franchise for one month. The Cabinet Secretary, in announcing that, set out a programme of action to do with the rail franchise, which the First Minister reiterated during First Minister's questions. I'm merely saying that I don't have anything to add to that at the moment, and, if you want to ask specific questions of the Cabinet Secretary, you will of course be very free to do so.

Nid oeddwn yn bod yn ddiystyriol. Dywedais nad oedd gennyf unrhyw beth i'w ychwanegu at yr ateb cynhwysfawr a roddodd y Prif Weinidog; nid wyf yn gweld sut mae hynny'n ddiystyriol. Bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn ateb cwestiynau llafar y Cynulliad yn rhan o'r cylchdro yn ystod yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf, a bydd digon o gyfle i Aelodau ei holi ynghylch y manylion, ond mae arnaf ofn nad wyf yn credu bod y syniad y dylem fod wedi datrys yr holl broblemau a phopeth arall ar ôl rhedeg masnachfraint am fis yn gredadwy. Wrth gyhoeddi hynny, gosododd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet raglen weithredu a oedd yn ymwneud â masnachfraint y rheilffyrdd, a ailadroddwyd gan y Prif Weinidog yn ystod cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog. Yr unig beth yr wyf yn ei ddweud yw nad oes gennyf unrhyw beth i'w ychwanegu at hynny ar hyn o bryd, ac, os ydych chi eisiau gofyn cwestiynau penodol i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, wrth gwrs mae croeso i chi wneud hynny.

Hoffwn i ofyn am ddiweddariad ynglŷn â phroblemau parcio parhaus ar hyd yr A5 yn ardal Llyn Ogwen yn fy etholaeth i. Mae yna dros flwyddyn wedi pasio ers i gynrychiolwyr lleol holi am weithredu a chynllun pendant i chwilio am ddatrysiad buan i'r broblem yn yr ardal. Mae yna chwe mis wedi pasio ers i'r Gweinidog dderbyn astudiaeth dichonoldeb o'r problemau, ond, eto i gyd, nid oes yna symud ymlaen. Mewn cwestiwn ysgrifenedig gennyf yn gofyn pryd byddai astudiaeth dichonoldeb ar y broblem parcio yn cael ei chyhoeddi, yr ateb a ddaeth i law oedd bod yr adroddiad yn cael ei gyfieithu. Wedyn, mae yna ddau fater yn codi yr hoffwn ichi ymchwilio iddyn nhw. A ydy hi'n arferol i gymryd chwe mis i gyfieithu adroddiadau? Ac, yn ail, beth sy'n digwydd er mwyn datrys y problemau parcio ger llyn Ogwen?

Ac yn ail, mae arnaf ofn, unwaith eto, fy mod i'n gorfod holi am amserlen adeiladu ffordd osgoi Bontnewydd. Fe ganslwyd sesiwn i ddarpar brentisiaid yn ddiweddar, ac nid oes yna ddim sôn am unrhyw waith ar y safle. Yn naturiol, felly, mae pobl yn fy ardal i yn dechrau pryderu ynglŷn â beth sydd yn digwydd ac yn gofyn a oes yna oedi unwaith yn rhagor efo ffordd osgoi Bontnewydd.

I’d like to ask for an update on ongoing parking problems along the A5 in the Lake Ogwen area in my constituency. Over a year has passed since local representatives asked for action and a particular plan to find a swift resolution to the problem in this area. Six months have passed since the Minister received a feasability study of the problems, but, again, there has been no progress made. In a written question from me, asking when that feasibility study on the parking problem would be published, the response I received was that the report was being translated. So, there are two issues arising that I’d like you to look into. Is it common practice to take six months to translate reports, and, secondly, what is happening in order to resolve the parking problems near lake Ogwen?

And, secondly, I’m afraid that, once again, I do have to ask about the timetable for the building of the Bontnewydd bypass. A session for prospective apprentices was cancelled recently, and there is no sign of any work on the site, and, naturally, therefore, people in my area are starting to become concerned about what is happening and they’re asking whether there is to be even more delay with the bypass.

14:45

On that second one, I'll ask the Cabinet Secretary to write directly to her and explain where we are in the timetable. I'm afraid I don't have that information with me, but I'll ask him to clarify.

On the first point, again, I didn't realise the timescale had slipped that much, and I'm more than happy to discuss with the Cabinet Secretary where we are on the timescale and let the Member know.

Ynglŷn â'r ail bwynt, byddaf yn gofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ysgrifennu ati'n uniongyrchol ac egluro iddi lle'r ydym ni ar yr amserlen. Mae arnaf ofn nad yw'r wybodaeth honno gennyf, ond byddaf yn gofyn iddo egluro.

Ynglŷn â'r pwynt cyntaf, unwaith eto, wnes i ddim sylweddoli bod yr amserlen wedi llithro cymaint â hynny, ac rwyf yn fwy na pharod i drafod lle'r ydym ni ar yr amserlen gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ac i adael i'r Aelod wybod.

Could we have a statement on the M4 relief road? When you stood in for the First Minister on 23 October, leader of the house, you promised a binding vote in Government time and then said this was timetabled for the week commencing 4 December. We now have the business timetable through to Christmas and there's no sign of any motion on the M4. Did you misspeak?

Could you also perhaps give us the Government's perspective on the First Minister's interview on 15 November? Asked by BBC Wales whether he still intended to decide whether the road is built, the First Minister said,

'Yes, the plan is that I will take the decision'.

Is that the case, and, if so, isn't it just the planning permission that the First Minister would be determining, as opposed to whether the road would actually be funded and built? He then went on to say,

'The inspector's report has been received. It's more than 500 pages long, so it takes some time to digest and analyse',

as some of us know with the withdrawal agreement. But he then said,

'I've not seen the report yet, but I expect that the report will be ready for me to take a decision by the end of the month'.

Surely, if it's so long and complex, the First Minister should be given it as quickly as possible if he's genuinely going to take the decision himself rather than just rubber-stamp someone else's decision, and, while he's about it, could it be published so that we can all read it too?

A gawn ni ddatganiad ar ffordd liniaru'r M4? Pan oeddech chi'n cymryd lle'r Prif Weinidog ar 23 Hydref, arweinydd y tŷ, fe wnaethoch addo pleidlais rwymol yn amser y Llywodraeth a dywedasoch wedyn fod hyn wedi ei drefnu ar gyfer yr wythnos yn dechrau ar 4 Rhagfyr. Mae'r amserlen gennym hyd at y Nadolig bellach ac nid oes golwg o unrhyw gynnig ar yr M4. A wnaethoch chi gamsiarad?

A wnewch chi hefyd, efallai, roi safbwynt y Llywodraeth inni ynghylch cyfweliad y Prif Weinidog ar 15 Tachwedd? Pan ofynnodd BBC Wales iddo a oedd yn dal yn bwriadu penderfynu pa un a fyddai'r ffordd yn cael ei hadeiladu, dywedodd y Prif Weinidog:

Ydw, y cynllun yw y byddaf i'n gwneud y penderfyniad.

A yw hynny'n wir, ac, os felly, onid y caniatâd cynllunio yn unig y byddai'r Prif Weinidog yn penderfynu arno, yn hytrach na phenderfynu ar ba un a fyddai'r ffordd yn cael ei chyllido a'i hadeiladu? Yna aeth ymlaen i ddweud:

Mae adroddiad yr arolygydd wedi ei dderbyn. Mae'n fwy na 500 o dudalennau o hyd, felly mae'n cymryd peth amser i'w ddarllen a'i ddadansoddi,

fel y mae rhai ohonom yn gwybod gyda'r cytundeb ymadael. Ond dywedodd wedyn:

Nid wyf wedi gweld yr adroddiad eto, ond rwyf yn disgwyl y bydd yr adroddiad yn barod i mi wneud penderfyniad erbyn diwedd y mis.

Yn sicr, os yw'r adroddiad mor hir a chymhleth, oni ddylid ei roi i'r Prif Weinidog cyn gynted â phosibl os yw ef am wneud y penderfyniad ei hun mewn gwirionedd yn hytrach na chymeradwyo penderfyniad rhywun arall yn unig, a thra ei fod wrthi, a yw'n bosibl cyhoeddi'r adroddiad fel y gall pob un ohonom ni ei ddarllen hefyd?

Yes, in answer to this question, when I did stand in for the First Minister in First Minister's questions, I read out a very long and complex legal timescale and process that was attached to the point in time at which people can take various decisions, and so on. I'm more than happy to circulate that back to the Member. I made it very clear that there was a legal process in which we were, and that we were awaiting the various legal advices and summaries of evidence and so on, that the First Minister still hopes to be able to make that decision, and that the debate will then follow. I've also made it very clear in answer to Rhun ap Iorwerth, in answer to a business statement very recently, that we've space on the timetable for that to happen if it can, but that I could not be guaranteeing that it would. We will do it if we can. If it's not possible within the timescale, then, Llywydd, I will be very sure to make both Business Committee and this Chamber aware of where we are with it.

Ie, mewn ateb i'r cwestiwn hwn, pan oeddwn i'n cymryd lle'r Prif Weinidog yn ystod cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, darllenais amserlen gyfreithiol a phroses hir iawn a chymhleth a oedd yn gysylltiedig â'r amser y gall pobl wneud penderfyniadau gwahanol, ac ati. Rwyf yn fwy na pharod i'w dosbarthu yn ôl i'r Aelod. Gwneuthum yn glir iawn ein bod mewn proses gyfreithiol, a'n bod ni'n disgwyl am grynodebau o'r dystiolaeth a'r cynghorion cyfreithiol amrywiol ac ati, a bod y Prif Weinidog yn dal yn gobeithio gwneud y penderfyniad hwnnw, ac y bydd y ddadl yn dilyn wedyn. Rwyf hefyd wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir iawn wrth ateb Rhun ap Iorwerth, wrth ateb i ddatganiad busnes yn ddiweddar iawn, fod gennym le i hynny ddigwydd ar yr amserlen os yw hynny'n bosibl, ond na allwn warantu y byddai. Byddwn yn gwneud hyn os gallwn. Os nad yw'n bosibl o fewn yr amserlen, yna, Llywydd, byddaf yn bendant iawn yn sicrhau bod y Pwyllgor Busnes a'r Siambr hon yn ymwybodol o ble'r ydym ni arni ynglŷn â hyn.

There was an event in the UK Parliament yesterday by the Cystic Fibrosis Trust to mark three years since they had been campaigning for the drug Orkambi to be put on the NHS. We had a cross-party meeting here last week with regard to this important issue as well. Now, 'A Healthier Wales', your strategy, says that we need to be having more personalised care, more precision medicines on the NHS, but Orkambi, which could affect 200 people in Wales, is still not on the NHS. Now, I understand that Vertex, the company that has the drug, are now in discussions with the NHS in relation to putting in a new application to NICE, but we don't have that on the record anywhere from Welsh Government. So, I was wondering whether we could have an updated statement from the Cabinet Secretary for health as to his negotiations with the company and with the Cystic Fibrosis Trust to try and make this drug realised on the Welsh NHS. If we did that, we could be leading on a UK level, because nowhere else does this drug exist in the UK, but, of course, the Republic of Ireland, Denmark, Norway—many other countries—already have the drug, which can look to the root cause of cystic fibrosis as opposed to only managing the symptoms. So, I would urge you for a statement on that.

The second statement I wanted to ask for was—. Alongside other Assembly Members in this room, we were at St Joseph's comprehensive school yesterday as part of the Youth Parliament debate, and one of the young students came up to me afterwards and said that she had been waiting on a waiting list for school counselling for over a year. By which point, she'd already sought private treatment because she couldn't wait on that list to get any treatment. Now, I know Lynne Neagle and others have been looking hard at mental health for young people, but it was very concerning to me to hear that from a young person when we have the school counselling processes in place in Wales. So, could we have an update on the situation here in Wales? Are there long waiting lists in schools across Wales? Is there something we need to get to grips with, because young people, of course, will be falling through the cracks if that is the case?

Roedd digwyddiad yn Senedd y DU ddoe gan yr Ymddiriedolaeth Ffeibrosis Systig i nodi tair blynedd ers iddyn nhw ymgyrchu i sicrhau bod y cyffur Orkambi ar gael drwy'r GIG. Cawsom gyfarfod trawsbleidiol yma yr wythnos diwethaf ynglŷn â'r mater pwysig hwn hefyd. Nawr, mae 'Cymru Iachach', eich strategaeth chi, yn dweud bod angen inni gael gofal mwy personol, mwy o feddyginiaethau manwl drwy'r GIG, ond mae Orkambi, a allai effeithio ar 200 o bobl yng Nghymru, yn dal heb fod ar gael drwy'r GIG. Nawr, rwyf yn deall bod Vertex, y cwmni sydd â'r cyffur, mewn trafodaethau â'r GIG bellach ynglŷn â chyflwyno'r cais newydd i NICE, ond nid yw hynny gennyf ar unrhyw gofnod gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Felly, tybed a allem ni gael datganiad wedi'i ddiweddaru gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd ynglŷn â'i drafodaethau gyda'r cwmni a chyda'r Ymddiriedolaeth Ffeibrosis Systig i geisio sicrhau bod y cyffur hwn ar gael drwy'r GIG yng Nghymru? Pe byddem yn gwneud hynny, gallem arwain ar lefel y DU, gan nad yw'r cyffur hwn yn bodoli yn unman arall yn y DU, ond, wrth gwrs, mae'r cyffur eisoes gan Weriniaeth Iwerddon, Denmarc, Norwy—a llawer o wledydd eraill—sy'n gallu edrych ar achos sylfaenol ffeibrosis systig yn hytrach na rheoli'r symptomau yn unig. Felly, byddwn yn eich annog i roi datganiad ar hynny.

Yr ail ddatganiad yr oeddwn yn bwriadu gofyn amdano oedd—. Ochr yn ochr ag Aelodau Cynulliad eraill yn yr ystafell hon, roeddem ni yn ysgol gyfun Joseff Sant ddoe yn rhan o'r ddadl Senedd Ieuenctid, a daeth un o'r myfyrwyr ifanc ataf wedyn a dywedodd ei bod hi wedi bod yn aros ar restr aros am gwnsela yn yr ysgol ers dros flwyddyn. Erbyn hynny, roedd hi eisoes wedi chwilio am driniaeth breifat gan nad oedd hi'n gallu aros ar y rhestr honno i gael unrhyw driniaeth. Nawr, gwn fod Lynne Neagle ac eraill wedi bod yn edrych yn fanwl ar iechyd meddwl pobl ifanc, ond roedd yn achos pryder mawr i mi glywed hynny gan berson ifanc pan fo gennym brosesau cwnsela ysgolion ar waith yng Nghymru. Felly, a gawn ni ddiweddariad ar y sefyllfa yma yng Nghymru? A oes rhestrau aros hir mewn ysgolion ledled Cymru? A oes rhywbeth y mae angen inni fynd i'r afael ag ef, gan y bydd pobl ifanc, wrth gwrs, yn disgyn drwy'r rhwyd os yw hynny'n wir?

14:50

On Orkambi, the Cabinet Secretary for health went through the situation in response to his last lot of questions, where he outlined the process by which the company has to go through the process of getting accreditation via NICE. I'm not aware that anything has changed since he explained where we were with that. What I will do is discuss with him whether something has changed, and if something has changed, then I will make sure that Assembly Members are kept in the loop of that. But I'm not aware of that. If something has changed, I will make sure that there's an update. But he did go quite extensively through what the process needed to be for that to happen.

And, likewise, on the mental health issues, he went through the whole process of that. But again, I will discuss with him whether there's some substantial change or some evidence that's come to light. Perhaps the Member would like to share with me the story that she's just outlined, and I will undertake to discuss with him whether there's some issue there of general importance that we can come back on.

Ynglŷn ag Orkambi, aeth Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet drwy'r sefyllfa mewn ymateb i'w gyfres ddiwethaf o gwestiynau pan amlinellodd y broses y mae'n rhaid i'r cwmni fynd drwyddo, sef y broses o gael achrediad drwy NICE. Nid wyf yn ymwybodol bod unrhyw beth wedi newid ers iddo egluro ble'r oeddem ni gyda hynny. Yr hyn a wnaf yw trafod gydag ef a oes rhywbeth wedi newid, ac os oes rhywbeth wedi newid, yna byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr bod Aelodau Cynulliad yn cael gwybodaeth ynglŷn â hynny. Ond nid wyf yn ymwybodol o hynny. Os oes unrhyw beth sydd wedi newid, byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr bod diweddariad yn cael ei wneud. Ond fe aeth ef yn eithaf trwyadl drwy'r broses sy'n angenrheidiol i hynny ddigwydd.

Ac, yn yr un modd, ynglŷn â materion iechyd meddwl, aeth drwy'r broses gyfan honno. Ond unwaith eto, byddaf yn trafod gydag ef a oes newid sylweddol neu rywfaint o dystiolaeth sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg. Efallai y byddai'r Aelod yn dymuno rhannu'r stori y mae hi newydd ei hamlinellu gyda mi, a byddaf yn ymrwymo i drafod gydag ef a oes unrhyw fater o bwysigrwydd cyffredinol y gallwn ddod yn ôl ynglŷn ag ef.

Leader of the house, I asked you last week, I think it was—it was certainly recently—about the availability of flu vaccine across Wales and whether we could have an update from the Cabinet Secretary for health on that availability. Since then, I've been inundated by more e-mails by people who've been unable to access the vaccine, one only yesterday from a patient of the Castle Gate practice in Monmouth, whose husband is 75 and was told that, because they are now prioritising for the over-75s, the vaccine wouldn't yet be available for him and to come back later when some arrives. I understand from Age Cymru that they've identified an issue that, early on in this process, some practices and community pharmacies underestimated the amount of vaccine they might need and so not enough was therefore in the system to be provided, and they're working on that. So, could you ask the Cabinet Secretary for health to look at all of this issue? Because, although I understand that there are going to be vaccines arriving, hopefully before the end of November, that hasn't been necessarily best communicated to patients, and many of them have been very concerned. So, hopefully this can be dealt with better in future.

Secondly, and finally, can I concur with the words of the leader of the opposition earlier and also the Member for South Wales Central, who sits behind me normally, with regard to the issue with Transport for Wales and some of those—whatever you might want to call them—teething problems, getting things back on track? There clearly has been an issue and it's important that, beyond the apology that they have given—and I respect the fact that they have been very quick off the mark to apologies to travellers—something there does need to be looked at.

My very own pregnant wife was affected by the problem recently, which you'll know from Facebook—I know many of you will be aware of that—where, I think, three successive trains didn't have sufficient carriages, so she wasn't able to get on. I was the one who got the flack for that, or got the earache later in the day, so it's in my interest for it to be looked at. So, if you could have discussions with the Cabinet Secretary about what could be done to try and alleviate some of these teething problems of the franchise, that would be very beneficial.

Arweinydd y tŷ, gofynnais ichi, yr wythnos diwethaf oedd hi rwy'n credu—roedd hi'n ddiweddar yn sicr—ynghylch y brechlyn ffliw sydd ar gael ledled Cymru a pha un a fyddem ni'n cael diweddariad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd i gadarnhau pa un a oedd y ddarpariaeth honno ar gael. Ers hynny, rwyf wedi cael llif o e-byst gan fwy o bobl nad ydyn nhw'n gallu cael gafael ar y brechlyn. Roedd un ddoe gan glaf o bractis Castle Gate yn Sir Fynwy, y dywedwyd wrth ei gŵr sy'n 75, gan eu bod nhw'n blaenoriaethu ar gyfer pobl dros 75 oed na fydd y brechlyn ar gael iddo ac y dylai ddod yn ei ôl yn ddiweddarach pan fydd y brechlyn wedi cyrraedd. Rwyf ar ddeall gan Age Cymru eu bod nhw wedi nodi problem, yn gynnar yn y broses hon, fod rhai practisiau a fferyllfeydd cymunedol wedi amcangyfrif yn rhy isel faint o'r brechlyn y byddai ei angen arnyn nhw ac o ganlyniad nid oedd digon yn y system i'w ddarparu, ac mae'n nhw'n gweithio ar hynny. Felly, a wnewch chi ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd i edrych ar yr holl fater hwn? Oherwydd, er fy mod i'n deall y bydd brechlynnau'n cyrraedd, cyn diwedd mis Tachwedd gobeithio, nid yw hynny wedi ei gyfleu yn y modd gorau i'r cleifion o reidrwydd, ac mae llawer ohonyn nhw wedi bod yn bryderus iawn. Felly, rwyf yn gobeithio y gallwn ymdrin â hyn yn well yn y dyfodol.

Yn ail, ac yn olaf, a gaf i gytuno â geiriau arweinydd yr wrthblaid yn gynharach a hefyd yr Aelod dros Ganol De Cymru, sy'n eistedd y tu ôl i mi fel arfer, o ran y mater gyda Thrafnidiaeth Cymru a rhai o'r—beth bynnag y gallech chi fod eisiau eu galw nhw—problemau cychwynnol, cael pethau yn ôl ar y trywydd iawn? Mae'n amlwg bod problem wedi bod ac mae'n bwysig, y tu hwnt i'r ymddiheuriad y maen nhw wedi ei roi—ac rwyf yn parchu'r ffaith eu bod nhw wedi ymddiheuro i deithwyr yn gyflym iawn—mae angen edrych ar rywbeth yn y fan yna.

Effeithiwyd ar fy ngwraig fy hun sy'n feichiog gan y broblem yn ddiweddar a byddwch yn ymwybodol o hyn drwy Facebook—gwn y bydd llawer ohonoch yn ymwybodol o hynny—lle cafwyd, tri thrên yn olynol, rwy'n credu, heb ddigon o gerbydau, felly nid oedd hi'n gallu mynd ar y trên. Y fi oedd yr un a oedd o dan y lach am hynny, neu a gafodd lond pen yn ddiweddarach y diwrnod hwnnw, felly mae hi er budd i mi edrych i mewn i hyn. Felly, pe gallech chi gael trafodaethau gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am yr hyn y gellid ei wneud i geisio lliniaru rhai o broblemau cychwynnol y fasnachfraint, byddai hynny'n fuddiol iawn.

My sympathy with your wife. I also follow her on Facebook, so I did know about that. And, as I said, I haven't got much to add to anything else I said on rail. 

On the flu vaccine, the Member raises a very pertinent point. I think it's worth, Llywydd, me just repeating what the Cabinet Secretary has told people. For winter 2018-19, a flu vaccine specifically designed for older people has been licensed in the UK. The advice from the UK's expert panel on immunisation—the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation—is that this adjuvanted vaccine is expected to be more clinically effective in people aged 65 years or over compared with the other flu vaccines that are available, and that it is the only flu vaccine that is likely to be effective in people aged 75 and older. There is not a shortage of flu vaccines for over-65s. All orders submitted by GPs and pharmacists in Wales will be met. The delivery is phased due to demand. The manufacturer has confirmed that all orders will be delivered before the end of November.  I

It's important that the flu vaccine offered to at-risk individuals provides the best available protection. With the high levels of flu we experienced last season resulting in increased GP consultation rates and outbreaks at care homes and in hospitals, it's sensible to act on the expert advice to do everything we can. So, we're looking to people to choose the most effective flu vaccine for them demographically. I appreciate what the Member is highlighting, which is that delay in receiving the flu vaccine may be worrying for older people, but flu does not tend to start to circulate until mid December, so there's plenty of time yet for the flu vaccine to arrive and for people to be protected. The chief medical officer has already written to health boards, GPs and pharmacies with advice about planning arrangements for offering the flu vaccination to older people this season, in light of the availability.

We are aware that a very small number of practices, as I think Nick Ramsay was highlighting, didn't order the adjuvanted vaccine, as recommended by the chief medical officer, or did not order enough for their eligible patients. In those cases, or where deliveries of vaccines have not yet been received, we've asked health boards, practices and community pharmacies to work together to ensure that individuals can access the adjuvanted vaccine as soon as possible, prioritising those over 75 and those over 65 with medical conditions. We are working with Public Health Wales and the NHS to ensure that that vaccine supply situation does not impact on any uptake. So, I think we are working very hard to do that. We are not yet at the point where all of the vaccines have been delivered, and I think that should be very reassuring to Nick Ramsay's constituents. 

Rwyf yn cydymdeimlo â'ch gwraig. Rwyf innau'n ei dilyn hi ar Facebook hefyd, felly roeddwn i yn gwybod am hynny. Ac, fel y dywedais, nid oes gennyf lawer i'w ychwanegu at unrhyw beth arall yr wyf wedi ei ddweud ynghylch y rheilffyrdd.

O ran y brechlyn ffliw, mae'r Aelod yn codi pwynt perthnasol iawn. Credaf ei bod hi'n werth ailadrodd, Llywydd, yr hyn y mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi ei ddweud wrth bobl. Ar gyfer gaeaf 2018-19, mae brechlyn ffliw sydd wedi ei gynllunio'n benodol ar gyfer pobl hŷn wedi ei drwyddedu yn y DU. Y cyngor gan banel arbenigol y DU ar imiwneiddio—y Cyd-bwyllgor ar Imiwneiddio a Brechu—yw y disgwylir i'r brechlyn cynorthwyol hwn fod yn fwy effeithiol yn glinigol gyda phobl 65 mlwydd oed neu hŷn o'i gymharu â brechlynnau ffliw eraill sydd ar gael, ac mai dyma'r unig frechlyn ffliw sy'n debygol o fod yn effeithiol ar gyfer pobl 75 oed a hŷn. Nid oes prinder brechlynnau ffliw ar gyfer pobl dros 65 oed. Bydd yr holl archebion a gyflwynwyd gan feddygon teulu a fferyllwyr yng Nghymru yn cael eu bodloni. Mae'r cyflenwad yn cael ei dosbarthu yn unol â'r galw. Mae'r gwneuthurwr wedi cadarnhau y bydd yr holl archebion wedi eu danfon cyn diwedd mis Tachwedd.

Mae'n bwysig bod y brechlyn ffliw sy'n cael ei gynnig i unigolion mewn perygl yn darparu'r amddiffyniad gorau sydd ar gael. Gyda'r lefelau uchel o ffliw a gawsom y tymor diwethaf a arweiniodd at gynyddu cyfraddau ymgynghori â meddygon teulu ac achosion mewn cartrefi gofal ac mewn ysbytai, mae'n ddoeth gweithredu ar y cyngor arbenigol gan wneud popeth o fewn ein gallu. Felly, rydym yn gobeithio bydd pobl yn dewis y brechlyn ffliw sydd fwyaf effeithiol iddyn nhw o ran demograffeg. Rwyf yn gwerthfawrogi'r hyn y mae'r Aelod yn ei amlygu, sef y gall oedi cyn cael brechlyn ffliw fod yn destun pryder i bobl hŷn, ond nid yw'r ffliw yn tueddu i ddechrau mynd o gwmpas tan ganol fis Rhagfyr, felly mae digon o amser eto i'r brechlyn ffliw gyrraedd ac i bobl gael eu diogelu. Mae'r prif swyddog meddygol eisoes wedi ysgrifennu at y byrddau iechyd, meddygon teulu a fferyllfeydd gyda chyngor ynghylch trefniadau cynnig brechlynnau ffliw i bobl hŷn y tymor hwn, yng ngoleuni yr hyn sydd ar gael.

Rydym yn ymwybodol bod nifer fach iawn o feddygfeydd, fel y credaf fod Nick Ramsay yn ei amlygu, nad oedden nhw wedi archebu'r brechlyn cynorthwyol, fel yr argymhellodd y prif swyddog meddygol, neu nad oedden nhw wedi archebu digon ar gyfer eu cleifion cymwys. Yn yr achosion hynny, neu pan nad yw cyflenwadau brechlynnau wedi cyrraedd eto, rydym wedi gofyn i fyrddau iechyd, practisiau a fferyllfeydd cymunedol weithio gyda'i gilydd i sicrhau bod unigolion yn gallu cael gafael ar y brechlyn cynorthwyol cyn gynted â phosibl, gan flaenoriaethu pobl dros 75 oed a'r rhai sydd dros 65 sy'n dioddef gan gyflyrau meddygol. Rydym yn gweithio gydag Iechyd Cyhoeddus Cymru a'r GIG i sicrhau nad yw sefyllfa cyflenwad y brechlyn yn effeithio ar unrhyw un rhag manteisio arno. Felly, credaf ein bod ni'n gweithio'n galed iawn i wneud hynny. Nid ydym wedi cyrraedd y pwynt eto pan fo'r holl frechlynnau wedi cyrraedd, a chredaf y dylai hynny fod yn galonogol iawn i etholwyr Nick Ramsay.

14:55

Diolch i arweinydd y tŷ. 

Thank you, leader of the house.

3. Datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol: Diwygio Gwasanaethau Deintyddol
3. Statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services: Reforming Dental Services

Mae'r eitem nesaf wedi'i gohirio tan 11 Rhagfyr, sef eitem 3. 

The next item, which is item 3, is postponed until 11 December.

4. Datganiad gan y Prif Weinidog: Cytundeb Drafft ar Ymadawiad y DU â’r UE
4. Statement by the First Minister: Draft Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU

Felly, eitem 4 yw'r eitem nesaf: datganiad gan y Prif Weinidog ar y cytundeb drafft ar ymadawiad y Deyrnas Gyfunol o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rwy'n galw ar y Prif Weinidog, felly—Carwyn Jones. 

We move therefore to item 4: a statement by the First Minister on the draft agreement on the withdrawal of the UK from the EU. I call on the First Minister, therefore—Carwyn Jones.

Diolch, Llywydd. It's symptomatic of the handling of the UK Government’s Brexit negotiations that I am providing an update to Assembly Members amidst the worst political crisis I have seen. As I will explain, it is a crisis that could have been avoided. It is a crisis rooted in a reluctance to be honest about the difficult trade-offs needed in the negotiations, and an unwillingness to build a broad consensus, including with the devolved administrations, about the approach to the unprecedented challenges of leaving the European Union. Now, of course, we have the hard-line Brexiteers in the Conservative Party who are actively working to bring about a 'no deal' outcome, seeking to deepen the political crisis still further with a leadership election.

Today, Llywydd, I want to set out the Welsh Government’s position on the agreement and outline the next steps that need to be taken, and taken urgently by the UK Government. It's important, of course, to make the distinction between the withdrawal agreement and the future economic relationship that will need to be set out in the political declaration. Many aspects of the withdrawal agreement are desperately needed. Securing the transition period is absolutely essential to avoid the cliff edge in just four months' time. The protection of citizens' rights will secure the status of the EU citizens who have made their lives here, contributing to our economy and our public services, and also those of UK nationals who have chosen to live and work or retire elsewhere in Europe. It's shameful that the UK Government has used the EU and UK citizens as a tactical pawn in what is a party political chess game.

We fully recognise the importance of securing the Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland to make sure that Brexit does not put at risk the peace and prosperity that agreement has brought to the island of Ireland. As I have said ad nauseum in this Chamber on a number of occasions, the border issues on the island of Ireland are at the very heart of Brexit and they demonstrate the failings of the latest agreement and those of the Prime Minister. We understand why, given the dangerous nonchalance of some in the Conservative Party about the Good Friday agreement, the EU-27 needs a robust guarantee that there will be no return to a hard border. Elements of the backstop are at best problematic, but they would never need to be implemented if the UK Government embraced a solution that recognises the importance of the closest possible relationship between the UK as a whole and the EU, short of membership. If the UK Government had adopted the position we set out jointly with Plaid Cymru almost two years ago for a future economic relationship that included full and unfettered access to the single market and a customs union, there would be no need to ever invoke any backstop arrangements. But what we have instead from the UK Government is a totally inadequate political declaration.

The real failure of the current deal is the worrying lack of progress in and lack of clarity of the political declaration. What has the UK Government been doing for the last two years? We have no idea what the UK’s future relationship with our largest and most influential trading partner will look like. The reason for this is that the Prime Minister is continuing with her failed strategy of looking inwards, focusing on managing the internal turmoil of the Conservative Party and not focusing on the needs of the UK as a whole and on the interests of Wales and the other nations. The political crisis is all of the UK Government’s own making. It needn’t have been this way.

The Prime Minister has spent the last two years, unfortunately, encouraging the expectations of militant, ideologically driven hard Brexiteers in her own party, and small wonder they feel let down by what she has tabled. She now, belatedly, needs to face down those in her party who will never support a relationship with the EU-27. She needs to listen to the views of the business community, the trade unions and the devolved Governments, and she could then begin to negotiate the right deal with the EU-27.

In Brussels, the EU-27 have been clear that if the UK Government moves away from its misjudged red lines and embraces a closer economic relationship—one that we set out in ‘Securing Wales’ Future’—then a cleaner, more coherent and favourable deal can be achieved. And while we see the UK Government’s position moving ever closer to ours, by only doing so in the most reluctant way—kicking and screaming—the Prime Minister has lost all the negotiating advantage she could have achieved. 

Rather than platitudes under subject headings, with next to nothing on key issues like future migration and participation in programmes such as Horizon or Erasmus+, the political declaration needs to be based on a firm, mutual commitment from the UK and the EU-27 to a future relationship grounded in long-term participation in a customs union and the single market across all sectors. This is on offer. Michel Barnier has repeatedly talked about his preferred model being Norway plus, but progressing this has not been possible with a UK Government intent on clinging on to their red lines.

So what needs to change, before we could even consider supporting this deal? Well, perhaps relatively little in the withdrawal agreement itself, apart from ensuring that the backstop is never needed. And if our proposal of a long-term customs union is accepted, any theoretical case for the backstop largely evaporates. But we do need a fundamental rewriting of the political declaration and a fundamental change of mindset to be honest about the fact that the UK Government has made a clear choice to prioritise our economic stability over the soundbite of taking back control of our laws, borders and money.

No-one voted in the referendum, surely, for the economic and social catastrophe of a 'no deal' departure. We need to see a political declaration that sets out the intent of both sides to negotiate a long-term relationship that clearly reflects the choices of ‘Securing Wales’ Future’, something that is no longer unrealistic given the position the UK Government has already moved to. That approach would render the backstop unnecessary and would provide certainty for our people and our businesses that there won’t be another cliff edge in December 2020. And, in practical terms, it would almost certainly command a large majority in the House of Commons.

Time is very short until the European Council, but the political declaration is clearly a work in progress. Following my demand for an urgent meeting, at yesterday’s meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee on EU negotiations, the Cabinet Secretary for Finance set out again our view on the right future relationship with the EU-27.

Llywydd, the final position of the Welsh Government will be determined in the light of whether or not the UK Government at this late stage sees sense.

Diolch, Llywydd. Mae'n nodweddiadol wrth ymdrin â negodiadau Brexit Llywodraeth y DU fy mod i'n rhoi'r newyddion diweddaraf i Aelodau'r Cynulliad yng nghanol yr argyfwng gwleidyddol gwaethaf a welais. Fel yr egluraf, mae'n argyfwng y gellid bod wedi ei osgoi. Mae'n argyfwng sydd wedi'i wreiddio mewn cyndynrwydd i fod yn onest am y cyfaddawdu anodd sydd ei angen yn y negodiadau, ac amharodrwydd i sicrhau consensws eang, gan gynnwys gyda'r llywodraethau datganoledig, ynghylch sut i ymdrin â'r heriau digyffelyb o adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Nawr, wrth gwrs, mae gennym ni'r Brecsitwyr digyfaddawd yn y Blaid Geidwadol sydd wrthi fel lladd nadroedd yn ceisio sicrhau nad oes cytundeb, sy'n ceisio dwysáu'r argyfwng gwleidyddol ymhellach gydag etholiad arweinyddiaeth.

Heddiw, Llywydd, fe hoffwn i egluro safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar y cytundeb ac amlinellu'r pethau nesaf y mae angen eu gwneud, a hynny ar fyrder, gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae'n bwysig, wrth gwrs, i wahaniaethu rhwng y cytundeb ymadael a'r berthynas economaidd yn y dyfodol y bydd angen ei hegluro yn y datganiad gwleidyddol. Mae angen dirfawr am nifer o'r agweddau ar y cytundeb ymadael. Mae sicrhau'r cyfnod pontio yn gwbl hanfodol er mwyn osgoi cyrraedd dibyn ymhen dim ond pedwar mis. Bydd amddiffyn hawliau dinasyddion yn sicrhau statws dinasyddion yr UE sydd wedi dewis byw yma, gan gyfrannu at ein heconomi a'n gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, a hefyd rhai o wladolion y DU sydd wedi dewis byw a gweithio neu ymddeol mewn mannau eraill yn Ewrop. Mae'n warthus bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi defnyddio dinasyddion yr UE a'r DU fel gwystlon tactegol yn yr hyn sy'n gêm wyddbwyll o wleidyddiaeth plaid.

Rydym ni'n llwyr gydnabod pwysigrwydd sicrhau cytundeb Dydd Gwener y Groglith yng Ngogledd Iwerddon i wneud yn siŵr nad yw Brexit yn peryglu'r heddwch a'r ffyniant a ddaeth i Ynys Iwerddon yn sgil y cytundeb. Fel yr wyf i wedi sôn hyd syrffed yn y Siambr hon ar sawl achlysur, mae'r materion trawsffiniol ar Ynys Iwerddon wrth wraidd Brexit ac maen nhw'n dangos methiannau'r cytundeb diweddaraf a rhai Prif Weinidog y DU. Rydym ni'n deall, o gofio dihidrwydd peryglus rhai yn y Blaid Geidwadol ynghylch cytundeb Dydd Gwener y Groglith, bod ar 27 aelod yr UE angen sicrwydd cadarn na fydd y ffin galed yn dychwelyd mewn unrhyw ffordd. Mae elfennau o'r cynllun ôl-stop yn broblemus ar y gorau, ond ni fyddai angen eu gweithredu fyth pe byddai Llywodraeth y DU wedi croesawu ateb sy'n cydnabod pwysigrwydd y berthynas agosaf bosibl rhwng y DU gyfan a'r UE, heb fod yn aelod. Pe bai Llywodraeth y DU wedi arddel y safbwynt a amlinellwyd gennym ni ar y cyd â Phlaid Cymru bron i ddwy flynedd yn ôl ar gyfer perthynas economaidd yn y dyfodol a fyddai'n cynnwys mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i'r farchnad sengl ac undeb tollau, ni fyddai fyth angen unrhyw gynllun ôl-stop. Ond yr hyn sydd gennym ni yn lle hynny gan Lywodraeth y DU yw datganiad gwleidyddol hollol annigonol.

Methiant gwirioneddol y cytundeb presennol yw'r diffyg cynnydd yn y datganiad gwleidyddol a diffyg eglurder, sy'n peri pryder. Beth mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi bod yn ei wneud dros y ddwy flynedd diwethaf? Nid oes gennym ni syniad beth fydd perthynas y DU yn y dyfodol gyda'n partneriaid masnachu mwyaf o ran maint a dylanwad. Y rheswm am hyn yw bod y Prif Weinidog yn parhau gyda'i strategaeth fethedig o edrych tuag i mewn, gan ganolbwyntio ar reoli cythrwfl mewnol y Blaid Geidwadol ac nid canolbwyntio ar anghenion y DU yn ei chyfanrwydd a buddiannau Cymru a'r gwledydd eraill. Mae'r argyfwng gwleidyddol yn un o greadigaeth Llywodraeth y DU i gyd. Doedd dim rhaid i bethau fod fel hyn. 

Mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi treulio'r ddwy flynedd diwethaf, yn anffodus, yn porthi disgwyliadau Brecsitwyr digyfaddawd milwriaethus, ideolegol yn ei phlaid ei hun, a does syndod yn y byd eu bod wedi eu siomi gan yr hyn y mae hi wedi ei gyflwyno. Nawr, yn rhy hwyr o lawer, mae'n rhaid iddi hi drechu'r rhai yn ei phlaid na wnaiff fyth gefnogi perthynas â 27 gwlad yr UE. Mae'n rhaid iddi wrando ar farn y gymuned fusnes, yr undebau llafur a'r llywodraethau datganoledig, ac wedyn fe allai hi ddechrau negodi'r cytundeb priodol â 27 gwlad yr UE.

Ym Mrwsel, mae 27 gwlad yr UE wedi datgan yn glir pe bai Llywodraeth y DU yn cefnu ar ei safbwyntiau cyfeiliornus ac yn cofleidio perthynas economaidd agosach—un a amlinellwyd gennym ni yn 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru'—yna gellir sicrhau cytundeb symlach, mwy cydlynol a ffafriol. Ac er y gwelwn ni safbwynt Llywodraeth y DU yn symud yn nes o hyd at un ni, drwy wneud hynny dim ond yn y modd mwyaf amharod—dan gicio a strancio—mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi colli pob mantais negodi y gallasai hi eu cyflawni.

Yn hytrach nag ystrydebau o dan benawdau pwnc, gyda'r nesaf peth i ddim ar faterion allweddol fel mudo yn y dyfodol a chymryd rhan mewn rhaglenni fel Horizon neu Erasmus +, mae angen i'r datganiad gwleidyddol fod yn seiliedig ar ymrwymiad cadarn a chytûn gan y DU a 27 gwlad yr UE i berthynas yn y dyfodol sy'n seiliedig ar fod yn rhan hirdymor mewn undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl ym mhob sector. Mae hyn yn cael ei gynnig. Mae Michel Barnier wedi sôn droeon mai ei hoff fodel ef yw 'Norwy plws', ond nid yw hyn wedi bod yn bosibl gyda Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig sy'n benderfynol o wrthod cyfaddawdu.

Felly pa newid sydd ei angen, cyn y gallem ni hyd yn oed ystyried cefnogi'r cytundeb hwn? Wel, efallai cymharol ychydig yn y cytundeb ymadael ei hun, ar wahân i sicrhau na fydd angen byth am y cynllun ôl-stop. Ac os derbynnir ein cynnig o undeb tollau tymor hir, mae unrhyw achos damcaniaethol ar gyfer cynllun ôl-stop yn diflannu i raddau helaeth. Ond mae angen ailysgrifennu'r datganiad gwleidyddol yn ei hanfod a chael newid sylfaenol yn y meddylfryd er mwyn bod yn onest ynghylch y ffaith bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi gwneud dewis clir i flaenoriaethu ein sefydlogrwydd economaidd dros y dôn gron o adfer rheolaeth dros ein cyfreithiau, ein ffiniau a'n harian.

Ni phleidleisiodd neb yn y refferendwm, does bosib, am drychineb economaidd a chymdeithasol o ymadael heb gytundeb. Mae angen inni weld datganiad gwleidyddol sy'n nodi bwriad y ddwy ochr i drafod perthynas hirdymor sy'n adlewyrchu'n glir y dewisiadau a gyflwynir yn 'Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru', rhywbeth nad yw bellach yn afrealistig o ystyried y safbwynt y mae Llywodraeth y DU eisoes wedi dechrau ei arddel. Byddai mynd ati fel yna yn gwneud y cynllun ôl-stop yn ddiangen a byddai'n rhoi sicrwydd i'n pobl a'n busnesau na fyddwn ni'n camu tuag at ochr dibyn arall ym mis Rhagfyr 2020. Ac, yn ymarferol, byddai hynny bron yn sicr yn ennill mwyafrif mawr yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin.

Mae amser yn brin iawn tan y Cyngor Ewropeaidd, ond mae'r datganiad gwleidyddol yn amlwg yn waith ar y gweill. Yn dilyn fy nghais am gyfarfod brys yng nghyfarfod y Cyd-bwyllgor Gweinidogion ar Negodiadau'r UE ddoe, eglurodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyllid eto ein barn ar y berthynas briodol yn y dyfodol gyda 27 gwlad yr UE.

Llywydd, penderfynir ar safbwynt terfynol Llywodraeth Cymru yng ngoleuni'r ffaith a fydd Llywodraeth y DU ar yr adeg hwyr hon yn gweld synnwyr ai peidio. 

15:00

Can I thank the First Minister for his statement this afternoon? Whilst I'm disappointed with the tone of today's statement, the First Minister does confirm that, to support this deal, relatively little in the draft withdrawal agreement needs to change. And so, Llywydd, my first question is: in that case, can the First Minister explain why on earth he and his Government are not supporting this withdrawal agreement?

Of course, as the Prime Minister has made absolutely clear, although this represents a significant breakthrough, it is not the final deal, and negotiations to produce a full political declaration are now taking place. Now, in today's statement, the First Minister has made it clear that he believes the UK Government's approach shows a lack of any meaningful engagement with the devolved administrations, but I have to say the First Minister has not extended any invitations to discuss the impact of the withdrawal agreement on Wales with me as party leader in this place. And, since I have been in this job, the Welsh Government has not extended any invitations to discuss Welsh Government legislation with me as leader, so it's a bit rich to talk about engagement if that engagement only ever seems to be one way. Therefore, does the First Minister agree with me that, rather than playing party politics, it would have been far better for Assembly leaders to have met and discussed the proposals and the impact these proposals will have on Wales and the operation of the Assembly? If the genuine view of the Welsh Government is to respect the 2016 referendum result and deliver a Brexit agreement that works for Welsh businesses and communities, then perhaps the communication channels have to be open both in Wales and in Westminster.

A gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ddatganiad y prynhawn yma? Er fy mod i'n siomedig ynghylch ysbryd datganiad heddiw, mae'r Prif Weinidog yn cadarnhau, i gefnogi'r fargen hon, mai cymharol ychydig yn y cytundeb ymadael drafft sydd angen ei newid. Ac felly, Llywydd, fy nghwestiwn cyntaf yw; os felly, a wnaiff y Prif Weinidog egluro pam ar y ddaear nad yw ef a'i Lywodraeth yn cefnogi'r cytundeb ymadael hwn?

Wrth gwrs, fel mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi ei gwneud hi'n gwbl glir, er bod hyn yn gam pwysig ymlaen, nid dyma'r cytundeb terfynol, ac mae trafodaethau'n cael eu cynnal ar hyn o bryd i gynhyrchu datganiad gwleidyddol llawn. Nawr, yn y datganiad heddiw, mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir ei fod yn credu bod y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd ati yn dangos diffyg unrhyw ymgysylltu ystyrlon â'r gweinyddiaethau datganoledig, ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud nad estynnodd y Prif Weinidog unrhyw wahoddiad i drafod effaith y cytundeb ymadael hwn ar Gymru gyda mi fel arweinydd y blaid yn y lle hwn. Ac, ers imi fod yn y swydd hon, nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi rhoi unrhyw wahoddiad i drafod deddfwriaeth Llywodraeth Cymru gyda mi fel arweinydd, felly rydych chi'n un da i siarad am ymgysylltu pan ymddengys bod yr ymgysylltu hynny wastad un ffordd yn unig. Felly, a yw'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno â mi, yn hytrach na chwarae gwleidyddiaeth plaid, y byddai hi wedi bod yn well o lawer i arweinwyr y Cynulliad gwrdd a thrafod y cynigion a'r effaith a gaiff y cynigion hyn ar Gymru a sut  mae'r Cynulliad yn gweithio? Os yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn wirioneddol gredu bod yn rhaid parchu canlyniad refferendwm 2016 a chyflwyno cytundeb Brexit sy'n gweithio i fusnesau a chymunedau, yna efallai bod angen i'r sianeli cyfathrebu fod yn agored yng Nghymru ac yn San Steffan.

Llywydd, the tone of today's statement, and the First Minister's commentary on UK Conservative internal party relationships, is a bit rich when you look at the discipline of some Welsh Government Ministers, and does nothing remotely constructive to support Welsh industry. Indeed, it makes Wales look weak in leadership at a time when the country should be focusing on getting the best possible deal for its people.

The draft withdrawal agreement confirmed a time-limited implementation period that provides a bridge to the future relationship, allowing businesses to continue trading as now until the end of 2020—I hope that's something that the First Minister would welcome, and I'd be grateful for his comments on that implementation period.

The First Minister makes it clear in today's statement that the Prime Minister needs to listen to the views of the business community, but let me remind him that the CBI has made it clear that, and I quote:

'This deal is a compromise, including for business, but it offers that essential transitional period as a step back from the cliff-edge.'

Unquote. Indeed, he will also be aware of the views of the chief executive of Aston Martin, Andy Palmer, who has said that the draft Brexit deal was 'good enough'. Therefore, perhaps it's the First Minister who needs to listen to the views of the business community, who have made it clear that the Labour Party should work with business, not seek to control it. So, can he confirm what initial discussions he's had with business leaders in Wales, so that we can be sure their views will be accurately reflected when Welsh Government Ministers continue to discuss the impact of the draft withdrawal agreement with their Westminster counterparts in the coming weeks?

As the First Minister is aware, the Welsh agricultural industry is closely integrated with the European market, and I'm sure that he will have seen the comments issued by National Farmers Union Cymru, again cautiously welcoming the draft agreement as a step closer to delivering the free and frictionless trade that Welsh farmers want to see with the EU.

Of course, NFU Cymru has also made it abundantly clear, as well as the Farmers Union of Wales, that there are question marks over whether the draft agreement will secure parliamentary approval, and that Welsh farmers now look to their politicians to do what is best for the country. Therefore, in those circumstances, perhaps the First Minister could tell us what he is doing to ensure that Welsh Members of Parliament fully endorse the views of the farming industry in Wales so that all Welsh politicians will put the needs and sustainability of the industry at the top of their agenda.

Of course, there's still plenty of detail that's yet to be firmly meted out in the UK Government's draft withdrawal agreement. For example, one issue is around the lack of firm detail on the impact of this agreement on Britain's fishing industry, in which Wales plays a significant role. As I understand it, the British fishing industry continues to call for the UK to abandon the common fisheries policy and develop as an independent coastal state by the end of 2020, but there's some ambiguity surrounding access for EU vessels to British waters. Therefore, perhaps the First Minister could tell us what the Welsh Government's view is on this specific issue, and what representations he and his colleagues have made to ascertain what the draft withdrawal agreement will mean for Welsh fisheries.

In the past few weeks, the First Minister has made it clear that the last thing the Welsh Government wants to see is a hard border between Ireland and Wales, and I very much agree with him. He has said that there could be huge implications, particularly on the road structure leading to our ports. First Minister, the case for dualling the A40 in my constituency has been made since the 1950s, and I have continually asked Government Ministers in this Chamber about commitments to dualling this road. We've seen nothing since the creation of the Assembly to deliver genuine improvements to existing road networks.

The Assembly's External Affairs and Additional Legislation Committee report into the implications of Brexit for Welsh ports last year confirmed that Wales had previously not taken full advantage of the funding associated with the trans-European network. Therefore, in light of the Welsh Government's new concerns for the road structures around Welsh ports, can you now tell us what plans you have to genuinely start tackling these long-standing issues?

This brings me to the wider point about preparing for Britain's withdrawal from the European Union, where it appears as though there are plenty of issues that the Welsh Government could be addressing within its own competencies, yet there seems to be little evidence of real action being taken.

Whilst it's easy to criticise the UK Government, Government Ministers in Wales could and should do more to start addressing some of the issues raised in Assembly committee reports surrounding the implications of Brexit on Wales, rather than just commentating on UK Government policies and announcements.

Therefore, Llywydd, in closing, can I thank the First Minister for his statement? We on this side of the Chamber look forward to scrutinising the detail of this draft agreement and its impact on Wales in the coming weeks, and we look forward to working, where we can, with both the UK Government and the Welsh Government to prepare the best possible deal for the people of Wales.   

Llywydd, roedd ysbryd datganiad heddiw, a sylwadau'r Prif Weinidog ynglŷn â pherthnasoedd mewnol Plaid Geidwadol y DU yn eironig pan edrychwch chi ar ddisgyblaeth rhai o Weinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru, ac nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw beth adeiladol o bell ffordd i gefnogi diwydiant Cymru. Yn wir, mae'n gwneud i Gymru edrych yn wan o ran arweinyddiaeth ar adeg pan ddylai'r wlad fod yn canolbwyntio ar gael y fargen orau bosibl ar gyfer ei phobl.

Cadarnhaodd y cytundeb ymadael drafft y bydd cyfnod gweithredu gyda therfyn amser iddo yn darparu pont i'r berthynas yn y dyfodol, gan alluogi busnesau i barhau i fasnachu fel hyn tan ddiwedd 2020—rwy'n gobeithio bod hynny'n rhywbeth y byddai'r Prif Weinidog yn ei groesawu, ac fe fyddwn i'n ddiolchgar am ei sylwadau ynglŷn â'r cyfnod gweithredu hwnnw.

Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru yn ei gwneud hi'n glir yn y datganiad heddiw bod angen i Brif Weinidog y DU wrando ar farn byd busnes, ond gadewch imi ei atgoffa bod Cydffederasiwn Diwydiant Prydain wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir bod

y fargen hon yn gyfaddawd, gan gynnwys ar gyfer busnes, ond mae'n cynnig y cyfnod pontio hanfodol hwnnw fel cam yn ôl o ymyl y dibyn.

Yn wir, bydd hefyd yn ymwybodol o farn prif weithredwr Aston Martin, Andy Palmer, sydd wedi dweud bod cytundeb drafft Brexit yn 'ddigon da'. Felly, efallai mai Prif Weinidog Cymru ddylai wrando ar farn byd busnes, sydd wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir y dylai'r Blaid Lafur weithio gyda'r byd busnes, nid ceisio ei reoli. Felly, a wnaiff ef gadarnhau pa drafodaethau cychwynnol y mae wedi'u cael gydag arweinwyr busnes yng Nghymru, fel y gallwn ni fod yn sicr y caiff eu barn ei hadlewyrchu'n gywir pan fydd Gweinidogion Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i drafod effaith y cytundeb ymadael drafft gyda'u cymheiriaid yn San Steffan yn ystod yr wythnosau nesaf?

Fel y mae Prif Weinidog Cymru'n ymwybodol, ceir perthynas agos rhwng diwydiant amaethyddol Cymru a'r farchnad Ewropeaidd, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd wedi gweld sylwadau Undeb Cenedlaethol Amaethwyr Cymru, sydd unwaith eto yn rhoi croeso gochelgar i'r cytundeb drafft fel cam yn agosach at gyflawni'r masnachu rhwydd a didramgwydd y mae ffermwyr Cymru eisiau ei weld gyda'r UE.

Wrth gwrs, mae NFU Cymru hefyd wedi ei gwneud hi'n gwbl glir, yn ogystal ag Undeb Amaethwyr Cymru, ei bod hi'n amheus a fydd y cytundeb drafft yn cael cymeradwyaeth Seneddol, a bod ffermwyr Cymru yn edrych yn awr at eu gwleidyddion i wneud yr hyn sydd orau i'r wlad. Felly, yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, efallai y gwnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrthym ni beth y mae'n ei wneud i sicrhau bod Aelodau Seneddol Cymru yn cefnogi barn y diwydiant ffermio yng Nghymru yn llawn fel y bydd holl wleidyddion Cymru yn rhoi anghenion a chynaliadwyedd y diwydiant ar frig eu hagenda.

Wrth gwrs, mae digon o fanylion o hyd sydd eto i'w cynnwys yn gadarn yng nghytundeb ymadael drafft Llywodraeth y DU. Er enghraifft, mae un mater ynghylch y diffyg manylion pendant ar effaith y cytundeb hwn ar ddiwydiant pysgota Prydain, y mae Cymru yn chwarae rhan sylweddol ynddo. Fel rwyf i'n deall pethau, mae diwydiant pysgota Prydain yn parhau i alw ar y DU i roi'r gorau i'r polisi pysgodfeydd cyffredin a datblygu fel gwladwriaeth arfordirol annibynnol erbyn diwedd 2020, ond mae rhywfaint o amwysedd ynghylch llongau o'r UE yn dod i ddyfroedd Prydain. Felly, efallai y gwnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud wrthym ni beth yw barn Llywodraeth Cymru ar y mater penodol hwn, a pha sylwadau y mae ef a'i gydweithwyr wedi eu gwneud i ganfod beth fydd y cytundeb ymadael drafft yn ei olygu i bysgodfeydd Cymru.

Yn yr ychydig wythnosau diwethaf, mae'r Prif Weinidog wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir mai'r peth olaf y mae Llywodraeth Cymru eisiau ei weld yw ffin galed rhwng Iwerddon a Chymru, ac rwy'n cytuno ag ef i raddau helaeth iawn. Dywedodd y gallai fod goblygiadau enfawr, yn enwedig o ran y ffyrdd sy'n arwain i'n porthladdoedd. Prif Weinidog, bu dadlau dros ddeuoli'r A40 yn fy etholaeth i ers y 1950au, ac rwyf i wedi holi Gweinidogion y Llywodraeth yn y Siambr hon yn barhaus am ymrwymiadau i ddeuoli'r ffordd hon. Nid ydym ni wedi gweld unrhyw beth ers creu'r Cynulliad i sicrhau gwelliannau gwirioneddol i'r rhwydweithiau ffyrdd presennol.

Cadarnhaodd adroddiad Pwyllgor Materion Allanol a Deddfwriaeth Ychwanegol y Cynulliad ynglŷn â goblygiadau Brexit ar borthladdoedd Cymru y llynedd nad oedd Cymru wedi manteisio'n llawn ar y cyllid sy'n gysylltiedig â'r rhwydwaith traws-Ewropeaidd. Felly, yng ngoleuni pryderon newydd Llywodraeth Cymru am y strwythurau ffyrdd o amgylch porthladdoedd Cymru, a wnewch chi ddweud wrthym ni nawr pa gynlluniau sydd gennych chi i ddechrau mynd i'r afael o ddifrif â'r materion hirsefydlog hyn?

Daw hyn â mi at y pwynt ehangach ynghylch paratoi ar gyfer ymadawiad Prydain o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, pryd mae'n ymddangos fel petai digon o faterion y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru fynd i'r afael â nhw o fewn ei chymwyseddau ei hun, ac eto mae'n ymddangos nad oes fawr ddim tystiolaeth o unrhyw gamau pendant.

Er ei bod hi'n hawdd beirniadu Llywodraeth y DU, gallai a dylai Gweinidogion y Llywodraeth yng Nghymru wneud mwy i ddechrau mynd i'r afael â rhai o'r materion a grybwyllwyd yn adroddiadau'r Pwyllgor Cynulliad ynghylch goblygiadau Brexit ar Gymru, yn hytrach na dim ond sylwebu ar bolisïau a chyhoeddiadau Llywodraeth y DU.

Felly, Llywydd, i gloi, a gaf i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ddatganiad? Rydym ni ar yr ochr hon i'r Siambr yn edrych ymlaen at graffu ar fanylion y cytundeb drafft hwn a'i effaith ar Gymru yn yr wythnosau nesaf, ac rydym ni'n edrych ymlaen at weithio, lle gallwn ni, gyda Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd i baratoi'r fargen orau bosibl i bobl Cymru.   

15:10

Can I thank the leader of the opposition for his comments? He asks what the issue is with regard to the withdrawal agreement. It's longevity, really. It seems to me that the agreement kicks the can down the road. Where will we be in December 2020? Will we be in exactly the same situation again? We've already had two years, and here we find ourselves in a situation where the agreement is not permanent. Our position is quite simple, and that is: we want to see full and unfettered access to the single market and to remain in the customs union, and anything that is short of that clearly is not something that we could agree to.

He is right to say that businesses and others have cautiously welcomed the deal, but that, I believe, is because they think the alternative is no deal at all, which nobody wants. So, I can imagine why people would want to support this deal for fear that there's nothing else on the table. I believe it is possible to look again at, certainly, the political declaration, and to be more certain about the way forward. That means making a commitment to the customs union and to the single market.

I have to say, I think the Prime Minister's painted herself in a corner on this. She needn't have run the general election last year on the basis of putting before the British people the vision of a hard-ish Brexit, which they didn't accept, and she has found it difficult to get out of the corner that she has found herself in. But I have to say, he makes reference to my tone. My tone is as of nothing compared to those of his own colleagues in London. His own colleagues in London have openly called for the Prime Minister to resign. They have been openly abusive, really, actually, in terms of the way they've described her. The reality is that I have been, I think, gentle compared to the tone that's been adopted by Conservative politicians, and this is the problem, isn't it?

Yes, there are those in my party that take a different view. There are some in my party in Westminster who are Brexiteers. There are not many of them, but they're there. The problem is that the divisions in the Conservative Party are so vast that it's very difficult to see how there can be any unity in that party around a vision for Brexit. He says 'playing politics'. The worry I have is: where does it end? There's no leadership because there can't be. We have a Prime Minister who's lost a lot of Ministers—Cabinet Ministers who've resigned. We have a number in her party who don't support her own policy. In those circumstances, he says that leadership in the Welsh Government is weak. Well, we can only point at London and say, 'Where is the leadership in London, given the circumstances that exist there?'

We have always been constant in what we've called for. We laid out our vision two years ago as to what we wanted. We do work with the UK Government; I will single out David Lidington as somebody who it's possible to work with and to discuss issues with. There is a relationship there. It's not consistent, because other UK Government departments see things in a slightly different light.

He mentions that there is a need for a bridge. That may be right, but a bridge to what? At the moment, we don't know where that bridge leads, and that is the problem. Two years ago, there was talk of constructing a bridge and, now, there's still talk of constructing a bridge. We don't know what the final destination actually is. Listening to the views of the business community, their view is quite simply this: they want certainty. And whilst this might provide a temporary level of certainty, it doesn't provide the certainty that they need, particularly with regard to their ability to access skilled labour.

As far as the agriculture industry is concerned, well, there are many issues there that need to be resolved. Market access is key; without market access, sheep farming, in particular, can't survive in Wales. The UK market simply isn't big enough to support the UK's own sheep meat industry, so it's not simply a question of supporting farmers; it's ensuring that they have access to their market as well.

The same is true of fishing. It's one thing to have sufficient access, as you would see it, to your own coastal waters, but when you're utterly dependent on exporting the fish, you have to ensure that you've got a market for those fish as well. It would be no good for the UK to be able to land more fish, even if that were possible, and I don't believe that's possible because of the low level of fish stocks. The reality is that most of those fish would have no market, so that has to be looked at as well.   

He mentioned the issue of the hard border. Work is being carried out through a ports group as to how that would move forward. I have to say to him, it would be Pembroke Dock rather than Fishguard that would be the emphasis in terms of freight. Fishguard tends to take people, Pembroke Dock tends to take freight and Holyhead takes both.

He says that nothing's been done to improve the road. Well, the Robeston Wathen bypass is there and the Llanddowror bypass is there, of course, heading off towards Pembroke Dock in the other direction. So, there have been road improvements there as well, but that's not the issue. The issue is not what happens on those roads, it's what happens at the ports.

If we have a situation where the UK Government decides to take a heavy hand in terms of customs, that will lead to delays and that will mean the need for accommodation at those ports rather than further on down the roads. We don't know what that will look like. We don't know what level of checks will be implemented. We assume there'd be no passport control because the common travel area has been preserved, but will there be an element of customs checks, how will they be carried out, will they be random, will they be heavy? None of these questions have been answered, so it's very difficult to prepare our ports for a scenario that's not yet clear. But, as I said, there is a ports working group that has been set up with the UK Government to look at this.

In terms of preparing for withdrawal, we're already on track for doing that. I've said before that a 'no deal' Brexit is not something that can be prepared for. It can't be militated against. It can't be seen as one option amongst many. It's a disastrous outcome and we have, through the EU transition fund and through working with businesses and with our farmers, put in place what needs to be done in order to promote Wales in the future, to give Wales more markets in the future by expanding our overseas offices. But of course, ultimately, if we cannot get the trading relationship right with our closest, biggest market—which will always be our closest, biggest market—then we will not get it right with any other market. 

A gaf i ddiolch i arweinydd yr wrthblaid am ei sylwadau? Mae'n gofyn beth yw'r broblem o ran y cytundeb ymadael. Ei hirhoedledd, mewn gwirionedd. Mae'n ymddangos i mi nad yw'r cytundeb yn mynd at wraidd y mater. Ble fyddwn ni ym mis Rhagfyr 2020? A fyddwn ni yn yr union un sefyllfa eto? Rydym ni eisoes wedi cael dwy flynedd, a dyma ni'n canfod ein hunain mewn sefyllfa lle nad yw'r cytundeb yn barhaol. Mae ein safbwynt yn eithaf syml, a hynny yw: rydym ni eisiau gweld mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i farchnad sengl ac i aros yn yr undeb tollau, ac mae unrhyw beth sy'n llai na hynny yn amlwg yn rhywbeth na allem ni gytuno iddo.

Mae'n iawn iddo ddweud bod busnesau ac eraill wedi rhoi croeso gochelgar i'r cytundeb, ond mae hynny, rwy'n credu, oherwydd eu bod yn credu mai'r dewis arall yw dim cytundeb o gwbl, nad oes neb eisiau ei weld. Felly, gallaf ddychmygu pam y byddai pobl eisiau cefnogi'r cytundeb hwn oherwydd yr ofn nad oes unrhyw beth arall ar gael. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bosibl edrych eto ar, yn sicr, y datganiad gwleidyddol, ac i fod yn fwy penodol ynghylch y ffordd ymlaen. Mae hynny'n golygu gwneud ymrwymiad i'r undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl.

Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, rwy'n credu bod Prif Weinidog y DU wedi rhoi ei hun mewn cornel ynghylch hyn. Doedd dim rhaid iddi gynnal etholiad cyffredinol y llynedd ar sail rhoi gweledigaeth o Brexit caled gerbron pobl Prydain, na wnaethon nhw mo'i derbyn, ac mae hi wedi ei chael hi'n anodd cael ei hun allan o'r gornel y canfu ei hun ynddi. Ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, mae'n cyfeirio at dinc fy llais. Nid yw tinc fy llais yn ddim o'i gymharu â hwnnw o eiddo ei gyd-Aelodau yn Llundain. Mae ei gyd-Aelodau ei hun yn Llundain wedi galw'n agored am ymddiswyddiad y Prif Weinidog. Maen nhw wedi bod yn agored ymosodol, mewn gwirionedd, o ran y ffordd y maen nhw wedi ei disgrifio hi. Y gwir amdani yw y bûm i, rwy'n credu, yn dyner o'i gymharu â'r naws a fabwysiadwyd gan wleidyddion Ceidwadol, a dyma'r broblem, ynte?

Oes, mae rhai yn fy mhlaid i â safbwynt gwahanol. Ceir rhai yn fy mhlaid yn San Steffan sydd yn Frecsitwyr. Nid oes llawer ohonyn nhw, ond maen nhw'n bodoli. Y broblem yw bod y rhaniadau yn y Blaid Geidwadol mor helaeth fel ei bod hi'n anodd iawn gweld sut y gellir cael unrhyw undod yn y blaid honno o ran gweledigaeth ar gyfer Brexit. Mae'n dweud 'chwarae gwleidyddiaeth'. Y pryder sydd gennyf i yw; ble daw hyn i ben? Nid oes unrhyw arweinyddiaeth oherwydd ni ellir cael hynny. Mae gennym ni Brif Weinidog sydd wedi colli llawer o Weinidogion—Gweinidogion Cabinet sydd wedi ymddiswyddo. Mae nifer yn ei phlaid nad ydyn nhw'n cefnogi ei pholisi ei hun. Yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, mae'n dweud bod arweinyddiaeth yn Llywodraeth Cymru yn wan. Wel, ni allwn ni ond cyfeirio at Lundain a dweud, 'Ble mae'r arweinyddiaeth yn Llundain, o ystyried yr amgylchiadau sy'n bodoli yn y fan honno?'

Rydym ni wastad wedi bod yn gyson yn yr hyn y bûm yn galw amdano. Fe wnaethom ni lunio ein gweledigaeth ddwy flynedd yn ôl ynghylch beth yr oeddem ni ei eisiau. Rydym ni yn gweithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU; fe wnaf i enwi David Lidington fel rhywun y mae'n bosibl gweithio ag ef ac i drafod materion gydag ef. Mae yna berthynas yno. Nid yw'n gyson, oherwydd bod adrannau eraill yn Llywodraeth y DU yn gweld pethau mewn goleuni fymryn yn wahanol.

Mae'n crybwyll bod angen pont. Efallai fod hynny'n wir, ond pont at beth? Ar hyn o bryd, nid ydym ni'n gwybod i ble mae'r bont honno yn arwain, a dyna'r broblem. Ddwy flynedd yn ôl, bu sôn am adeiladu pont, a nawr mae sôn am adeiladu pont o hyd. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod beth yw'r cyrchfan terfynol mewn gwirionedd. O wrando ar farn byd busnes, eu barn nhw yn syml yw hyn; maen nhw eisiau sicrwydd. Ac er y gallai hyn roi elfen o sicrwydd dros dro, nid yw'n rhoi'r sicrwydd sydd ei angen, yn arbennig o ran eu gallu i gael gweithwyr medrus.

O ran y diwydiant amaethyddiaeth, wel, ceir nifer o broblemau y mae angen eu datrys. Mae mynediad i'r farchnad yn allweddol; heb fynediad i'r farchnad, ni all ffermio defaid, yn enwedig, oroesi yng Nghymru. Nid yw marchnad y DU yn ddigon mawr i gefnogi diwydiant cig defaid y DU, felly nid yw'n fater syml o gefnogi ffermwyr; mae ynglŷn â sicrhau bod ganddyn nhw fynediad i'w marchnad hefyd.

Mae'r un peth yn wir am bysgota. Un peth yw cael mynediad digonol, fel yr ydych chi'n ei gweld hi, i'ch dyfroedd arfordirol eich hun, ond pan yr ydych chi'n gwbl ddibynnol ar allforio'r pysgod, mae'n rhaid ichi sicrhau bod gennych chi farchnad ar gyfer y pysgod hynny hefyd. Byddai'n dda i ddim i'r DU allu dal mwy o bysgod, hyd yn oed pe bai hynny'n bosibl, ac nid wyf yn credu ei fod yn bosibl oherwydd y lefel isel o stociau pysgod. Y gwir amdani yw na fyddai marchnad i'r rhan fwyaf o'r pysgod hynny, felly mae angen ystyried hynny hefyd.   

Soniodd am fater y ffin galed. Mae gwaith yn cael ei wneud drwy gyfrwng grŵp porthladdoedd ynghylch sut y byddai hynny'n datblygu. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud wrtho, y byddai'r pwyslais ar Ddoc Penfro yn hytrach nag Abergwaun o ran cludo nwyddau. Mae Abergwaun yn tueddu i gludo pobl, ac mae Doc Penfro yn tueddu i gludo nwyddau ac mae Caergybi'n cludo'r ddau.

Dywed nad oes dim wedi'i wneud i wella'r ffordd. Wel, mae ffordd osgoi Robeston Wathen yn bodoli a ffordd osgoi Llanddowror, wrth gwrs, sy'n mynd tuag at Ddoc Penfro i'r cyfeiriad arall. Felly, bu gwelliannau ffyrdd hefyd, ond nid dyna'r broblem. Y broblem yw, nid beth sy'n digwydd ar y ffyrdd hynny, ond beth fydd yn digwydd yn y porthladdoedd.

Os oes gennym ni sefyllfa lle mae Llywodraeth y DU yn penderfynu bod yn llawdrwm o ran tollau, bydd hynny'n arwain at oedi a bydd hynny'n golygu y bydd angen llety yn y porthladdoedd hynny yn hytrach nag ymhellach ar hyd y ffyrdd. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod beth fydd y sefyllfa yn hynny o beth. Nid ydym ni'n gwybod pa fath o wiriadau gaiff eu gweithredu. Rydym ni'n tybio na fyddai unrhyw reolaeth basbort oherwydd bod yr ardal deithio gyffredin wedi ei chadw, ond a fydd elfen o wiriadau tollau, sut cânt eu cynnal, a fyddan nhw ar hap, a fyddan nhw'n llym? Nid oes unrhyw un o'r cwestiynau hyn wedi eu hateb, felly mae'n anodd iawn paratoi ein porthladdoedd ar gyfer sefyllfa nad yw eto yn glir. Ond, fel y dywedais, mae gweithgor porthladdoedd wedi'i sefydlu gyda Llywodraeth y DU i edrych ar hyn.

O ran paratoi ar gyfer ymadael, rydym ni eisoes ar y trywydd iawn i wneud hynny. Rwyf wedi dweud o'r blaen bod Brexit 'digytundeb' yn rhywbeth nad oes modd paratoi ar ei gyfer. Ni ellir paratoi trefniadau lliniaru ar ei gyfer. Ni ellir ei weld fel un dewis ymhlith llawer. Mae'n ganlyniad trychinebus a, drwy gronfa bontio'r UE a thrwy weithio gyda busnesau a gyda'n ffermwyr, rydym ni wedi gwneud yr hyn sy'n angenrheidiol er mwyn hyrwyddo Cymru yn y dyfodol, i roi mwy o farchnadoedd yn y dyfodol i Gymru drwy ehangu ein swyddfeydd tramor. Ond wrth gwrs, yn y pen draw, os na allwn ni gael y berthynas fasnachu yn iawn gyda'n marchnad agosaf, fwyaf—a fydd ein marchnad agosaf, fwyaf bob amser—yna ni chawn ni hynny'n iawn gydag unrhyw farchnad arall.

15:15

I'm very grateful to the First Minister for the statement today. I think it was a useful and fair summary of where we currently are. What I was struggling to discern in it was a strategy as to how we go forward, how we avoid the political cataclysm that is opening up in front of us.

It is, of course, I think, the key salient fact of the draft withdrawal agreement—all 585 pages—that it doesn't mention Wales even as a footnote. Even the 1888 version of the Encyclopedia Britannica did better than that. And it says something pretty central, doesn't it, about the attitude of the Westminster Government to Wales and the devolved administrations? The First Minister himself has rightly complained about the fact that the draft agreement wasn't even shared in advance with the Welsh Government. Indeed, perhaps the First Minister can say whether the same is going to be true of the redraft—the 20-page version of the political declaration that we're told is being worked on at the moment. 

But in the light of that, surely the Welsh Government's decision to place its trust in the Westminster Government in handing over our powers to them is at best naive and at worst reckless. Can the First Minister explain—I understand the point that he made earlier at First Minister's questions in terms of wanting to keep to the inter-governmental agreement—but can he explain the timing, not just in the light of the case that is before the Supreme Court, but also the very simple fact that the UK Government may collapse in the next few weeks? Therefore, why not postpone this decision to see how things develop, as he said, at this time of the greatest political crisis probably in our lifetime? 

Plaid Cymru has clearly said that we will not support the withdrawal agreement as it currently stands. It rips Wales out of the single market and the customs union. It actually ignores Wales completely and our particular interests, and it's silent, as the First Minister said, in terms of the parameters and the shape of the future economic relationship.

I'm glad to see that we're going to have a meaningful vote on the meaningful vote, to use the parliamentary jargon of the day. Can the First Minister confirm that we will also have the opportunity for a range of amendments that will reflect the range of views between parties and also within parties, in terms of possible solutions to the political crisis that he referred to? And in particular, can we have a commitment to allow those Members on his backbenches who take a view of unequivocal support for the people's vote as probably the best solution going forward—not just on his backbenches but also on his frontbenches, as we've heard during the course of the leadership campaign—so that we can have a free vote for those Members who wish to voice that position?

You mentioned that you asked for an urgent meeting of the JMC, which took place last night. Can you say, given that these are extraordinary times, whether you've sought a meeting of the plenary of the JMC before you leave office? We agree with you that there have been two years of prevarication, time is not on our side now to provide a workable solution going forward, whether that's single market membership, membership of the customs union, whether it's a people's vote. Do you agree that now is the time to extend article 50 in order to allow us that time to provide that sensible way forward?

Finally, I note his earlier remarks that, actually, there's been a complete failure of Westminster politics. I couldn't agree more. I was down in Westminster earlier today meeting with the First Minister of Scotland trying to provide some kind of sensible way forward, trying to find common ground among opposition parties in order that we actually can provide the kind of leadership that's been sadly lacking. Would he agree, though, that that vacuum of leadership that's certainly characterised the Conservative Government has also been at play within his own party at Westminster because of divisions within the Labour Party at the Westminster level on this issue as well? Surely we should take the opportunity, when it comes to a vote in this Parliament, to provide the kind of leadership that has been lacking and send an unequivocal message that we do want to see, at the very least, Wales retaining its membership of the single market but, better still, for us to have a people's vote to remain within the European Union.

Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i'r Prif Weinidog am y datganiad heddiw. Rwy'n credu ei fod yn grynodeb defnyddiol a theg o'n sefyllfa ar hyn o bryd. Yr hyn yr oeddwn i'n ei chael hi'n anodd ei ddirnad ynddo oedd strategaeth o ran sut y dylem ni symud ymlaen, sut yr ydym ni'n osgoi'r trychineb gwleidyddol sy'n ymagor o'n blaenau.

Wrth gwrs, y ffaith amlwg allweddol yn y cytundeb ymadael drafft, rwy'n credu—pob un o'r 585 o dudalennau— yw nad yw'n crybwyll Cymru hyd yn oed fel troednodyn. Gwnaeth hyd yn oed fersiwn 1888 o Encyclopedia Britannica yn well na hynny. Ac mae'n dweud rhywbeth eithaf canolog, onid yw, am agwedd Llywodraeth San Steffan at Gymru a'r gweinyddiaethau datganoledig? Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru ei hun wedi cwyno'n briodol am y ffaith nad oedd y cytundeb drafft hyd yn oed wedi ei rannu ymlaen llaw â Llywodraeth Cymru. Yn wir, efallai y gwnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddweud a fydd yr un peth yn wir am yr ail ddrafft—y fersiwn 20 tudalen o'r datganiad gwleidyddol y dywedir wrthym ni sydd wrthi'n cael ei lunio ar hyn o bryd.

Ond yng ngoleuni hynny, siawns nad oedd penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru i ymddiried yn Llywodraeth San Steffan wrth drosglwyddo ein pwerau iddyn nhw yn ddiniwed ar y gorau ac yn ddiofal ar y gwaethaf. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog egluro—rwy'n deall y pwynt a wnaeth yn gynharach yn ystod y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog o ran yr awydd i gadw at y cytundeb rhynglywodraethol—ond a wnaiff esbonio'r amseriad, nid yn unig yng ngoleuni'r achos sydd gerbron y Goruchaf Lys, ond hefyd y ffaith syml iawn y gall Llywodraeth y DU ddymchwel yn yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf? Felly, pam na ellir gohirio'r penderfyniad hwn i weld sut mae pethau'n datblygu, fel y dywedodd, ar yr adeg hon o'r argyfwng gwleidyddol mwyaf mae'n debyg yn ein hoes ni?

Mae Plaid Cymru wedi dweud yn glir na fyddwn ni'n cefnogi'r cytundeb ymadael fel y mae ar hyn o bryd. Mae'n rhwygo Cymru allan o'r farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau. Mae mewn gwirionedd yn anwybyddu Cymru yn gyfan gwbl a'n buddiannau arbennig, ac nid yw'n dweud gair, fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog, o ran swm a sylwedd y berthynas economaidd yn y dyfodol.

Rwy'n falch o weld ein bod ni'n mynd i gael pleidlais ystyrlon ar y bleidlais ystyrlon, i ddefnyddio jargon Seneddol y dydd. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog gadarnhau y bydd gennym ni hefyd y cyfle i gyflwyno amrywiaeth o welliannau a fydd yn adlewyrchu'r ystod o safbwyntiau rhwng y pleidiau a hefyd o fewn pleidiau o ran atebion posibl i'r argyfwng gwleidyddol y cyfeiriodd ato? Ac yn benodol, a allwn ni gael ymrwymiad i ganiatáu i'r Aelodau hynny ar ei feinciau cefn sy'n hollol bleidiol i gael pleidlais y bobl, fel yr ateb gorau mae'n debyg, wrth gamu i'r dyfodol—nid yn unig ar ei feinciau cefn ond hefyd ar ei feinciau blaen, fel yr ydym ni wedi clywed yn ystod yr ymgyrch arweinyddiaeth—fel y gallwn ni gael pleidlais rydd i'r Aelodau hynny sy'n dymuno arddel y safbwynt hwnnw?

Fe wnaethoch chi sôn eich bod wedi gofyn am gyfarfod brys o Gyd-bwyllgor y Gweinidogion, a gynhaliwyd neithiwr. A wnewch chi ddweud, o gofio bod y rhain yn amserau rhyfeddol, p'un a ydych chi wedi ceisio cael cyfarfod llawn o Gyd-bwyllgor y Gweinidogion cyn i chi adael eich swydd? Rydym ni'n cytuno â chi y bu dwy flynedd o anwadalu, nid yw'r amser ar ein hochr ni yn awr i roi ateb ymarferol wrth gamu i'r dyfodol, boed yn aelodaeth o'r farchnad sengl, aelodaeth o'r undeb tollau, neu bleidlais y bobl. A ydych chi'n cytuno mai dyma'r amser i ymestyn Erthygl 50 er mwyn caniatáu inni'r amser hwnnw i ganfod ffordd synhwyrol ymlaen?

Yn olaf, sylwaf iddo ddweud yn gynharach, mewn gwirionedd, bod gwleidyddiaeth San Steffan wedi methu'n llwyr. Ni allwn i gytuno mwy. Roeddwn i lawr yn San Steffan yn gynharach heddiw yn cyfarfod â Phrif Weinidog yr Alban i geisio llunio rhyw fath o ffordd synhwyrol ymlaen, yn ceisio dod o hyd i dir cyffredin ymysg y gwrthbleidiau fel y gallwn ni mewn gwirionedd gynnig y math o arweinyddiaeth sydd wedi bod, yn anffodus, yn ddiffygiol. A fyddai'n cytuno, fodd bynnag, bod y diffyg arweinyddiaeth hwnnw sydd wedi nodweddu'r Llywodraeth Geidwadol yn sicr hefyd wedi bod yn wir yn ei blaid ei hun yn San Steffan oherwydd rhaniadau o fewn y Blaid Lafur yn San Steffan ynghylch y mater hwn hefyd? Siawns y dylem ni achub ar y cyfle, pan fydd hi'n bryd pleidleisio yn y Senedd hon, i ddarparu'r math o arweinyddiaeth sydd wedi bod yn ddiffygiol ac anfon neges ddiamwys ein bod ni eisiau gweld Cymru'n cadw ei haelodaeth o'r farchnad sengl fan leiaf, ond, yn well fyth, i ni gael pleidlais y bobl i aros o fewn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd.

15:20

I thank the leader of Plaid Cymru for his comments. He asks about the strategy going forward. There will be a debate in this place either next week or the beginning of the week after. Our understanding is that the vote in Westminster will take place in the final week of Westminster sitting, which is a week after, of course, the Assembly rises, so it'll be essential that there is a debate in this place so that the MPs can be aware of the views of AMs. I understand that discussions have taken place around holding it possibly Thursday next week or possibly another day. It would have to be, I think, a specific day allocated for such an important debate, rather than trying to shoehorn it into Government business between now and Christmas. So, I certainly accept that that needs to be done.

I can say to him that Cabinet agreed a motion yesterday. That motion needs to go, of course, to our group, as he can imagine. It tries to be as all-encompassing as possible. It includes, for example, the need to look at extending the article 50 period. I think that's inevitable if there is to be a look again at the political declaration particularly. It also, of course, makes reference to the need for the public to be involved and the need for there to be options on the table that do not exclude any option, and that will form part of the motion, and perhaps that's something that he can see when that motion is produced.

He is right to say that neither my colleague the First Minister of Scotland nor I have access to these documents at what I think is an appropriate time. I could understand a reluctance in Government to share documents with another Government for fear of what might happen to those documents. Well, I've said over and over again that if we receive documents in confidence, we'll keep them in confidence. If we breach that confidence, all that happens then is that we don't get those documents again. Besides, of course, a lot of documents could be shared with me on Privy Council terms, which would mean that those documents could be shared in confidence at that time.

He mentions the inter-governmental agreement. He takes a different view to me on this. My view is that we have an agreement. Part of that agreement was that the continuity Act would go. As I said, Westminster could simply repeal it anyway with one line, but what the continuity Act has delivered for us is an inter-governmental agreement, which has been signed up to by both Governments. There is no indication that the UK Government would want to move away from that. It may be that there's a new Government in Westminster in the next few weeks, or a new leader in Westminster in the next few weeks, and the same is true here, although I doubt very much that any of my successors would want to move away from that agreement. So, I think that, having sought and negotiated an agreement, it is essential that we keep good faith with that agreement and honour our obligations under it.

He mentions the JMC(P). I am meeting the Prime Minister tomorrow. We have made representations regarding JMC(P). The date that so far has come back is a date where I can guarantee I won't be there because it's after my time as First Minister. So, we are seeking to have a JMC plenary sooner than that. It is essential, and it would be hugely important.

In terms of, well, leadership in Westminster, we've all seen what's been happening in the last few days. It does nobody any good to find a situation where it's not possible, almost on an hourly basis, to know whether the Government will survive or not. In the business world, that's something that they certainly wouldn't welcome, which is why, of course, we've urged the UK Government—and we've worked with Plaid Cymru on this, with the White Paper—to adopt a pragmatic, sensible approach to Brexit that recognises the importance of the single market, and unfettered access to it; that recognises the importance of the customs union to Wales; and recognises the importance of providing certainty whilst delivering on the referendum result. So far, of course, we are far from that position.

Diolch i arweinydd Plaid Cymru am ei sylwadau. Mae'n gofyn am y strategaeth yn y dyfodol. Bydd dadl yn y fan yma naill ai yr wythnos nesaf neu ddechrau'r wythnos ganlynol. Ein dealltwriaeth ni yw y cynhelir y bleidlais yn San Steffan yn ystod wythnos olaf y Senedd yn San Steffan, sef yr wythnos ar ôl, wrth gwrs, y bydd y Cynulliad yn terfynu, felly bydd hi'n hanfodol bod dadl yn y fan yma fel y gall yr Aelodau Seneddol fod yn ymwybodol o farn Aelodau'r Cynulliad. Rwy'n deall y bu trafodaethau ynghylch cynnal hynny o bosibl ddydd Iau yr wythnos nesaf neu ddiwrnod arall o bosib. Byddai'n rhaid iddo fod, rwy'n credu, yn ddiwrnod penodol wedi'i glustnodi ar gyfer dadl mor bwysig, yn hytrach na cheisio ei wasgu i faterion busnes y Llywodraeth rhwng nawr a'r Nadolig. Felly, yn sicr, rwy'n derbyn bod angen gwneud hynny.

A gaf i ddweud wrtho fod y Cabinet wedi cytuno ar gynnig ddoe. Mae angen cyflwyno'r cynnig, wrth gwrs, ger bron ein grŵp, fel y gall ei ddychmygu. Mae'n ceisio bod mor gynhwysfawr â phosib. Mae'n cynnwys, er enghraifft, yr angen i edrych ar ymestyn cyfnod erthygl 50. Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n anochel os oes angen edrych eto ar y datganiad gwleidyddol yn arbennig. Mae hefyd, wrth gwrs, yn cyfeirio at yr angen i'r cyhoedd fod yn rhan, a'r angen i gael dewisiadau nad ydyn nhw'n eithrio unrhyw ddewis, ac a fydd yn ffurfio rhan o'r cynnig, ac efallai bod hynny'n rhywbeth y gall ei weld pan gaiff y cynnig hwnnw ei lunio.

Mae'n gywir i ddweud nad yw fy nghyd-Brif Weinidog yn yr Alban na minnau wedi gweld y dogfennau hyn ar adeg a oedd, yn fy nhyb i, yn briodol. Gallwn ddeall os oedd amharodrwydd yn y Llywodraeth i rannu dogfennau gyda Llywodraeth arall rhag ofn beth allai ddigwydd i'r dogfennau hynny. Wel, rwyf wedi dweud droeon os ydym ni'n derbyn dogfennau cyfrinachol, byddwn yn eu cadw'n gyfrinachol. Os ydym ni'n torri'r cyfrinachedd hwnnw, y cwbl sy'n digwydd wedyn yw nad ydym ni'n cael y dogfennau hynny eto. Heblaw am hyn, wrth gwrs, gallai llawer o ddogfennau gael eu rhannu gyda mi ar delerau'r Cyfrin Gyngor, a fyddai'n golygu y gellid rhannu'r dogfennau hynny yn gyfrinachol ar y pryd.

Mae'n sôn am y cytundeb rhynglywodraethol. Mae ei safbwynt ef yn wahanol i fy un i yn hyn o beth. Fy marn i yw bod gennym ni gytundeb. Rhan o'r cytundeb hwnnw oedd cael gwared ar y Ddeddf Barhad. Fel y dywedais, gallai San Steffan yn syml ei diddymu beth bynnag gydag un llinell, ond yr hyn y mae'r Ddeddf Barhad wedi ei gyflawni i ni yw cytundeb rhynglywodraethol, y mae'r ddwy Lywodraeth wedi ymrwymo iddo. Nid oes unrhyw argoel y byddai Llywodraeth y DU eisiau cilio oddi wrth hynny. Mae'n bosib y bydd Llywodraeth newydd yn San Steffan yn yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf, neu arweinydd newydd yn San Steffan yn yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf, ac mae'r un peth yn wir am y fan yma, ond amheuaf yn fawr y byddai unrhyw un o fy olynwyr eisiau ymbellhau o'r cytundeb hwnnw. Felly, rwy'n credu, ar ôl ceisio dod i gytundeb, ei bod hi'n hanfodol ein bod yn cadw ewyllys da o ran y cytundeb hwnnw ac yn anrhydeddu ein rhwymedigaethau yn unol â hynny.

Mae'n sôn am gyfarfod llawn y Cyd-bwyllgor Gweinidogion. Rwy'n cyfarfod â Phrif Weinidog y DU yfory. Rydym ni wedi gwneud sylwadau ynglŷn â'r cyfarfod llawn hwnnw. Mae'r dyddiad a gafwyd yn ddyddiad y gallaf warantu na fyddaf i yno oherwydd ei fod ar ôl fy nghyfnod i yn Brif Weinidog. Felly, rydym ni'n ceisio cael cyfarfod llawn o Gyd-bwyllgor y Gweinidogion yn gynharach na hynny. Mae'n hanfodol, a byddai'n hynod o bwysig.

O ran, wel, arweinyddiaeth yn San Steffan, rydym ni i gyd wedi gweld beth sydd wedi bod yn digwydd yn ystod yr ychydig ddyddiau diwethaf. Nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw les i neb bod mewn sefyllfa lle nad yw'n bosib gwybod, fesul awr bron iawn, a fydd y Llywodraeth yn goroesi neu beidio. Yn y byd busnes, mae hynny'n rhywbeth yn sicr na fydden nhw'n ei groesawu, a dyna pam, wrth gwrs, yr ydym ni wedi annog Llywodraeth y DU—ac rydym ni wedi gweithio gyda Phlaid Cymru ar hyn, gyda'r Papur Gwyn—i fabwysiadu dull pragmatig a synhwyrol o ymdrin â Brexit sy'n cydnabod pwysigrwydd y farchnad sengl, a mynediad dirwystr iddi; sy'n cydnabod pwysigrwydd yr undeb tollau i Gymru; ac sy'n cydnabod pwysigrwydd rhoi sicrwydd wrth wireddu canlyniad y refferendwm. Hyd yma, wrth gwrs, rydym ni ymhell o fod yn y sefyllfa honno.

15:25

I, too, welcome the First Minister's statement, and like the leader of Plaid Cymru, I think it is, by and large, a fair summary of where we are now. And I certainly agree entirely with the First Minister in his criticisms of Theresa May and her conduct of the Brexit negotiations. I wonder if he'd agree with me that the catastrophic outcome of two years of utter incompetence in these negotiations has produced the greatest national humiliation for Britain, certainly political humiliation, since Suez.

Theresa May does have a certain genius. Last year, she contrived to make Jeremy Corbyn look electable and to come within an ace of winning a general election that she need not have held. This year, she has contrived to produce a deal for leaving the EU that is even worse than staying in. It's difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Prime Minister's actually been intent upon sabotaging the whole Brexit process. I mean, it's absolutely irrational to me to do no preparation whatsoever for leaving the EU, during the last two years, on WTO terms, then to run negotiations so close to the wire, as we are now, which has limited everybody's options, including her own, and then to agree this transition deal—so-called transition deal—which seems to be worse than staying in, unless there's a subtext here that we're actually in Hotel California, where you can book out but never actually leave.

And I note that Monsieur Barnier this week has been talking about extending the transition deal, even to beyond the projected date for the next general election into 2022–23. And I certainly agree with the question that he poses in the statement: what on earth has she been doing for the last two years? I don't think she's been so much managing the internal turmoil inside the Conservative Party as actually causing it in the first place. This is a deal that has been designed by a remain Prime Minister, endorsed by a Cabinet of remainers, to ensure that Britain never actually leaves the EU. We won't even leave in name only because this deal commits us to regulatory alignment with the EU for an indefinite period to come. And after we leave the EU, of course, we won't even have a voice, let alone a vote, on the laws that are going to be made and which we'll be obliged to implement.

It can't be explained, in my view, by incompetence alone. This is treachery by an establishment determined to frustrate democracy, and we've seen it before: in Denmark, in France, in Ireland, in Holland, where referenda have been held, the people voted 'no', but they've been told, 'You've got to keep on voting until you vote the right way.' [Interruption.] So, we remain, as a result of this so-called deal, inside the EU, subject to its regulations and directives, as interpreted by the European Court of Justice, in which we won't even have our own judge, without representation in the Commission, without representation in the Council of Ministers.

And furthermore, whereas under article 50 of the Lisbon treaty, we have the right to leave, under this deal the EU has a veto upon whether this deal is concluded or not, enforceable at the orders of the European Court of Justice. That's the opposite of taking back control, which was the Prime Minister's stated objective. At least at the moment we have 8 per cent of the votes in the Council of Ministers. After 29 March next year, we will have 0 per cent of the votes. And we are paying £39 billion of taxpayers' money for the privilege of giving up what little control we currently have. And, in the process, we are prevented from taking advantage of the greatest boon of leaving the EU, which is to enter into free trade deals with the United States, Australia, India, China, et cetera, until an indefinite period, and possibly permanently.

The EU has got everything that it wanted out of the Prime Minister, and more. We have a £90 billion a year trade deficit with them. They export £340 billion-worth of goods and services to us. Why on earth would the European Commission want to allow us to enter into free trade agreements with other countries to undercut their prices on cars, food, clothing, footwear, et cetera? Of course they don't want us to reduce taxes on fuel because that would make our industries more competitive with them. And the most shocking thing—I'll conclude on this—about this agreement is that, as regards Northern Ireland, in future, laws will be made for Northern Ireland in which Dublin has a voice and a vote, but Belfast and the UK do not. That is the very reverse of partition.

The leader of the Conservatives during his questions to the First Minister—[Interruption.]—I'll come to you in a second—talked about the need for engagement. Well, the Prime Minister has gone behind the backs of two Brexit Secretaries to make far-reaching concessions to Brussels, and twice tried to balance the Cabinet to agree with her plans in ruthlessly plotted manipulations at Chequers and No. 10. There was no engagement with the Cabinet by the Prime Minister, let alone with the Welsh Government. And a 558-page, densely worded document was produced for people to comment upon at five minutes' notice. The Conservative and Unionist Party is certainly no longer a unionist party. This is not a deal but a capitulation. I wonder if the First Minister would agree with that description. 

Rwyf i, hefyd, yn croesawu datganiad y Prif Weinidog, ac, fel arweinydd Plaid Cymru, rwy'n credu ei fod, ar y cyfan, yn grynodeb teg o'n sefyllfa ni nawr. Ac rwy'n sicr yn cytuno'n llwyr gyda'r Prif Weinidog yn ei feirniadaeth o Theresa May a'i hymdriniaeth o negodiadau Brexit. Tybed a yw'n cytuno â mi bod canlyniad trychinebus dwy flynedd o anallu llwyr yn y trafodaethau hyn wedi arwain at y sarhad cenedlaethol mwyaf i Brydain, yn sicr sarhad gwleidyddol, ers Suez.

Mae gan Theresa May math penodol o athrylith. Y llynedd, llwyddodd i wneud Jeremy Corbyn edrych fel rhywun yr oedd modd ei ethol a dod o fewn trwch blewyn i ennill etholiad cyffredinol nad oedd angen iddi ei chynnal. Eleni, mae hi wedi llwyddo i gynhyrchu cytundeb ar gyfer gadael yr UE sydd hyd yn oed yn waeth nag aros yn aelod. Mae'n anodd osgoi dod i'r casgliad bod Prif Weinidog y DU mewn gwirionedd wedi rhoi ei bryd ar danseilio'r holl broses Brexit. Yr hyn rwy'n ei olygu yw, mae'n hollol afresymol i mi i beidio â gwneud unrhyw baratoi o gwbl ar gyfer gadael yr UE, yn ystod y ddwy flynedd ddiwethaf, ar delerau Sefydliad Masnach y Byd, yna i gynnal trafodaethau ar y funud olaf, fel yr ydym ni yn awr, sydd wedi cyfyngu ar ddewisiadau pawb, gan gynnwys ei hun, ac yna i gytuno i'r cytundeb pontio—y cynllun pontio honedig hwn—sy'n ymddangos yn waeth nag aros yn aelod, oni bai bod yna isdestun yn y fan yma ein bod ni mewn gwirionedd yn Hotel California, lle gallwch chi fynd at y ddesg i adael, ond byth gadael mewn gwirionedd. 

A sylwaf yr wythnos hon fod Monsieur Barnier wedi sôn am ymestyn y cytundeb pontio, hyd yn oed y tu hwnt i'r dyddiad arfaethedig ar gyfer yr etholiad cyffredinol nesaf yn 2022-23. Ac yn sicr rwy'n cytuno â'r cwestiwn y mae'n ei ofyn yn y datganiad: beth ar y ddaear mae hi wedi bod yn ei wneud dros y ddwy flynedd diwethaf? Nid wyf yn credu y bu hi'n rheoli'r helynt mewnol yn y Blaid Geidwadol yn gymaint â'i greu yn y lle cyntaf. Mae hyn yn fargen a gynlluniwyd gan Brif Weinidog sydd eisiau aros, sydd wedi ei chymeradwyo gan gabinet sydd eisiau aros, i sicrhau nad yw Prydain byth mewn gwirionedd yn gadael yr UE. Ni fyddwn ni hyd yn oed yn gadael mewn enw yn unig oherwydd mae'r fargen hon yn ein hymrwymo i gydymffurfio â threfniadau rheoleiddio'r UE am gyfnod amhenodol. Ac ar ôl inni adael yr UE, wrth gwrs, ni fydd gennym ni hyd yn oed lais, heb sôn am bleidlais, ar y cyfreithiau hynny a wneir ac y bydd rheidrwydd arnom ni i'w gweithredu.

Ni ellir ei egluro, yn fy marn i, drwy anallu yn unig. Brad yw hyn gan sefydliad sy'n benderfynol o rwystro democratiaeth, ac rydym ni wedi gweld hynny o'r blaen: yn Nenmarc, yn Ffrainc, yn Iwerddon, yn yr Iseldiroedd, lle cynhaliwyd refferendwm, lle mae pobl wedi pleidleisio 'na', ond y dywedwyd wrthyn nhw, 'mae'n rhaid ichi ddal ati i bleidleisio nes y byddwch chi'n pleidleisio'r ffordd gywir.' [Torri ar draws.] Rydym ni, felly, o ganlyniad i'r fargen honedig hon, o fewn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, yn ddarostyngedig i'w chyfarwyddebau a'i rheoliadau, fel y dehonglir nhw gan Lys Cyfiawnder Ewrop, na fydd gennym ni hyd yn oed ein barnwr ein hunain ynddo, heb gynrychiolaeth yn y Comisiwn, heb gynrychiolaeth yng Nghyngor y Gweinidogion.

Ac ar ben hynny, er, yn unol ag Erthygl 50 o Gytuniad Lisbon, mae gennym ni'r hawl i adael, o dan y cytundeb hwn, yr UE sydd â'r gair olaf a yw'r fargen hon yn derfynol neu beidio, ac mae modd gorfodi'r penderfyniad hwnnw ar orchymyn Llys Cyfiawnder Ewrop. Mae hynny'n groes i adfer rheolaeth, sef yr amcan y soniodd y Prif Weinidog amdano. O leiaf ar hyn o bryd mae gennym ni 8 y cant o'r pleidleisiau yng Nghyngor y Gweinidogion. Ar ôl 29 Mawrth y flwyddyn nesaf, bydd gennym ni 0 y cant o'r pleidleisiau. Ac rydym ni'n talu £39 biliwn o arian trethdalwyr am y fraint o ildio y mymryn rheolaeth sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd. Ac, yn y broses, rydym ni'n cael ein hatal rhag manteisio ar y fendith fwyaf o adael yr UE, sef i ymrwymo i gytundebau masnach rydd gyda'r Unol Daleithiau, Awstralia, India, Tsieina, ac ati, am gyfnod amhenodol, ac o bosib yn barhaol.

Mae'r UE wedi cael popeth roedd hi'n ei ddeisyfu gan Brif Weinidog y DU, a mwy. Mae gennym ni ddiffyg masnachu o £90 biliwn y flwyddyn gyda nhw. Maen nhw yn allforio gwerth £340 biliwn o nwyddau a gwasanaethau i ni. Pam ar y ddaear fyddai'r Comisiwn Ewropeaidd eisiau rhoi rhwydd hynt inni lunio cytundebau masnach rydd gyda gwledydd eraill i danseilio eu prisiau ar geir, bwyd, dillad, esgidiau, ac ati? Wrth gwrs dydyn nhw ddim eisiau inni leihau trethi ar danwydd oherwydd byddai hynny'n gwneud ein diwydiannau'n fwy cystadleuol gyda nhw. A'r peth mwyaf syfrdanol—byddaf yn dod i gasgliad ar hyn—am y cytundeb hwn yw, o ran Gogledd Iwerddon, yn y dyfodol, caiff cyfreithiau eu gwneud ar gyfer Gogledd Iwerddon ble bydd llais a phleidlais gan Ddulyn, ond nid y DU a Belfast. Mae hynny i'r gwrthwyneb yn llwyr o ymrannu.

Soniodd arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr yn ystod ei gwestiynau i Brif Weinidog Cymru—[torri ar draws.]—dof atoch chi mewn eiliad—am yr angen i ymgysylltu. Wel, mae Prif Weinidog y DU wedi mynd y tu ôl i gefn dau Ysgrifennydd Brexit a gwneud consesiynau pellgyrhaeddol i Frwsel, a dwywaith wedi ceisio sicrhau cydbwysedd yn y Cabinet i gytuno â'i chynlluniau o ystrywiau wedi eu cynllwynio'n ddidrugaredd yn Chequers a Rhif 10. Nid oedd unrhyw ymgysylltu gyda'r Cabinet gan y Prif Weinidog, heb sôn am Lywodraeth Cymru. A chynhyrchwyd dogfen 558-tudalen, geiriog iawn, i bobl roi sylwadau arni gyda phum munud o rybudd. Mae hi'n amlwg nad yw'r Blaid Geidwadol ac Unoliaethol yn blaid unoliaethol bellach. Nid bargen mo hon ond ymostyngiad. Tybed a yw Prif Weinidog Cymru yn cytuno â'r disgrifiad yna?

15:30

It's rather strange, Llywydd, that I find myself standing up to almost defend the Prime Minister against attacks made on her rather than on me because it was all about what was happening in Westminster. I have to say that what is noticeable about Brexit is that those who smashed the window have run away and left those who didn't want the window smashed to put it back together again while claiming that they are doing it in the wrong way. I did notice that those people who said it will be the easiest trade deal ever and all that nonsense that we heard that hasn't come about—. And what is the narrative now? That the EU is being unreasonable. Well, the EU is looking after its own interests. And this idea that the EU needs us more than we need them, the EU doesn't see it that way at all, or not as the EU-27. Their view is, 'Well, we'd like to give the UK a good deal, but, actually, there's a whole world out there that we can talk to and we can trade with—big blocks that we can sell our goods to.'

Now, he asks fairly what's been done in the last two years. Well, when you have David Davis and Boris Johnson in place for so long, the question is answered. I'm not sure what David Davis did, if I'm honest with you, in terms of moving this forward. Boris Johnson seemed to think that any problem could be resolved by a quip of some kind. His greatest contribution to the job of Foreign Secretary was to jeopardise the release of a British national in Iran because of something that he said. So, she did not choose her personnel wisely when it came to her Brexit Secretary and her Foreign Secretary. And here we go again: 'This is treachery by an establishment.' No evidence at all to back that up, despite the fact that there are many leavers, of course. David Davis was a leaver, Dominic Raab was a leaver, and yet, despite the fact that he was the one who put this agreement before the Cabinet and then decided to leave, and David Davis, a leaver—he was the Brexit Secretary—are they part of the establishment that was so treacherous? And here we have the start of a narrative: 'All this would be fine if it wasn't for traitors in our own ranks.' The stab in the back theory. Now, where have we heard that one before? The British people have been stabbed in the back by people who sold them down the river. That's familiar ground from another country nearly 100 years ago. Perhaps we see now why Tommy Robinson will be so welcome in UKIP because of the historical parallels that seem to be playing out. 

And when it comes to free trade agreements, I have to say to the Member: a free trade agreement with America is no substitute for having a good agreement with Europe. It's further away and it's a smaller market. India is further away. Australia is both a small market and even further away. None of these markets will make up for the European market. And I have to say to him: these countries, India particularly, will say, 'If you want a free trade agreement with us, we want our people to be able to move and to arrive in Britain without a visa.' They're not going to accept visa restrictions at all. They will want something close to freedom of movement for their own people, and then what's he going to say at that point? He's opposed to freedom of movement for European nationals. Does that mean he supports it for Australian nationals, for Indian nationals, for American nationals? That's something that UKIP have never addressed. 

And then, of course, finally, he came up with a comment that belies, really, the sort of raging free marketism of many in UKIP. He said that we would lose out on the opportunity for cheaper cars, cheaper food, cheaper clothing and cheaper footwear. What of the British workers that work in those sectors? What does it mean for our farmers if we allow in inferior—inferior—food products to undercut what they produce? What does it mean for our car workers if we allow in cars that are produced at a much lower cost that don't meet our current environmental standards? His view seems to be: let's cut the standards right down and let them in, undercut our own workers. Clothing, footwear—all these industries that are important to Britain. I do not believe that those who voted 'leave' voted 'leave' to jeopardise their own jobs. Many, many people said to me that one of the reasons why they were voting 'leave' was because they felt that their jobs were insecure and their lives were insecure. They will never vote for anything that looks like a laissez-faire, low-regulation economy. That's exactly what—I was going to say the leader of UKIP, but it's a rotating chair—the Member has said. That is not, I believe, what the British people voted for, it's not the vision that they voted for. I believe what they want is a sensible Brexit that protects their interests and the interests of Wales. 

Mae'n eithaf rhyfedd, Llywydd, y caf fy hun yn codi bron iawn i amddiffyn Prif Weinidog y DU rhag yr ymosodiadau a wnaed arni yn hytrach nag arnaf i am fod hyn i gyd ynghylch yr hyn oedd yn digwydd yn San Steffan. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud mai'r hyn sy'n amlwg am Brexit yw bod y rhai sydd wedi chwalu'r ffenest wedi rhedeg i ffwrdd a gadael i'r rhai nad oedd eisiau chwalu'r ffenest i'w rhoi yn ôl at ei gilydd gan hawlio eu bod yn gwneud hynny yn y ffordd anghywir. Fe wnes i sylwi bod y bobl hynny a ddywedodd y byddai hyn y fargen fasnach hawsaf erioed a'r holl ffwlbri yna a glywsom ni, nid yw hynny wedi digwydd—. A beth yw'r gân yn awr? Bod yr UE yn afresymol. Wel, mae'r UE yn gofalu am ei buddiannau ei hun. A'r syniad yma bod yr UE ein hangen ni yn fwy nag y mae arnom ni eu hangen nhw, nid yw'r UE yn ei gweld hi felly o gwbl, neu nid yw 27 gwlad yr UE. Eu barn nhw yw, 'Wel, fe hoffem ni roi bargen dda i'r DU, ond, mewn gwirionedd, mae yna fyd cyfan draw yn y fan acw y gallwn ni siarad ag ef ac y gallwn ni fasnachu ag ef— blociau mawr y gallwn ni werthu ein nwyddau iddyn nhw.'

Nawr, mae'n gofyn yn deg beth sydd wedi'i wneud yn y ddwy flynedd diwethaf. Wel, pan fo gennych chi David Davis a Boris Johnson yn eu swyddi ers cyhyd, mae'r cwestiwn wedi ei ateb. Nid wyf yn siŵr beth wnaeth David Davis, os wyf yn onest gyda chi, o ran symud hyn ymlaen. Roedd hi'n ymddangos fod Boris Johnson yn credu y gellid datrys unrhyw broblem gyda sylw bachog o ryw fath. Ei gyfraniad mwyaf i'r swydd o Ysgrifennydd Tramor oedd peryglu rhyddhau dinesydd Prydeinig yn Iran oherwydd rhywbeth a ddywedodd. Felly, ni ddewisodd hi ei phersonél yn ddoeth o ran ei Hysgrifennydd Brexit a'i Hysgrifennydd Tramor. A dyma ni unwaith eto: 'Dyma frad gan y sefydliad.' Nid oes gronyn o dystiolaeth i ategu hynny, er gwaethaf y ffaith bod llawer eisiau gadael, wrth gwrs. Roedd David Davis eisiau gadael, roedd Dominic Raab eisiau gadael, ac eto, er gwaetha'r ffaith mai ef oedd yr un a roddodd y cytundeb hwn gerbron y Cabinet ac yna penderfynu gadael, a David Davis, oedd eisiau gadael—ef oedd Ysgrifennydd Brexit— a ydyn nhw'n rhan o'r sefydliad a oedd yn mor fradwrus? Ac yma mae gennym ni ddechrau naratif: 'byddai hyn i gyd yn iawn oni bai am y bradwyr yn ein rhengoedd ein hunain.' Y ddamcaniaeth cyllell yn y cefn. Nawr, lle glywsom ni hynny o'r blaen? Mae pobl Prydain wedi cael eu trywanu yn eu cefnau gan bobl a'u gwerthodd yn rhad. Clywyd rhywbeth tebyg mewn gwlad arall bron i gan mlynedd yn ôl. Efallai y gwelwn ni yn awr pam fydd cymaint o groeso i Tommy Robinson yn UKIP oherwydd y gyfatebiaeth hanesyddol ymddangosiadol.

Ac o ran cytundebau masnach rydd, mae'n rhaid imi ddweud wrth yr Aelod: nid oes modd ffeirio cytundeb da ag Ewrop am gytundeb masnach rydd ag America. Mae ymhellach i ffwrdd ac mae'n farchnad lai. Mae India ymhellach i ffwrdd. Mae Awstralia yn farchnad fechan a hyd yn oed ymhellach i ffwrdd. Ni fydd unrhyw un o'r marchnadoedd hyn yn gwneud iawn am y farchnad Ewropeaidd. Ac mae'n rhaid imi ddweud wrtho: bydd y gwledydd hyn, India yn arbennig, yn dweud, 'Os ydych chi eisiau cytundeb masnach rydd gyda ni, rydym ni eisiau i'n pobl allu symud ac i allu cyrraedd Prydain heb fisa.' Nid ydyn nhw'n mynd i dderbyn cyfyngiadau fisa o gwbl. Bydd arnyn nhw eisiau rhywbeth sy'n agos at ryddid i symud ar gyfer eu pobl eu hunain, ac wedyn beth mae'n mynd i ddweud bryd hynny? Mae'n gwrthwynebu rhyddid i symud i wladolion Ewropeaidd. A yw hynny'n golygu ei fod o blaid hynny i wladolion Awstralia, i wladolion yr India, i wladolion Americanaidd? Mae hynny'n rhywbeth nad yw UKIP erioed wedi rhoi sylw iddo.

Ac wedyn, wrth gwrs, yn olaf, fe wnaeth sylw sy'n celu, mewn gwirionedd, y math o syniadau am ryddid y farchnad sy'n rhemp yn UKIP. Dywedodd y byddem ni'n colli'r cyfle i gael ceir rhatach, bwyd rhatach, dillad rhatach ac esgidiau rhatach. Beth am weithwyr Prydain sy'n gweithio yn y sectorau hynny? Beth mae'n ei olygu i'n ffermwyr os caniatawn i gynnyrch israddol—cynhyrchion bwyd israddol—danseilio beth maen nhw'n ei gynhyrchu? Beth mae'n ei olygu i'n gweithwyr ceir os ydym ni'n caniatáu i geir ddod i mewn sy'n cael eu cynhyrchu am gost is o lawer ac nad ydyn nhw'n bodloni'r safonau amgylcheddol sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd? Ymddengys mai ei farn yw: Gadewch inni dorri'r safonau cywir at yr asgwrn a gadewch iddyn nhw ddod i mewn, tanseilio ein gweithwyr ein hunain. Dillad, esgidiau—yr holl ddiwydiannau hyn sy'n bwysig i Brydain. Nid wyf yn credu bod y rhai a bleidleisiodd 'gadael' wedi pleidleisio 'gadael' i beryglu eu swyddi eu hunain. Dywedodd llawer iawn, iawn o bobl wrthyf mai un o'r rhesymau pam roedden nhw yn pleidleisio 'gadael' oedd oherwydd eu bod yn teimlo bod eu swyddi yn ansicr a'u bywydau yn ansicr. Fyddan nhw byth yn pleidleisio am unrhyw beth sy'n edrych fel economi laissez-faire, rheoliad isel. Dyna'n union beth—roeddwn yn mynd i ddweud arweinydd UKIP, ond mae'r awenau yn newid dwylo—mae'r Aelod wedi dweud. Nid dyna, rwy'n credu, y pleidleisiodd pobl Prydain drosto, nid dyna'r weledigaeth y gwnaethon nhw bleidleisio o'i phlaid. Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn y maen nhw ei eisiau yw Brexit synhwyrol sy'n diogelu eu buddiannau a buddiannau Cymru.

15:35

First Minister, we were given very, very clear assurances during the referendum campaign and subsequently that there would be no denial of workers' rights, no reduction of workers' rights, that those would be protected all the way along. But when one reads the agreement, or the draft agreement as it's set out, superficially it seems quite attractive, because it talks about non-regression. But, First Minister, you will know, as well as I do, that non-regression clauses have very little legal status, are effectively unenforceable, have been rejected as giving any real grounds of support to workers' rights in European law and indeed in British law. The actual clauses that are set out there are ones that really aren't worth the paper that they are written on. Now, that's the view that I've taken of this, and I've also consulted with some of the country's leading employment lawyers, and this is what they say: they say it is therefore abundantly clear that the commitments on non-regression of labour standards and compliance with international labour organisation, the European social charter obligations, will be ineffective and will not achieve what the Government set out in its White Paper; in particular it will be almost certainly be impossible for trade unions and workers to rely directly on these commitments anyway. It is even more abundantly clear that theses commitments do not even begin to meet Labour's fourth test of: does it defend rights and protections and prevent a race to the bottom?

Do you agree, First Minister, with that analysis? And in this Assembly, as well as the debate that takes place in Westminster, one of our fundamental commitments is that working people in Wales will not have their rights taken away from them, and that this draft agreement, as it stands, significantly undermines and removes protection from Welsh workers in terms of the rights that they've enjoyed up until now? 

Prif Weinidog, fe roddwyd sicrwydd clir iawn, iawn inni yn ystod ymgyrch y refferendwm ac ar ôl hynny na fyddai unrhyw ymwrthod â hawliau gweithwyr, unrhyw gwtogi ar hawliau gweithwyr, y bydden nhw'n cael eu diogelu bob cam o'r ffordd. Ond wrth ddarllen y cytundeb, neu'r cytundeb drafft yn ei ddiwyg presennol, ar yr olwg gyntaf mae'n ymddangos yn eithaf deniadol, oherwydd mae'n sôn am beidio ag ildio'r hawliau hynny. Ond, Prif Weinidog, rydych chi'n gwybod, gystal â mi, mai ychydig iawn o statws cyfreithiol sydd i gymalau di-atchweliad, eu bod i bob pwrpas yn amhosib eu gorfodi, eu bod wedi'u gwrthod gan nad ydyn nhw'n rhoi unrhyw sail wirioneddol o gefnogaeth i hawliau gweithwyr yn y gyfraith Ewropeaidd nac yn wir yng nghyfraith Prydain. Nid yw'r union gymalau yn y ddogfen yn werth y papur y maen nhw wedi eu hysgrifennu arno. Nawr, dyna'r farn yr wyf i wedi dod iddi ynglŷn â hyn, ac rwyf i hefyd wedi ymgynghori â rhai o gyfreithwyr cyflogaeth mwyaf blaenllaw'r wlad, a dyma maen nhw yn ei ddweud: maen nhw'n dweud ei bod hi felly yn gwbl glir bod yr ymrwymiadau i beidio â gostwng safonau llafur a chydymffurfio gyda'r Sefydliad Llafur Rhyngwladol, rhwymedigaethau Siarter Cymdeithasol Ewrop, yn aneffeithiol ac na fyddan nhw'n cyflawni'r hyn y mae'r Llywodraeth yn ei nodi yn ei Phapur Gwyn; yn benodol bydd hi bron yn sicr yn amhosib i undebau llafur a gweithwyr ddibynnu'n uniongyrchol ar yr ymrwymiadau hyn beth bynnag. Mae hi hyd yn oed yn fwy clir nad yw'r ymrwymiadau hyn hyd yn oed yn dechrau bodloni pedwerydd prawf Llafur, sef: a yw'n amddiffyn hawliau ac amddiffyniadau ac yn atal ras i'r gwaelod?

A ydych chi'n cytuno, Prif Weinidog, gyda'r dadansoddiad hwnnw? Ac yn y Cynulliad hwn, yn ogystal ag yn y ddadl sy'n digwydd yn San Steffan, un o'n hymrwymiadau sylfaenol yw na chaiff pobl yng Nghymru sy'n gweithio eu hawliau wedi eu cymryd oddi arnyn nhw, a bod y cytundeb drafft hwn, fel y mae ar hyn o bryd, yn tanseilio'n sylweddol ac yn dileu'r amddiffyniad sydd gan weithwyr Cymru o ran yr hawliau y bu ganddyn nhw hyd yn hyn?

Well, yes I do. We know that there are many in the Conservative Party, and indeed we've heard it from UKIP today, who take the view that this is an opportunity to whittle away all those rights that have been hard-earned for so many years. They see it as a burden on business, whether it is a right to statutory leave, which 20 years ago didn't exist—there were workers in Wales who had no right to leave at all—whether it is statutory maternity pay, whether it is maternity leave or adoption leave. All these things are seen as unnecessary burdens by some on the economy, which they would like to do away with. But he will know, as I will know, that there are many, many people who, even though they voted 'leave', didn't vote for that vision. They wanted greater security, not some kind of buccaneering attitude that left them behind. So, yes, I am greatly concerned about where we will go in terms of social rights, in terms of workers' rights, but one thing that the Welsh Government will resist absolutely is any attempt to dilute those hard-won rights that workers in Wales and the rest of Britain have had for some years. 

Wel, ydw. Rydym ni'n gwybod fod llawer yn y Blaid Geidwadol, ac yn wir fe glywsom ni hynny gan UKIP heddiw, sydd o'r farn bod hwn yn gyfle i gael gwared ar yr hawliau hynny yr ymdrechwyd mor galed i'w hennill dros gynifer o flynyddoedd. Maen nhw'n gweld hynny fel baich ar fusnesau, p'un a yw'n hawl i absenoldeb statudol, nad oedd yn bodoli 20 mlynedd yn ôl—roedd yna weithwyr yng Nghymru nad oedd â hawl i unrhyw absenoldeb o gwbl—p'un a yw'n dâl mamolaeth statudol, p'un a yw'n absenoldeb mamolaeth neu absenoldeb mabwysiadu. Mae'r holl bethau hyn yn cael eu gweld fel beichiau diangen ar yr economi gan rai y byddent yn hoffi cael gwared arnyn nhw. Ond bydd yn gwybod, fel rwyf innau'n gwybod, y ceir llawer iawn, iawn o bobl, er iddyn nhw bleidleisio 'gadael', wnaethon nhw ddim pleidleisio dros y weledigaeth honno. Roedden nhw eisiau mwy o ddiogelwch, nid rhyw fath o agwedd beryglus fyddai'n eu gadael ar ôl. Felly, ydw, rwy'n pryderu'n fawr ynglŷn â beth fydd yn digwydd o ran hawliau cymdeithasol, o ran hawliau gweithwyr, ond un peth y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wrthsefyll yn llwyr yw unrhyw ymgais i wanhau'r hawliau hynny y gweithiwyd mor ddygn i'w sicrhau ac a fu gan weithwyr yng Nghymru a gweddill Prydain ers rhai blynyddoedd.

I'd like to thank the First Minister for his statement and also for your swift actions, First Minister, last week, in writing to the Prime Minister, jointly with Nicola Sturgeon, calling for a Joint Ministerial Committee as a matter of urgency. As far as the draft withdrawal agreement is concerned, I'm dismayed by the apparent disregard and low level of importance given in the political declaration with regard to future relationships with the EU. We've been focusing on this as a committee, taking evidence from the Welsh and UK Governments as well as partners in private, public and third sectors. Do you share this dismay? Will you be relaying these concerns on the political declaration to the Prime Minister when you meet with her tomorrow? As the Cabinet Secretary for Finance said yesterday after the JMC, which was called in order to respond to your letter, the focus should now be on Wales. Will you be asking her, as Mark Drakeford has, to claw a bit of time to think about the future of her country—a country that has four different Governments, each with their own responsibilities? And, First Minister, at a fair funding Brexit round-table meeting last week, where the socioeconomic context of the impact of Brexit was discussed, questions were asked about the impact of the draft withdrawal agreement in addressing the poverty and inequality caused by this Tory UK Government in its relentless pursuit of austerity. The question was also asked in terms of the draft withdrawal agreement about the protection of equalities and human rights. I support Mick Antoniw in this point and thank you for your response to his questions.

But, finally, in terms of securing Wales's future objectives, what will it mean for the Welsh Government, this draft agreement, already investing in our poorest citizens and communities, as we experience a disregard in terms of consultation on future prospects for funding, in terms of the shared prosperity fund, following the loss of our structural funds?

Fe hoffwn i ddiolch i'r Prif Weinidog am ei ddatganiad a hefyd am eich camau gweithredu cyflym, Prif Weinidog, yr wythnos diwethaf, ar y cyd â Nicola Sturgeon, yn galw am gyfarfod o Gyd-bwyllgor y Gweinidogion fel mater o frys. O ran y cytundeb ymadael, rwyf wedi fy siomi gan y diffyg parch a'r diffyg pwysigrwydd ymddangosiadol yn y datganiad gwleidyddol o ran y berthynas gyda'r UE yn y dyfodol. Rydym ni wedi bod yn canolbwyntio ar hyn fel Pwyllgor, yn casglu tystiolaeth gan Lywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU yn ogystal â phartneriaid yn y sectorau preifat, cyhoeddus a'r trydydd sector. A ydych chi'n rhannu'r siom yma? A fyddwch chi'n mynegi'r pryderon hyn ynglŷn â'r datganiad gwleidyddol i Brif Weinidog y DU pan fyddwch chi'n cwrdd â hi yfory? Fel y dywedodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros gyllid ddoe ar ôl cyfarfod Cyd-bwyllgor y Gweinidogion, a drefnwyd er mwyn ateb eich llythyr, dylid canolbwyntio ar Gymru bellach. A fyddwch chi'n gofyn iddi, fel y mae Mark Drakeford wedi gwneud, i grafangu rhywfaint o amser i feddwl am ddyfodol ei gwlad—gwlad sydd â phedair Llywodraeth wahanol, pob un â'u cyfrifoldebau eu hunain? A, Prif Weinidog, mewn cyfarfod bord gron ynglŷn â Brexit ac ariannu teg yr wythnos diwethaf, lle trafodwyd y cyd-destun economaidd-gymdeithasol o effaith Brexit, gofynnwyd cwestiynau am effaith y cytundeb ymadael drafft o ran mynd i'r afael â'r tlodi a'r anghydraddoldeb a achoswyd gan y Lywodraeth Dorïaidd hon yn y DU yn ei hymgyrch ddidrugaredd o gyni. Gofynnwyd y cwestiwn hefyd o ran y cytundeb ymadael drafft ynghylch diogelu cydraddoldeb a hawliau dynol. Rwy'n cefnogi Mick Antoniw yn hyn o beth ac yn diolch i chi am eich ateb i'w gwestiynau.

Ond, yn olaf, o ran amcanion Diogelu Dyfodol Cymru, beth fydd hyn yn ei olygu i Lywodraeth Cymru, y cytundeb drafft hwn, sydd eisoes yn buddsoddi yn ein dinasyddion a'n cymunedau tlotaf, pan gawn ni ein diystyru wrth ymgynghori ar y rhagolygon ar gyfer dyfodol cyllid, o ran y gronfa ffyniant gyffredin, yn sgil colli ein cronfeydd strwythurol?

15:40

Can I thank my friend and Member for the Vale of Glamorgan for her comments? We were promised that we wouldn't lose out on a single penny of funding, and that's a promise we intend to hold the UK Government to.

I think one of the lost opportunities here was that the Prime Minister very much took the view before the general election that she was the one who would take this forward and did not see the need to engage the devolved administrations at that point. Now, I think it's probably fair to say that if the Conservative Party had won with a handsome majority of 90 to 100 seats, then I daresay that we wouldn't be in this position where they have to talk to us as they do today. But that's not, of course, what the outcome was. Of course, the lost opportunity was that if the Prime Minister had not painted herself into such a corner, a hard-ish Brexit corner, there might have been the opportunity to work with the UK Government on the kind of Brexit that we would have wanted. We maybe would have been in the position where we could have said, 'Okay, look, we need to leave the EU, people have voted for that, but let's have full and unfettered access to the single market—that's important to us. There is no better alternative to the customs union, so let's stay in the customs union.' Now, if that had been the attitude of the UK Government at the start, that would have been close to our position; we could have been in a position where we could have been supportive, but all that was lost. It's a hypothetical question.

And now, what the UK Government finds itself in is a position where nobody is happy. Remainers are not happy, leavers are not happy, we're not happy, the Scottish Government isn't happy, the DUP—well, they're rarely happy, but they're particularly unhappy at this point. And where does that leave us? The problem is that this wasn't handled as it should have been at the beginning, but this situation could have been avoided. I'm not saying that it would have been avoided, but it could have been avoided. But sadly, of course, it was that lack of consultation and engagement that led us to this position, and certainly I hope that in the future lessons are learned by UK Governments that in order to be more effective, they have to talk to us and, of course, have to make sure that we feel that we're not just listened to, but that what we suggest is actually taken up. Because it's happened, of course, with Brexit. They have moved onto our turf—not entirely, but certainly in part—but much of this could have been avoided two years ago if the lines of communication had been more open.

A gaf i ddiolch i fy nghyfaill a'r Aelod dros Fro Morgannwg am ei sylwadau? Addawyd inni na fyddem ni'n colli yr un geiniog o arian, ac rydym ni'n bwriadu dwyn Llywodraeth y DU i gyfrif o ran yr addewid yna.

Rwy'n credu mai un o'r cyfleoedd a gollwyd yn hyn o beth oedd bod Prif Weinidog y DU i raddau helaeth iawn wedi arddel y safbwynt cyn yr etholiad cyffredinol mai hi oedd yr un a fyddai'n cael y maen i'r wal yn hyn o beth ac nad oedd hi'n gweld yr angen i gynnwys y gweinyddiaethau datganoledig bryd hynny. Nawr, rwy'n credu ei bod hi mae'n debyg yn deg dweud pe byddai'r Blaid Geidwadol wedi ennill mwyafrif teilwng o 90 i 100 o seddi, yna mae'n siŵr na fyddem ni yn y sefyllfa hon lle mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw siarad â ni fel y maen nhw yn ei wneud heddiw. Ond nid dyna, wrth gwrs, oedd y canlyniad. Wrth gwrs, y cyfle a gollwyd oedd os nad oedd Prif Weinidog y DU wedi gwasgu ei hun i gornel o'r fath, cornel Brexit caled, efallai y byddai cyfle i weithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar y math o Brexit y byddem ni wedi ei ddymuno. Efallai y byddem ni wedi bod yn y sefyllfa lle gallasem ni fod wedi dweud, 'Iawn, edrychwch, mae angen inni adael yr UE, mae pobl wedi pleidleisio dros hynny, ond gadewch inni gael mynediad llawn a dilyffethair i'r farchnad sengl—mae hynny'n bwysig i ni. Does dim dewis gwell i'r undeb tollau, felly gadewch i ni aros yn yr undeb tollau.' Nawr, os mai dyna oedd agwedd Llywodraeth y DU ar y dechrau, buasai hynny wedi bod yn agos at ein safbwynt ni; fe allem ni fod wedi bod mewn sefyllfa lle byddem ni wedi gallu bod yn gefnogol, ond fe gollwyd hynny i gyd. Mae'n gwestiwn damcaniaethol.

A nawr, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei chael ei hun mewn sefyllfa lle nad oes neb yn hapus. Nid yw'r bobl sydd eisiau aros yn hapus, nid yw'r rhai sydd eisiau gadael yn hapus, dydym ni ddim yn hapus, dydy Llywodraeth yr Alban ddim yn hapus, y DUP—wel, dydyn nhw bron byth yn hapus, ond maen nhw'n arbennig o anhapus ar hyn o bryd. A lle mae hynny'n ein gadael ni? Y broblem yw na chafodd hyn ei drin fel y dylai fod wedi ei drin yn y lle cyntaf, ond gellid bod wedi osgoi'r sefyllfa hon. Nid wyf yn dweud y byddai wedi ei osgoi, ond y gallai fod wedi ei osgoi. Ond yn anffodus, wrth gwrs, y diffyg ymgynghori ac ymgysylltu a'n harweiniodd at y sefyllfa hon, ac rwy'n sicr yn gobeithio yn y dyfodol y bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn dysgu gwersi, sef er mwyn bod yn fwy effeithiol, bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw siarad â ni ac, wrth gwrs, bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n teimlo nid yn unig y gwrandewir arnom ni, ond y gweithredir ar yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei ddweud. Oherwydd mae hynny wedi digwydd, wrth gwrs, gyda Brexit. Maen nhw wedi troedio ar ein tiriogaeth ni—nid yn gyfan gwbl, ond yn sicr yn rhannol—ond gellid bod wedi osgoi llawer o hyn ddwy flynedd yn ôl pe bai'r llinellau cyfathrebu wedi bod yn fwy agored.

First of all, I also want to reiterate how shameful it is that Wales has not been consulted meaningfully on the withdrawal agreement. It's not good enough, as the Cabinet Secretary for Finance said yesterday, just to listen to what we say and then go away and we hear no more. The last of the Labour Party's six tests is: does it deliver for all regions and nations of the UK? And it certainly does not. Does the First Minister believe, in fact, that the withdrawal agreement meets any of those six tests that the Labour Party has put forward?

The withdrawal agreement lays out how EU citizens and families and UK citizens will be protected after we leave the EU. Those are people who have chosen where they would live under the freedom of movement, which, up to now, has been our right, within the EU. Now that we're losing the right of freedom of movement, does he not agree that the uncertainty about who is going to be able to stay in this country and who will come here in the future is causing great uncertainty for businesses? I had a meeting yesterday with a company director from Cardiff North of a medical products manufacturing company who relies heavily on European staff. He was telling me, in fact, how much he felt for those staff at the moment, because they were so uncertain—they felt so uncertain about their future. And, of course, we have had some information laid down in this withdrawal document today, but we don't know what the future will hold. He is very uncertain about how his company, which is a very valued company in Cardiff North, will prosper in the future, with the future proposals for immigration and no freedom of movement, and, of course, we do know what the CBI's view is about the Government's plans for immigration.

So, doesn't he agree as well that some of the rhetoric that has been used around the immigration issue does not foster good relations—Theresa May's words were that her deal will stop EU nationals 'jumping the queue'—and how unnecessary it is to use that sort of expression? It's building up division again, and I think we had such a spike in hate crime when we had the referendum, and there are more hate crimes now being reported than have ever happened before, and I think it is behoven on us, all of us politicians, that we must be very careful with the words that we use in order that we, in this very, very difficult time, don't increase the feelings of insecurity that many of our citizens have as a result of this very divisive vote and the very divisive politics that we're experiencing at the moment. So, has the First Minister got any comments he could make about that particular issue?

Yn gyntaf oll, fe hoffwn i hefyd ailadrodd pa mor gywilyddus yw hi nad ymgynghorwyd yn ystyrlon â Chymru ynglŷn â'r cytundeb ymadael. Nid yw'n ddigon da, fel y dywedodd yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros Gyllid ddoe, dim ond gwrando ar yr hyn a ddywedwn ni ac yna mynd ymaith a dydym ni'n clywed dim mwy. Yr olaf o chwe phrawf y Blaid Lafur yw: a yw'n darparu ar gyfer holl ranbarthau a gwledydd y Deyrnas Unedig? Ac nid yw'n gwneud hynny, yn sicr. A yw Prif Weinidog Cymru yn credu, mewn gwirionedd, bod y cytundeb ymadael yn bodloni unrhyw un o'r chwe phrawf hynny a gyflwynwyd gan y Blaid Lafur?

Mae'r cytundeb ymadael yn gosod allan sut y caiff dinasyddion a theuluoedd yr UE a dinasyddion y DU eu diogelu ar ôl inni adael yr UE. Dyna'r bobl sydd wedi dewis ble maen nhw eisiau byw yn unol â'u rhyddid i symud, a oedd, hyd yma, yn hawl i ni, o fewn yr UE. Nawr ein bod ni'n colli'r hawl hwnnw o ryddid i symud, onid yw'n cytuno bod yr ansicrwydd ynghylch pwy sy'n mynd i allu aros yn y wlad hon a phwy fydd yn dod yma yn y dyfodol yn achosi ansicrwydd mawr i fusnesau? Cefais gyfarfod ddoe â chyfarwyddwr cwmni o Ogledd Gaerdydd sy'n gwneud cynhyrchion meddygol ac sy'n dibynnu'n drwm ar staff Ewropeaidd. Roedd yn dweud wrthyf i, mewn gwirionedd, cymaint yr oedd yn tosturio wrth y staff hynny ar hyn o bryd, oherwydd eu bod mor ansicr—maen nhw'n teimlo mor ansicr ynghylch eu dyfodol. Ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni wedi cael rhywfaint o wybodaeth yn y ddogfen ymadael hon heddiw, ond nid ydym ni'n gwybod beth fydd ar y gorwel. Mae'n ansicr iawn ynghylch sut y bydd ei gwmni, sy'n gwmni gwerthfawr iawn yng Ngogledd Caerdydd, yn ffynnu yn y dyfodol, gyda'r cynigion ar gyfer mewnfudo yn y dyfodol a dim rhyddid i symud, ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n gwybod beth yw barn Cydffederasiwn Diwydiant Prydain am gynlluniau'r Llywodraeth o ran mewnfudo.

Felly, onid yw'n cytuno hefyd nad yw peth o'r rhethreg a defnyddiwyd o ran y mater mewnfudo wedi meithrin cysylltiadau da—geiriau Theresa May oedd y bydd ei chytundeb yn rhwystro gwladolion yr UE rhag 'neidio i flaen y rhes'—a pha mor ddiangen yw hi i ddefnyddio'r math yna o ymadrodd? Mae'n hau rhaniadau eto, ac rwy'n credu y cawsom ni cymaint o gynnydd sydyn mewn troseddau casineb pan gawsom ni'r refferendwm, ac adroddir am fwy o droseddau casineb bellach nag erioed o'r blaen, ac mae dyletswydd  arnom ni, bob un ohonom ni wleidyddion, bod yn rhaid inni fod yn ofalus iawn gyda'r geiriau a ddefnyddiwn ni fel nad ydym ni, ar yr adeg anodd iawn, iawn yma, yn cynyddu'r teimladau o ansicrwydd sydd gan lawer o'n dinasyddion o ganlyniad i'r bleidlais gynhennus iawn hon a'r wleidyddiaeth gynhennus iawn hon yr ydym ni'n dyst iddi ar hyn o bryd. Felly, a oes gan y Prif Weinidog unrhyw sylwadau a hoffai eu gwneud am y mater penodol hwnnw?

15:45

Yes. It was certainly very much an issue in the aftermath of the referendum that we saw a spike in hate crime. One of the things that I did was to go and visit communities around Wales—a Polish community in Llanelli, of course, and I went to a meeting in Swansea—just to reassure people that the Welsh Government and the people of Wales are welcoming, and that it wasn't the case, as some people did believe, that they would somehow be thrown out of the country very soon, even to the extent that one person said to me that she feared the knock on the door. That's how bad it was as far as their perception of what might happen.

On the issue of citizens' rights, the withdrawal agreement does take us further and provides some kind of certainty compared to where we once were, but, of course, what businesses are saying to me is that, yes, they understand the point that there is a need to get skilled labour and professionals in the health service—we've all talked about that—but also there's a need for unskilled labour as well, people who are going to work in jobs that are not as highly paid, which are unattractive in a climate of full employment, such as the abattoirs. I keep on mentioning them; I'm not running a kind of vendetta against them, but they do find it difficult to recruit because the nature of the job is unpleasant for most people. Where will they get their people? If they can't get their people from the EU, that means they won't be able to function, and people who live locally won't be able to get a job there either, because the opportunities won't be there. So, these things have been missed by the UK Government.

And, of course, the tragedy of this is that people celebrate the ending of freedom of movement. What does it mean in practice? It means that UK citizens will not be able to travel and live freely in 26 other countries that they previously could—it's a wall. However, if you're Austrian or German or French, you can travel to 26 other countries, but not freely to the UK. So, actually, you can travel to all these countries around Europe without any restrictions. If you're Irish, you can travel to them all—UK and every other country in the European Union. So, what in fact has happened is that restrictions on freedom of movement have actually applied more strictly to our own people than to anyone else in Europe, because it's our own people who now won't be able to live and travel and work as they used to, whereas every other citizen in Europe will be able to do it, except they won't be able to come to the UK in the same way. So, actually, it's been a self-defeating action to limit the places where UK citizens can actually go and live long term, and work long term. Those strictures will not apply to other countries in Europe. So, it shows that what we've done here is not actually to create a situation where immigration is in some way better controlled in the UK; it's meant that UK citizens will now have controls put on them when they have to travel to other countries in Europe.

Oes. Roedd hwn yn fater pwysig, yn dilyn y refferendwm, inni weld cynnydd sydyn mewn troseddau casineb. Un o'r pethau a wnes i oedd ymweld â chymunedau ledled Cymru—cymuned Bwylaidd yn Llanelli, wrth gwrs, ac es i gyfarfod yn Abertawe—er mwyn tawelu meddyliau pobl bod Llywodraeth Cymru a phobl Cymru yn groesawgar iddynt, ac nad oedd unrhyw wirionedd, fel y credai rhai pobl, y bydden nhw'n cael eu taflu allan o'r wlad rywsut cyn hir. Dywedodd un person wrthyf, hyd yn oed, ei bod hi'n ofni clywed y gnoc ar y drws. Dyna pa mor ddrwg y gallai pethau fod, yn eu tyb nhw.

Ar fater hawliau dinasyddion, mae'r cytundeb tynnu'n ôl yn ein tywys ni ymhellach ac yn rhoi rhyw fath o sicrwydd o'i chymharu â'r sefyllfa yr oeddem ynddi hi o'r blaen. Ond, wrth gwrs, yr hyn y mae busnesau yn ei ddweud wrthyf i yw, ydyn, maen nhw'n deall y pwynt bod angen cael gweithwyr proffesiynol a medrus yn y gwasanaeth iechyd—ac rydym ni i gyd wedi siarad am hynny—ond mae angen cael gweithwyr heb sgiliau hefyd, pobl a fydd yn gweithio mewn swyddi nad ydyn nhw'n ennill cyflog mor uchel, sy'n anneniadol mewn hinsawdd o gyflogaeth lawn, fel lladd-dai. Rwy'n dal i sôn amdanyn nhw; nid oes gennyf i ddim yn eu herbyn nhw, ond y maen nhw'n ei chael hi'n anodd recriwtio oherwydd natur annymunol y swydd yng ngolwg y rhan fwyaf o bobl. O ble y daw eu gweithwyr? Os na allan nhw gael eu gweithwyr o'r UE, bydd hynny'n golygu na fyddan nhw'n gallu gweithredu, ac ni fydd pobl sy'n byw yn lleol yn gallu cael swydd yno ychwaith, oherwydd ni fydd y cyfleoedd i'w cael yno. Felly, mae'r pethau hyn wedi mynd ar goll gan Lywodraeth y DU.

Ac, wrth gwrs, y drychineb yw bod pobl yn dathlu'r ffaith bod y rhyddid i symud yn dod i ben. Beth mae hyn yn ei olygu yn ymarferol? Mae'n golygu na fydd dinasyddion y DU yn gallu teithio na byw yn ddilyffethair mewn 26 o wledydd eraill fel yr oedden nhw'n gallu o'r blaen—mur yw hwn. Er hynny, os ydych chi o Awstria neu o'r Almaen neu o Ffrainc, gallwch deithio i 26 o wledydd eraill, ond nid  i'r DU. Felly, mewn gwirionedd, gallwch chi deithio i'r holl wledydd hyn ledled Ewrop heb unrhyw gyfyngiadau. Os ydych chi o Iwerddon, gallwch deithio i bob un ohonyn nhw—y  DU a phob gwlad arall yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Felly, yr hyn sydd wedi digwydd mewn gwirionedd yw bod cyfyngiadau ar y rhyddid i symud yn llymach ar ein pobl ni ein hunain nag ar unrhyw un arall yn Ewrop. Ein pobl ni ein hunain yw'r rhai na fyddan nhw bellach yn gallu byw a theithio a gweithio fel y buon nhw, tra bydd pob dinesydd eraill yn Ewrop yn gallu gwneud hynny, ond ni fyddant yn gallu dod i'r DU yn yr un modd. Felly, mewn gwirionedd, bu hon yn weithred hunandrechol sy'n cyfyngu ar y mannau lle gall dinasyddion y DU fynd iddyn nhw a byw ynddyn nhw yn yr hirdymor, a gweithio yn yr hirdymor. Ni fydd y cyfyngiadau hynny'n berthnasol i wledydd eraill yn Ewrop. Felly, mae'n dangos mai'r hyn yr ydym wedi ei wneud yw nid creu sefyllfa lle mae mewnfudo yn cael ei reoli'n well gan y DU; mae wedi golygu y bydd rheolaethau ar ddinasyddion y DU bellach pan fydd yn rhaid iddyn nhw deithio i wledydd eraill yn Ewrop.

5. Datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg: Symudedd Myfyrwyr Rhyngwladol
5. Statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education: International Student Mobility

Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar symudedd myfyrwyr rhyngwladol. Galwaf ar yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet i wneud ei datganiad. Kirsty Williams.

The next item, therefore, is a statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on international student mobility. I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make the statement. Kirsty Williams.

Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. Only 2 per cent of Welsh students at universities currently spend time abroad studying, volunteering or undertaking work experience as part of their studies. At a time when it’s never been more important for our students and graduates to be global citizens, for there to be stronger cultural and economic links between Wales and the world, and for even greater academic and employability outcomes for our students, we need to ensure that international opportunities are an aspiration for many more students. 

Diolch yn fawr iawn, Llywydd.  Ar hyn o bryd, dim ond 2 y cant o fyfyrwyr mewn prifysgolion sy'n treulio amser yn astudio, yn gwirfoddoli neu ar brofiad gwaith dramor fel rhan o'u hastudiaethau. Ar adeg pan na fu erioed cyn bwysiced i'n myfyrwyr a'n graddedigion fod yn ddinasyddion byd-eang, a chael cysylltiadau diwylliannol ac economaidd cryfach rhwng Cymru a'r byd, a chael canlyniadau academaidd a chyflogadwyedd gwell eto hyd yn oed i'n myfyrwyr, mae angen inni sicrhau bod cyfleoedd rhyngwladol yn uchelgais i lawer mwy o fyfyrwyr.

15:50

Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.

The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.

I want to see the number of Welsh students who spend time abroad as part of their studies double by the end of this Government. As someone who benefited hugely from time studying abroad as an undergraduate, I know how such an experience broadens horizons, expands key skills and ensures connections that last a lifetime. Research from Universities UK points out that these gains are particularly significant for students from disadvantaged backgrounds. However, it is these students who too often miss out on, or don't even apply for, these transformational opportunities.

We have made a start on addressing this by targeting Generation UK—China student mobility funding towards widening participation. Today, I'm announcing a new international student mobility pilot, which will make a significant contribution to our ambitions to increase opportunities and raise aspirations. We have been developing the pilot in discussion with British Council Wales as part of our response to the Diamond review's recommendation on support for students who choose to study overseas.  It will focus on Welsh-domiciled students at Welsh higher education institutions and it will run for three years from 2018-19. The pilot will offer a mix of opportunities for Welsh students at Welsh HE institutions, including study, volunteering and internship, ranging from two to three weeks to eight weeks. Our scoping study showed that it is these sorts of opportunities that will lead to the strongest take-up.

This will help to encourage participation from a wider group of students, hopefully including those with, for example, caring responsibilities or in employment, and will avoid duplication of any schemes already available. I believe strongly that Government should invest in these opportunities, but there is also a responsibility for universities to step up. On that note, I am pleased that many Welsh universities have signed up to Universities UK's Go International campaign to double the percentage of undergraduates who have an international placement as part of their university programme.

We are investing £1.3 million in this pilot over the next three years, and further details on those mobility opportunities will be published shortly. Of course, there are already good examples of work taking place within the sector with the support of Government, and I'd like to take the opportunity to mention these today also. We were recently able to support the Global Wales project with European transition fund investment worth £3.5 million. This funding will not only support the promotion of Wales as a study destination, but will also support outward mobility opportunities for Welsh students in Global Wales's priority markets, such as Vietnam and the United States. These opportunities, as part of our wider international education programme, are important for social mobility, employability skills and soft power links for Wales. 

The Seren Network goes from strength to strength, and I was delighted earlier this year to secure a new partnership between Yale University and Seren. This new partnership resulted in 16 Seren students having the opportunity to participate in the Yale young global scholars summer programme. Let me tell you, Members, this was a life-changing experience for all that took part. This exciting partnership will continue and expand in 2019. These relationships with leading global universities have also offered us the opportunity to lever engagement in our wider education reforms, and I hope to make further announcements on this very soon.

As I mentioned earlier, our new investment provides additional and new opportunities. It will not duplicate existing schemes. We are clear in our view that the United Kingdom should continue to participate in Erasmus after Brexit. Wales benefits hugely from our participation in Erasmus+, allowing people to study and undertake work experience and volunteering in another EU country. In fact, the total funding awarded to Welsh projects amounts to some 6 per cent of the UK total Erasmus+ funding awarded since 2014, and that is above our population share. The call for the 2019 projects has just been announced by the British Council and I would encourage Welsh institutions to submit applications.

In conclusion, Deputy Presiding Officer, I am determined that many more of our students, from all backgrounds, benefit from the transformational experience of spending time studying, volunteering or undertaking work experience abroad. International experiences benefit individual students, strengthen overseas links for our universities, and promote bilateral exchanges for Wales with communities and countries across the world. Thank you.

Rwy'n dymuno gweld nifer y myfyrwyr o Gymru sy'n treulio amser dramor fel rhan o'u hastudiaethau yn dyblu erbyn y bydd y Llywodraeth hon yn dod i'w therfyn. Fel myfyrwraig a wnaeth elwa'n fawr ar gyfnod o astudio dramor cyn graddio, gwn sut mae profiad o'r fath yn ehangu gorwelion, yn ehangu sgiliau allweddol ac yn sicrhau cysylltiadau sy'n para am oes. Mae ymchwil gan Universities UK yn nodi bod y buddion hyn yn arbennig o arwyddocaol i fyfyrwyr o gefndiroedd difreintiedig. Er hynny, y myfyrwyr hyn yn amlach na dim sy'n colli allan, neu hyd yn oed ddim yn ymgeisio am y cyfleoedd trawsffurfiol hyn.

Rydym wedi dechrau arni wrth fynd i'r afael â hyn drwy anelu cyllid symudedd myfyrwyr Generation UK—China tuag at ehangu cyfranogiad. Heddiw, rwy'n cyhoeddi cynllun peilot symudedd myfyrwyr rhyngwladol newydd, a fydd yn gwneud cyfraniad sylweddol at ein huchelgais i gynyddu cyfleoedd a chodi dyheadau. Rydym wedi datblygu'r cynllun peilot gan drafod â British Council Cymru fel rhan o'n hymateb i argymhelliad adolygiad Diamond ar gymorth i fyfyrwyr sy'n dewis astudio dramor. Bydd yn canolbwyntio ar fyfyrwyr sy'n byw yng Nghymru yn sefydliadau addysg uwch Cymru a bydd yn rhedeg am dair blynedd o 2018-19. Bydd y cynllun peilot yn cynnig cymysgedd o gyfleoedd i fyfyrwyr o Gymru mewn sefydliadau AU yng Nghymru, gan gynnwys astudiaeth, gwirfoddoli ac interniaeth, yn amrywio o ddwy wythnos i dair hyd wyth wythnos. Dangosodd ein hastudiaeth gwmpasu mai cyfleoedd fel hyn fyddai'n denu'r mwyafrif o fyfyrwyr.

Bydd hyn yn helpu i annog cyfranogiad gan grŵp ehangach o fyfyrwyr, gan gynnwys y rheini sydd â chyfrifoldebau gofalu neu mewn gwaith, er enghraifft, a bydd yn osgoi dyblygu unrhyw gynlluniau sydd ar gael eisoes. Rwy'n credu'n gryf y dylai'r Llywodraeth fuddsoddi yn y cyfleoedd hyn, ond mae gan y prifysgolion gyfrifoldeb i ddod i'r adwy hefyd. Ar y nodyn hwnnw, rwy'n falch bod llawer o brifysgolion Cymru wedi ymaelodi ag ymgyrch Go International Universities UK i ddyblu'r ganran o israddedigion sy'n mynd ar leoliad rhyngwladol fel rhan o'u rhaglen prifysgol.

Rydym yn buddsoddi £1.3 miliwn yn y cynllun peilot hwn dros y tair blynedd nesaf, a bydd manylion pellach am y cyfleoedd symudedd hynny'n cael eu cyhoeddi cyn bo hir. Wrth gwrs, ceir enghreifftiau da eisoes o waith yn digwydd o fewn y sector gyda chefnogaeth y Llywodraeth, a hoffwn achub ar y cyfle i sôn am hyn hefyd heddiw. Yn ddiweddar, roeddem ni'n gallu cefnogi prosiect Cymru Fyd-eang gyda buddsoddiad o gronfa bontio Ewropeaidd gwerth £3.5 miliwn. Bydd yr arian hwn nid yn unig yn cefnogi hyrwyddo Cymru fel cyrchfan i astudio, ond bydd hefyd yn cefnogi cyfleoedd symudedd allanol myfyrwyr o Gymru ym marchnadoedd blaenoriaeth Cymru Fyd-eang, megis Fietnam a'r Unol Daleithiau. Bydd y cyfleoedd hyn, fel rhan o'n rhaglen addysg ryngwladol ehangach, yn bwysig ar gyfer symudedd cymdeithasol, sgiliau cyflogadwyedd a chysylltiadau cymell tawel er mwyn Cymru.

Mae Rhwydwaith Seren yn mynd o nerth i nerth, ac roeddwn yn falch iawn yn gynharach eleni o sicrhau partneriaeth newydd rhwng Prifysgol Yale a Seren. Arweiniodd y bartneriaeth newydd hon at 16 o fyfyrwyr Seren yn cael y cyfle i gymryd rhan yn rhaglen haf ysgolheigion ifanc byd-eang Yale. Gallaf ddweud wrthych chi, Aelodau, fod hwn yn brofiad i newid bywydau pawb a gymerodd ran ynddo. Bydd y bartneriaeth gyffrous hon yn parhau ac ehangu yn 2019. Mae'r cysylltiadau hyn â phrifysgolion blaenllaw byd-eang yn gyfle inni hefyd ysgogi'r ymgysylltu â'n diwygiadau addysg ehangach, ac rwy'n gobeithio gwneud cyhoeddiadau pellach am hyn yn fuan iawn.

Fel y soniais yn gynharach, mae ein buddsoddiad newydd yn cynnig cyfleoedd ychwanegol a newydd. Ni fydd yn dyblygu cynlluniau presennol. Rydym o'r farn gadarn y dylai'r Deyrnas Unedig barhau i gymryd rhan yn Erasmus ar ôl Brexit. Mae Cymru yn elwa'n fawr iawn ar gymryd rhan yn Erasmus+, gan ganiatáu i bobl astudio ac ymgymryd â phrofiad gwaith a gwirfoddoli mewn gwlad arall yn yr UE. Yn wir, mae cyfanswm y cyllid a ddyfarnwyd i brosiectau Cymru oddeutu 6 y cant o gyfanswm y cyllid a ddyfarnwyd gan Erasmus+ ers 2014, ac mae hynny'n uwch na'n cyfran o'r boblogaeth. Mae'r alwad am brosiectau 2019 newydd gael ei chyhoeddi gan y British Council a byddwn yn annog sefydliadau i gyflwyno ceisiadau.

I gloi, Dirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n benderfynol y bydd llawer mwy o'n myfyrwyr, o bob cefndir, yn elwa ar y profiad trawsnewidiol o dreulio amser yn astudio, yn gwirfoddoli neu'n ymgymryd â phrofiad gwaith dramor. Mae profiadau rhyngwladol o fudd i fyfyrwyr unigol, yn cryfhau cysylltiadau ein prifysgolion dramor, ac yn hyrwyddo cyfnewid dwyochrog i Gymru gyda chymunedau a gwledydd ledled y byd. Diolch.

15:55

I welcome the statement from the Cabinet Secretary. As someone relatively new to this portfolio, I was actually shocked myself to learn only 2 per cent of Welsh students currently spend time abroad studying and volunteering or carrying out work experience. It is heartening to hear your statement that you do intend to double that figure by the end of this Government. But of particular concern to me is how the opportunities do present themselves for those from disadvantaged backgrounds—our care leavers, disabled students. And I ask how the new international student mobility pilot that focuses on Welsh higher education—how will you be hoping this will extend, if at all, to the further education sector? Because, to me, it's important that children from both sectors are able to experience the opportunities that present. So, if not, why is this not the case? It is crucial that our under-represented groups do have the same opportunities to go on international— you know, courses away. And I just simply cannot see why that would not be the case. So, if the Cabinet Secretary could enlighten us further. 

Rwy'n croesawu'r datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Fel rhywun sy'n gymharol newydd i'r portffolio hwn, cefais innau fy synnu mewn gwirionedd o ddysgu mai ar hyn o bryd dim ond 2 y cant o fyfyrwyr sy'n treulio amser dramor, yn astudio a gwirfoddoli neu'n gwneud profiad gwaith. Mae'n galonogol i glywed yn eich datganiad eich bod yn bwriadu dyblu'r ffigur hwnnw cyn y daw'r Llywodraeth hon i'w therfyn. Ond pryder arbennig yn fy ngolwg i yw sut y daw'r cyfleoedd i ran y rhai o gefndiroedd difreintiedig—ein pobl ifanc sy'n gadael gofal, myfyrwyr anabl. Ac rwy'n gofyn sut fydd y cynllun peilot symudedd myfyrwyr rhyngwladol newydd yn canolbwyntio ar addysg uwch yng Nghymru—sut fyddech chi'n gobeithio y bydd hyn yn ymestyn, os o gwbl, i'r sector addysg bellach? Oherwydd, yn fy marn i, mae'n bwysig bod plant o'r ddau sector yn gallu cael profiad o'r cyfleoedd a ddaw. Felly, os na, pam nad yw hynny'n digwydd? Mae'n hanfodol bod gan ein grwpiau a dangynrychiolir yr un cyfleoedd i fynd ar gyrsiau rhyngwladol—wyddoch chi. Ac ni allaf yn fy myw weld pam lai. Felly, a oes modd i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet roi mwy o oleuni inni ar hynny.

Can I thank Janet for that question? Could I make it absolutely clear that the reason why we are going for relatively short periods for the pilot is to allow for students that do perhaps have other responsibilities, who could not afford the time to take a year abroad, which is perhaps traditionally what many students would see as a period of international study?

These short placements, for two to three weeks up to eight weeks, will allow for, we believe, following research that has been undertaken on behalf of Welsh Government by OB3 Research and the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods—. This gives us the optimum chance for the highest level of take-up. These particular grants are available for those studying in Welsh higher education institutions, as recommended by Diamond. But that's not to say that there aren't significant opportunities for international study in the FE sector. Of course, in many areas, FE colleges are delivering A-level programmes to our Seren students and are participating in the Seren programme. You've just heard me say about our new links with Yale University, and we are hoping to build upon those. And FE colleges have been particularly successful in drawing down Erasmus+ funding. Both our school sector and our FE colleges have excelled themselves. As I've said, we have had a greater than population share of the resources under Erasmus+ that has looked to fund a range of very exciting projects in FE that have allowed FE students studying at academic and vocational colleges to have periods of study abroad.

The challenge we have now, Janet—and perhaps you can help us with this—is convincing your colleagues in the Government in Westminster to allow us to continue to participate fully in the Erasmus+ programme. And, at the moment, it is far from clear, after 2020, that we will be able to do that. The Westminster Government is currently undertaking a value for money study. We have been more than happy to support that review with all the data from Wales, which I believe makes a very strong case for continued participation in the scheme. The universities of Wales and the colleges of Wales are very clear on their desire to continue to participate fully in Erasmus+, as is the students' union of Wales. It seems, though, that, at this moment, those voices have not been listened to.

And I would, once again, reiterate the experience of Switzerland, who left the Erasmus+ programme—decided they could do something better on their own. It ended up costing them more money for fewer opportunities. We should learn from that and not think that some UK-alone scheme would be a satisfactory replacement for ongoing continuation and participation in Erasmus+, which is, as I said, what this Government wants, what the students of Wales want, and what the universities and colleges of Wales want.

A gaf i ddiolch i Janet am y cwestiwn hwnnw? A gaf i egluro mai'r rheswm pam yr ydym yn dewis cyfnodau cymharol fyr ar gyfer y cynllun peilot yw eu bod nhw'n caniatáu i fyfyrwyr sydd efallai â chyfrifoldebau eraill, na allen nhw fforddio'r amser i dreulio blwyddyn dramor, sef y cyfnod traddodiadol efallai y byddai llawer o fyfyrwyr yn ei ystyried yn gyfnod o astudiaeth ryngwladol?

Bydd y lleoliadau byr hyn, am ddwy wythnos i dair hyd at wyth wythnos, yn caniatáu, yn ein barn ni, yn dilyn ymchwil a gyflawnwyd ar ran Llywodraeth Cymru gan OB3 Research a Sefydliad Ymchwil, Data a Methodoleg Gymdeithasol ac Economaidd Cymru—. Bydd hyn yn rhoi'r cyfle gorau posibl inni fanteisio i'r eithaf ar hyn. Bydd y grantiau penodol hyn ar gael ar gyfer y rhai sy'n astudio yn sefydliadau addysg uwch Cymru, fel yr argymhellwyd gan adolygiad Diamond. Ond nid yw hynny'n golygu nad oes cyfleoedd sylweddol i astudiaeth ryngwladol yn y sector addysg bellach. Wrth gwrs, mewn llawer o ardaloedd, mae colegau addysg bellach yn darparu rhaglenni Lefel-A i'n myfyrwyr Seren ac yn cymryd rhan yn Rhaglen Seren. Rydych chi newydd fy nghlywed i'n sôn am ein cysylltiadau newydd â Phrifysgol Yale, ac rydym yn gobeithio adeiladu ar y rheini. Ac mae colegau addysg bellach wedi bod yn arbennig o lwyddiannus wrth ennill cyllid Erasmus +. Mae ein sector ysgolion a'n colegau addysg bellach wedi rhagori yn hyn o beth. Fel y dywedais, rydym wedi cael mwy na chyfran ein poblogaeth o'r adnoddau yn sgil Erasmus+ ac mae hyn wedi golygu ariannu amrywiaeth o brosiectau cyffrous iawn mewn addysg bellach sydd wedi galluogi myfyrwyr addysg bellach sy'n astudio mewn colegau academaidd a galwedigaethol i gael cyfnodau o astudio dramor.

Yr her i ni ar hyn o bryd, Janet—ac efallai y gallwch chi ein helpu yn hyn o beth—yw argyhoeddi eich cyd-Aelodau yn Llywodraeth San Steffan i ganiatáu inni barhau i gymryd rhan lawn yn rhaglen Erasmus+. Ac, ar hyn o bryd, mae'n bell o fod yn glir, ar ôl 2020, a fyddwn ni'n gallu gwneud hynny. Mae Llywodraeth San Steffan ar hyn o bryd yn cynnal astudiaeth gwerth am arian. Rydym wedi bod yn fwy na pharod i gefnogi'r adolygiad hwnnw gyda'r holl ddata o Gymru, yr wyf yn credu eu bod yn pledio'r achos yn gryf iawn dros barhau i gymryd rhan yn y cynllun. Mae prifysgolion Cymru a cholegau Cymru yn glir iawn o ran eu dymuniad i barhau i gymryd rhan lawn yn Erasmus+, fel y mae Undeb Cenedlaethol Myfyrwyr Cymru. Serch hynny, mae'n ymddangos, ar hyn o bryd, nad yw'r lleisiau hynny yn cael eu clywed.

A byddwn, unwaith eto, yn ailadrodd y profiad o'r Swistir, a adawodd y rhaglen Erasmus+—gan benderfynu y gallen nhw wneud rhywbeth gwell ar eu liwt eu hunain. Yn y diwedd roedd wedi costio mwy o arian iddyn nhw am lai o gyfleoedd. Dylem ddysgu o hynny a pheidio â chredu y byddai rhyw gynllun unigol gan y DU yn disodli'n foddhaol estyniad a chyfranogiad yn Erasmus+, sef, fel y dywedais i, yr hyn y mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn ei ddymuno, yr hyn y mae myfyrwyr Cymru'n ei ddymuno, a'r hyn y mae prifysgolion a cholegau Cymru yn ei ddymuno.

16:00

Apologies for my late arrival. Thank you for advance notice of this statement. Following Brexit, it needs to be ensured that international students continue to be welcomed to Wales and are aware that they are valued. It also needs to be ensured that students from Wales are encouraged to be outward looking and to seek opportunities to study abroad. Plaid Cymru believes that students from Wales should be able to study in the world's best universities and have the opportunity to live and to work abroad. Our 2016 manifesto pledged to provide first-time students financial support for Welsh-domiciled students enrolling as undergraduates in universities outside the UK as well as expanding our support for Erasmus+. as has been mentioned already today. to get more young people to see the world and to have enrichment from those experiences. It is therefore welcome to hear the Cabinet Secretary is launching an international student mobility pilot as part of the Welsh Government's response to the Diamond review's recommendations on support for students to study overseas. 

You mentioned there is £1.3 million in the pilot and that further details are to follow. I'd just like to ask when those details would follow, considering that we would need to scrutinise how that investment is being put in place by the Welsh Government and whether that money would be enough or whether it could be used in different ways or whether other parties may have ideas as to where that money could be utilised.

Will the Cabinet Secretary give not just this Chamber but the international student community assurances that they will not only be welcomed in Wales but also valued? I understand that this scheme is about taking Welsh students out into other countries, but it does work both ways. If we attract international students to Wales, it will broaden the experiences of students here in this nation of ours, and it will allow for us to meet people we would never otherwise have met—in my case, my husband, so, I am very thankful that we had that opportunity here in Wales. 

What representations has the Welsh Government made to the UK Government in securing continued Welsh involvement in international student exchange programmes post Brexit? Do you see a role for some form of continued Committee of the Regions in helping facilitate continued co-operation in this area, something that I and my colleague Mick Antoniw, who currently sit on the Committee of the Regions, are looking into?

How does the Welsh Government plan on mitigating the cost of losing EU students post Brexit? We are seeing a decline in applications, and as I said in this Chamber only recently, Wales is already way down the league table in terms of EU student numbers and applications. So, a further reduction is going to be very hard for the HE sector to absorb, when, almost certainly, we will see an even further decline in EU student numbers as a result of Brexit. 

What plans does the Welsh Government have in place if we are unable to remain part of the Erasmus scheme? And do you share my concern that the increased anti-EU-national language being used by the Prime Minister as part of her hard line against EU freedom of movement and to sell her proposed EU deal risks putting continued co-operation on this front in jeopardy?

Finally, will the Cabinet Secretary consider a pilot scheme to provide support for students to study further afield for the whole of their degree programme, as recommenced by Diamond? I think that this would be something to look at in the round so that we can encourage young people to not only do part of their degree abroad but to do all of their degree abroad and to bring that wealth and talent back to Wales. 

Rwy'n ymddiheuro am gyrraedd yn hwyr. Diolch am hysbysiad ymlaen llaw am y datganiad hwn. Yn dilyn Brexit, bydd angen sicrhau bod myfyrwyr rhyngwladol yn parhau i gael eu croesawu yng Nghymru a'u bod nhw'n ymwybodol eu bod yn cael eu gwerthfawrogi. Bydd angen hefyd sicrhau bod myfyrwyr o Gymru yn cael eu hannog i fod yn eangfrydig a cheisio cyfleoedd i astudio dramor. Mae Plaid Cymru o'r farn y dylai myfyrwyr o Gymru allu astudio ym mhrifysgolion gorau'r byd a chael cyfle i fyw a gweithio dramor. Roedd ein maniffesto yn 2016 yn addo rhoi cymorth ariannol i fyfyrwyr tro cyntaf sy'n hanu o Gymru ac yn cofrestru fel israddedigion mewn prifysgolion y tu allan i'r DU yn ogystal ag ehangu ein cefnogaeth i Erasmus+, fel y soniwyd eisoes heddiw, er mwyn i fwy o bobl ifanc gael gweld y byd a'u cyfoethogi yn sgil y profiadau hynny. Felly, mae'n dda gennyf glywed bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn lansio cynllun peilot symudedd myfyrwyr rhyngwladol fel rhan o ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru i argymhellion adolygiad Diamond o ran cymorth i fyfyrwyr i astudio dramor.

Roeddech yn sôn bod yna £1.3 miliwn yn y cynllun peilot a bydd rhagor o fanylion i ddilyn. A gaf i ofyn pa bryd y daw'r manylion hynny, o ystyried y bydd angen inni graffu ar sut y caiff y buddsoddiad hwnnw ei roi ar waith gan Lywodraeth Cymru ac a fydd yr arian hwnnw'n ddigon neu a ellid ei ddefnyddio mewn gwahanol ffyrdd neu a oes gan bartïon eraill syniadau ynghylch sut i ddefnyddio'r arian hwnnw.

A wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet roi nid yn unig i'r Siambr hon ond i gymuned y myfyrwyr rhyngwladol sicrwydd y bydden nhw nid yn unig yn cael eu croesawu yng Nghymru ond yn cael eu gwerthfawrogi hefyd? Rwy'n deall mai ar gyfer galluogi myfyrwyr Cymru i fynd i wledydd eraill y bwriadwyd y cynllun hwn. Ond mae'n gweithio o'r tu arall hefyd. Os ydym yn awyddus i ddenu myfyrwyr rhyngwladol i Gymru, bydd yn ehangu profiadau'r myfyrwyr yn ein cenedl ni yma a bydd yn caniatáu i ni gwrdd â phobl na fyddem o bosib byth yn eu cyfarfod fel arall—yn fy achos i, fy ngŵr, felly, rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn ein bod wedi cael y cyfle hwnnw yma yng Nghymru.

Pa gyflwyniadau a wnaeth Llywodraeth Cymru gerbron Llywodraeth y DU i sicrhau cyfranogiad parhaus Cymru yn y rhaglenni cyfnewid myfyrwyr rhyngwladol ar ôl Brexit? A ydych chi'n gweld swyddogaeth i ryw fath o Bwyllgor y Rhanbarthau wrth helpu i hwyluso cydweithrediad parhaus yn y maes hwn, rhywbeth yr wyf i a'm cyd-Aelod, Mick Antoniw, sy'n eistedd ar Bwyllgor y Rhanbarthau ar hyn o bryd, yn rhoi ystyriaeth iddo?

Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cynllunio ar gyfer lliniaru'r gost o golli myfyrwyr o'r UE ar ôl Brexit? Rydym yn gweld gostyngiad yn nifer y ceisiadau, ac fel y dywedais yn y Siambr hon yn ddiweddar, mae Cymru eisoes ymhell i lawr yn nhabl y gynghrair o ran niferoedd y myfyrwyr a cheisiadau o'r UE. Felly, bydd gostyngiad pellach yn anodd iawn i'r sector AU i'w amsugno, pan fyddwn, bron yn sicr, yn gweld dirywiad pellach hyd yn oed yn niferoedd myfyrwyr o'r UE o ganlyniad i Brexit.

Pa gynlluniau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymr